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Editorial

A year of tumultuous change and reversals

by Yasser Akkaoui December 1, 2006
written by Yasser Akkaoui

Lebanon is still a wildcard in the Syrian deck. The Syrians know it and the Lebanese know the Syrians know it, so they will only have themselves to blame if they allow Damascus an entrée back into Beirut because of their inability to get along. Imagine the shame of being ruled—either directly or by remote control—by a regime they so successfully asked to leave in 2005. Oh, how long ago that heady spring now seems.

Destabilization in Lebanon will almost certainly give Damascus an opportunity to come in from the cold internationally and cut a deal with the US. It would see Damascus distance itself just enough from Tehran, use its influence to ease tensions in Iraq and rein-in the argumentative Lebanese, who by then will have proved they cannot handle fully-fledged independence. Such a deal would also realign Damascus with the Gulf states, who are investing heavily in Syria. The Baath has tasted the twin fruits of liberalization and FDI, and it likes them.

Politics is about pragmatism. Forget the doe-eyed girls in low-cut jeans who were the symbols of the Cedar Revolution. Those who believe the US will stand by a fractured Lebanon forever are dreaming. In 2007, it may be forced to surrender Lebanon—especially a Lebanon that has done itself no favors—to shore up Iraq.

Elsewhere in the region, the economies of the GCC continue to perform like thoroughbreds, and unlike in Lebanese politics, lessons have been learned. The conditions that led to the stock market correction—one that saw so many small investors get badly burned—have been identified. Economic growth has been so rapid that bigger institutional investors are now exposed to unprecedented risk, and measures are being adopted to stop them reoccurring. One way to do this is through wholly embracing the culture of corporate governance (currently the buzzword in regional banking). The signs are that, in the GCC at least, attitudes are changing.

But still there are storm clouds, albeit distant ones. The short and medium term future may be rosy, but the long term still needs to be addressed. Almost all the world’s enlightened nations have recognized the fact that fossil fuels are finite and already dramatically altering the planet with their emissions. For years now, they have invested in alternative sources of energy—wind, solar, water—in preparation for the day when oil becomes too expensive. By then, the GCC should have diversified into enough sectors to enjoy a seamless economic transition. When intensified conflict can send the price of fuel into the stratosphere, such diversification cannot come soon enough.

The nations of the GCC have shown they can adapt. For Lebanon, intransigence may be its undoing.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Looking back – 2006

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

January 2006

Beirut experiences a relatively muted new year after the killing of MP Gibran Tueni and the revelations of former Syrian Vice President Abdel-Halim Khaddam on Arabic satellite TV. Among his many accusations is the charge that Brigadier General Rustom Ghazaleh, acting as what he called Syria’s “viceroy” in Lebanon, stole $35 million from al-Madina Bank and regularly insulted and threatened Lebanese leaders. In another interview, Khaddam reveals that Syria sought Spanish mediation to prevent Security Council member-states from adopting Resolution 1559. In return, he offered to abandon his plan to extend President Lahoud’s mandate. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw arrives in Beirut for talks with Prime Minister Fuad Siniora but does not see President Emile Lahoud. Siniora is locked in talks with Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah to resolve the Cabinet crisis. Local media reports that Belgian prosecutor Serge Brammertz will be named as successor of outgoing chief UN investigator Detlev Mehlis. Syrian President Assad announces he will not appear before the UN commission. The announcement comes as UN Secretary General Kofi Annan formally appoints Brammertz as successor to Mehlis in the UN probe into the slaying of ex-premier Rafik Hariri. Arab diplomatic efforts to find a solution to the crisis reach a deadlock as talks between Siniora and Hosni Mubarak in Egypt and Saad Hariri and Jacques Chirac in France strengthen resolve to reject any deal with Syria. The UN investigating commission questions brigadier Rustom Ghazaleh and his assistant colonel Samih al-Kasha’ami in Vienna. Israeli Chief-of-Staff Dan Halutz warns that Israel would strike at Lebanese infrastructure targets if his country felt it necessary. His words come at a time when tensions between Iran, which supports Hizbullah, and the Jewish state reach an all-time low. Riot police use tear gas and water cannon in Beirut’s Riad al-Solh square to disperse 250 pro-Syria demonstrators protesting the visit to Beirut by US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Welch. In another anti-American demonstration, this time outside the embassy in Awkar, former legislator Zaher al-Khatib pledges allegiance to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Assad and the Iraqi insurgency. The Agriculture Ministry insists all domestic birds, including poultry, be kept indoors following news of increased incidents of bird flu in Turkey. Official statistics reveal that 700 people died on Lebanon’s roads in 2005, a rise of 20%. Nasrallah calls on all Arab nations to help resolve the crisis between pro and anti-Syrian Lebanese factions that he says threatens to polarize the country and divide the government. The US Treasury freezes the assets of Syrian military intelligence chief Assef Shawkat, brother-in-law of President Assad, accusing him of being a sponsor of terror. US President George W. Bush meets MP Saad Hariri and reaffirms the United States’ support for Lebanon and its rejection of any deal that may compromise the country’s independence. Brammertz, the new head of the UN Hariri probe meets Lahoud, who calls for a swift conclusion to the investigation which he hopes will “uncover the terrorist plot that is targeting Lebanon.” Ghassan Tueni returns to Parliament to fill his son’s seat as Lebanon’s most senior MP Edmond Naim dies. He was 88. Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement announces that his party, in an alliance with Hizbullah, will contest Naim’s vacant seat in Baabda-Aley. Bosta, a musical comedy, takes top spot at the box office beating off competition from major foreign films. Malaysia-based Lebanese businessman Elie Youssef Najem tells officials in Kuala Lumpur, investigating his role in a bogus charity pledge, that he is worth $46 billion dollars and is Canadian lord and a Lebanese prince.

February 2006

Hizbullah joins Arab nations in urging Denmark and Norway to apologize for the defamation of Islam in their press through the publication of cartoons depicting the Prophet Mohammed. Norwegian diplomat Raymond Johansen meets Foreign Minister Fawzi Salloukh, calling the cartoon incident “unfortunate and regrettable.” Johansen’s apology does not appear to go far enough: the following Sunday, demonstrators from all over Lebanon descend on Beirut and set fire to the Danish consulate in Tabaris. Some 2,000 troops and police use tear gas and fire their weapons in the air in an attempt to calm the situation, but the protest quickly degenerates into mob violence. At least 30 people are injured, including policemen and firefighters. As Muslim clerics appeal for calm, protesters stone the nearby St. Maroun Church as well as attack cars and buildings in Ashrafieh. Danish embassy staff had been evacuated two days earlier, in anticipation of protests. During an emergency meeting of cabinet, the government apologizes to Denmark and Interior Minister Hassan al-Sabaa resigns. General Michel Aoun calls for the whole cabinet to step down. Over 300 people are arrested for their alleged role in the riot. The majority belong to the radical Islamist group, Osbat al-Ansar. Anti-Syria politicians launch a day of protest against Presidents Emile Lahoud and Bashar Assad as they address over 500,000 Lebanese in Martyrs’ Square to commemorate the one-year anniversary of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri’s killing. Among the speakers are Saad Hariri, Walid Jumblat and Samir Geagea, all of whom, after paying tribute to Hariri and others killed during 2005, pledge to remove the president, whom they refer to as the “symbol of domination.” At 12:55, the exact time of the blast, the crowd observes a minute’s silence. Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement, Hizbullah and Amal all send representatives. The next day, Telecommunications Minister Marwan Hamadeh says that members of the March 14 coalition have commissioned legal experts to prepare a constitutional text that would enable parliament to end Lahoud’s term, as US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice hints that Lahoud should step down. Meanwhile, a statement from Baabda palace says that, “the president is determined to live up to his oath until the very last moment of his constitutional mandate.” Saad Hariri accuses Lahoud of being complicit in his father’s assassination. Lebanon plunges into further political crisis as 17 out of the 24-member cabinet refuse to attend the weekly cabinet meeting at Baabda. That same day, Hassan Nasrallah demands the crisis be solved by “broad national dialogue.” The events unfold as Condoleezza Rice visits Lebanon to hold talks with Prime Minister Fuad Siniora and meets Salloukh, Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir, Druze leader Jumblat and Saad Hariri. She does not see Lahoud The March 14 coalition drafts two petitions to invalidate the legitimacy of the presidency and remove Lahoud from office. One is signed by 14 deputies who swear they were forced by Syria to vote in favor of the extension of Lahoud’s term. The presidency has warned that the Presidential Guard Brigade would not hesitate to use force in the event of mass protests at Baabda. Meanwhile, Nasrallah says that Hizbullah’s weapons would only be used to defend Lebanon, not the Shia community. Aoun accuses the March 14 coalition of abusing its position by calling for the ousting of Lahoud. After DNA testing, human remains found in Anjar are positively identified as those of French hostage Michel Seurat who was abducted in Lebanon in 1985. A news story in Al Anwar reports that Lahoud believes Israeli agents, masquerading as Syrian assassins, are plotting to kill him.

March 2006

Along-awaited national dialogue begins at the parliament building, bringing together political parties and leaders, many of whom have not met for years. They include Hassan Nasrallah, Walid Jumblat, Saad Hariri, Michel Aoun and Samir Geagea as well as Prime Minister Fuad Siniora and Speaker Nabih Berri. Shops and businesses in the BCD are shut for the duration. Ghassan Tueni and Michel Murr are chosen to represent the heavily contested Greek Orthodox representation. Three pro-Syrians are excluded at the request of the March 14 leaders. In an opening speech, Berri announces that the three main topics for the dialogue include uncovering the truth about Rafik Hariri’s assassination, UN Resolution 1559 and Lebanese-Syrian relations. He says that the issue of President Emile Lahoud’s resignation will also be discussed as it falls under Resolution 1559. Lahoud is not invited to the conference. As the talks enter their fourth day, there are reports that participants have already agreed on the ending President Lahoud’s term. Geagea announces “The current presidency is over. We are in the process of searching for a new president.” Meanwhile, Finance Minister Jihad Azour calls on leaders at the national dialogue to add economic issues to their already-packed agenda, declaring that “the constructive and positive dialogue will not be comprehensive if it does not address economic problems and social concerns raised by the citizens.” The national dialogue stalls following a dispute between Druze leader Walid Jumblat and Hizbullah’s Hassan Nasrallah. It resumes six days later, after Jumblat holds talks in Washington with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and other high-ranking US officials. In New York, he meets UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and ambassadors for the five permanent members of the Security Council. He calls on the US to intensify pressure on Syria to free Lebanon from Damascus’ influence and calls on Hizbullah to behave like other militias and surrender their arms. Meanwhile, after much lobbying from restaurant and bar owners, downtown opens for business as the national dialogue resumes. However, owners remain pessimistic as parking restrictions and road closures remain in force. Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea has said that the anti-Syria coalition may have to return to its original plan to oust Lahoud through street protests if national dialogue talks fail to resolve the issue. Syrian President Bashar Assad calls the March 14 leaders “useless instruments” in the hands of foreign powers that use them to undermine Syria and Hizbullah. The body of Frenchman, Michel Seurat kidnapped more than 20 years ago in southern Beirut, is flown to Paris with full military honors. The UN commission investigating Hariri’s assassination publishes a new 25-page report in which it says it is closer to understanding the circumstances surrounding the killing. 10 Lebanese soldiers killed during the 1975-90 civil are buried with full military honors after an official ceremony at a military hospital. They are awarded the Badge of War and the Wounded. Assad agrees to meet the UN Hariri commission but stresses it is a “meeting” not an “interrogation.” Annan says that a mixed Lebanese and international court should be convened to prosecute those charged in the Hariri assassination. Interior Minister Ahmed Fatfat announces that Pierre Dakkash has won an uncontested parliamentary seat in the Baabda-Aley by-election. Forbes lists Hind Hariri, the daughter of the late Rafik Hariri, as the world’s youngest billionaire with a fortune of $1.4 billion. The Free Patriotic Movement announces it will create an independent TV station. Bekaa poultry farmers stage protest at recent losses incurred by the bird flu scare, dumping eggs and live chickens.

April 2006

President Emile Lahoud and Prime Minister Fuad Siniora argue over a draft resolution pledging support for Hizbullah during a session of the Arab summit in Khartoum. Siniora demands the removal of the clause that pledges support for the armed “Lebanese resistance.” Earlier, Syrian President Bashar Assad and Lebanese Siniora shake hands on the sidelines of the Arab summit in Khartoum, despite heightened tensions between the two neighbors. Later in the week, a cabinet meeting ends in pandemonium after ministers from the March 14 coalition, in particular Telecom minister Marwan Hamadeh and Interior Minister Ahmed Fatfat, hurl abuse at Lahoud before walking out. The incident, captured live by local news cameras, threatens a political crisis, coming just two days after the spat in Khartoum. Things get worse for the president as Patriarch Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, talking to the French magazine Le Point, says Lahoud is no longer fit to fill the country’s top executive post. Finance Minister Jihad Azour announces the successful closing of a five-year, LL400 billion ($265 million) bond with a yield of 9.4% to further finance the public debt. The tourism ministry also has good news, proclaiming that nearly 70,000 tourists visited Lebanon during February, a 40% year-on-year increase. The Lebanese poultry market claims a 50% contraction since January due to the nationwide fear of avian flu. The news comes as poultry farms in southern Lebanon are hit by a less dangerous H7 form of the virus. US Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman says that Lebanon‘s economy is living on “borrowed time,” as the European Union urges Lebanon to speed up the launch of its long-awaited economic reforms. Meanwhile, Solidere announces net profits of $108.5 million for 2005. The figure is double the $54.1 million achieved in 2004. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, speaking in Washington, says that the biggest problem faced by Lebanon is Hizbullah and its relationship with Iran and Syria. Siniora meets US President George Bush and and urges an Israeli withdraw from the disputed Shebaa Farms as Saad Hariri holds talks with French President Jacques Chirac, who urges Lebanon to adopt economic reforms and calls on the international community to boost economic support for Lebanon. Meanwhile, Michel Aoun asks the parliamentary majority to apologize to Lahoud for insulting him and invites him to participate in national dialogue talks. The General also predicts the disintegration of the March 14 anti-Damascus alliance when the national dialogue resumes. The finance ministry announces that the government has abandoned plans to issue $850 million worth of Eurobonds after former mobile phone operator, LibanCell, seeks court action to freeze assets of the Lebanese government abroad, claiming it is owed $266 million by the state. Siniora says he believes that Lahoud is “not free” to resign, hinting that Syria may harm him if he steps down. A delegation from Hizbullah visits Tehran where it meets Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to congratulate him on his country’s success in uranium enrichment. March 14 politician Walid Jumblat says he expects more security alerts in the run-up to the next report by the United Nations team investigating the murder of ex-Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. Australian-Lebanese crime boss “Fat” Tony Mokbel flees Lebanon after being convicted of drug trafficking and suspected of involvement in gang killings in Australia. Three lucky ticket holders win almost $5 million in prize money as the Lotto numbers are drawn. A Roman burial cave containing a human skeleton, gold leaves, glass rings and other artifacts is discovered by laborers in Baalbek. They are left unattended and later stolen.
May 2006

Lebanon’s leaders once again fail to agree on the fate of President Emile Lahoud and the issue of Hizbullah’s weapons. Speaker Nabih Berri refuses to confirm reports that four presidential candidates—Michel Aoun, Nayla Mouawad, Boutros Harb and Nassib Lahoud—were proposed during the session. The talks are adjourned until May 16, but that dialogue also ends in stalemate and is further adjourned until June 8. Lebanon gives a one-year extension to the mandate of chief UN investigator, Serge Brammertz, who is leading the probe into former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri’s assassination. Solidere announces that a Kuwaiti investment group intends to build a $1.3 billion, 206,000m2 (BUA) mixed-use development in the BCD as Solidere chairman Nasser Chamaa says he expects the company’s net profits in 2006 to exceed the $108.5 million earned in 2005. Berri receives a summons, instructing MPs Walid Jumblat, Saad Hariri, Marwan Hamadeh and journalist Fares Khashan to appear before a Syrian military court to answer charges of inciting regime change. More than 5,000 demonstrators, march through Beirut to mark Labor Day. Prime Minister Fuad Siniora discusses financial reform with British Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown on the first day of an official two-day visit to London. He later meets British Prime Minister Tony Blair, whom he asks for support in solving the Shebaa Farms dispute. Speaking to supporters during a rally to mark the anniversary of his return to Lebanon from exile, Aoun launches his strongest attack on the anti-Syrian parliamentary majority and calls for the resignation of the Siniora government. Later that week, 200,000 teachers, students and workers, backed by Hizbullah and the Free Patriotic Movement, march peacefully through the streets of Beirut to demonstrate against the government’s economic policy. Tourism Minister Joe Sarkis says he expects 1.5 million tourists to visit Lebanon this year. Speaking at the Arab Economic Forum in Beirut, Siniora vows to move ahead with economic reforms aimed at cutting budget deficits and public debt, despite the public demonstrations against his government’s policies. Later Siniora, assures concerned investors that the government is tackling the issue of corruption, acknowledging that poor management in public sector was behind the problem. Meanwhile, Nabil Itani, the head of the investment Development Authority of Lebanon (IDAL) predicts that foreign direct investment will reach more than $2 billion by the end of the year. Patriarch Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir says that Lahoud may resign if there is proof of his involvement in the spate of political killings that dominated 2005. The statement comes after MP Saad Hariri says he would support any candidate for the presidency if he were backed by the Patriarch. Meanwhile, Siniora welcomes a UN Security Council resolution calling on Syria to establish formal diplomatic ties with Lebanon and to demarcate the common border. Clashes between the army and Syrian-backed Palestinian gunmen near the border with Syria leave one soldier dead and one guerrilla seriously wounded. Facing a strike by the nation’s bakers, Economy and Trade Minister Sami Haddad decides to maintain the price of bread at LL1,500 but to reduce its weight by 100 grams to 1,300 grams—in effect, removing one slice of bread from the loaf. Saad Hariri visits Russia where he holds talks with President Vladimir Putin. Rana Koleilat, a major suspect in the Al-Madina Bank scandal, says she is ready to talk to the UN team investigating the killing of Hariri. Nazik Hariri, the former prime minister’s widow, denies television reports that she offered jewelry to Bernadette Chirac, wife of the French President. Maxim Chaya becomes the first Lebanese to climb Mount Everest. Six Israeli warplanes fly over Tyre, Naqoura, Bint Jbeil and the Shebaa Farms, drawing fire from Lebanese anti-aircraft batteries.

June 2006

The judicial team charged with discussing the international tribunal to try suspects in the assassination of ex-premier Rafik Hariri leaves for New York for talks on the nature and scope of any future court established to try the crime. Meanwhile, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan expresses concern at the cross border clashes between Hizbullah and the Israeli army and calls on all parties to exercise maximum restraint. Later, the Israeli Army claims to have killed three Hizbullah fighters who crossed into Israel during clashes with its troops. In a letter to the UN explaining the details of the clashes, Fuad Siniora says that as long as Israel continues to occupy Lebanese territory, Hizbullah will keep up its operations against the Jewish state. Several thousand Hizbullah supporters take to the streets in Beirut’s southern suburbs, burning tires and blocking roads, including the airport highway, in protest against Bas Mat Watan, a TV comedy show that satirized the group’s leader Hassan Nasrallah. Political leaders resume the National dialogue amid rows over the disarmament of Hizbullah. Lebanese leaders once again put off any decision on the issue but agree on a “pact of honor” aimed at defusing tensions between pro and anti-Syrian factions. US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Welch says that “there is a strong presumption” that Syria is responsible for the assassination of Hariri and urges Damascus to cooperate with the investigation. Former Prime Minister Omar Karami announces the formation of the Lebanese National Gathering, a new political front, and sets its first priority as the toppling of the Siniora government. Allied with him are at least 25 pro-Syrian officials. Authorities announce that a burial site in the east Lebanon town of Anjar, originally believed to be a mass grave for victims of Syria’s military presence, is actually a graveyard dating to the 17th century. Speaking at the end of a three-day Maronite synod, Cardinal Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir calls for Lebanon’s Christians to close ranks and urges them to seek better relations with themselves and other Lebanese. Former Lebanese Cabinet Minister Suleiman Franjieh officially launches his new Al-Marada party in his hometown of Zghorta with representatives of Hizbullah, Amal and the Free Patriotic Movement in attendance. Druze leader Walid Jumblat, renews his anti-Syrian vitriol, saying “there will be no settlement, no pact of honor and no peace with the tyrants of Damascus, with those who have violated Lebanon’s independence and killed its free men.” Meanwhile, Abdel-Halim Khaddam, the former Syrian vice president, says he has evidence that the Syrian president Bashar Assad was responsible for Hariri’s killing, telling a Saudi newspaper that he has all the documents that incriminate the illegal policy of the Syrian regime. Solidere approves $100 million in cash dividends ($0.60 per share) to its shareholders after recording a net profit of $108.5 million in 2005. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert tells French President Jacques Chirac that Israel would pull out of the Shebaa Farms border region if the area officially comes under Lebanese sovereignty. Romania invites Siniora to represent Lebanon at a Francophone summit in Bucharest but does not extend invitation to Lahoud. Ain Mreisseh is shaken by a Saturday night gun battle between bodyguards of President Lahoud’s younger son, Ralph, and those of Walid Jumblat’s stepson following a row over who should go first on a traffic light. Meanwhile, Interior Minister Ahmed Fatfat denies charges by Muslim clerics that the government has approved a gay rights group and two nudist beaches. After much anxious waiting, Lebanese viewers learn they will be able to watch the World Cup on local TV.

July 2006

Just as what promises to be a bumper tourist season gets into its stride, Israel launches a massive air, ground and sea bombardment on south Lebanon, Beirut and other areas of the country. The attacks come after Hizbullah fighters capture two Israeli soldiers and kill eight others along Lebanon’s border with the Jewish state. In the first major strike against infrastructure targets, Beirut airport’s three main runways are bombed sending panic-stricken tourists fleeing via Syria and Jordan. Hassan Nasrallah declares “open war” as he emerges unscathed after air strikes on his home and office in Beirut. As Lebanon is increasingly cut off from the outside world and systematically dismantled by Israeli air strikes, the foreign embassies evacuate their citizens, which include many Lebanese with dual nationalities. Shop shelves empty as people scramble to stock up on basic necessities and many Beirut residents seek safety in the mountains. Prime Minister Fuad Siniora declares Lebanon a “disaster zone,” as Nasrallah vows to wage an unrestrained campaign against Israel. For his part, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert announces “nothing will deter us.” At their summit in St. Petersburg, the G8 group of nations calls on both sides to end the fighting. Thousands of villagers flee the South of the country, seeking refuge in the southern port city of Tyre after Israel orders residents to evacuate the border area, warning of more attacks. Despite urgent appeals for restraint, international diplomatic efforts to halt the fighting fail. US President George Bush blames Hizbullah for the escalating violence and calls on Syria to rein in the group. Middle East Airlines (MEA) announces it is transfering operations to Damascus after the closure of Beirut airport. Siniora tells the international community, “I hope you will not let us down. We, the Lebanese want life. We have chosen life. We refuse to die.” The UN says 500,000 people are displaced in Lebanon. “Our situation is tragic,” declares Lebanese Health Minister Jawad Khalife. “Hospitals across Lebanon are suffering medicine and fuel shortages.” The central bank announces that Lebanon’s currency is stable and its reserves remain liquid. Meanwhile, fierce fighting continues as Israeli ground forces push into Lebanon, heading towards Bint Jbeil. They momentarily capture the town but lose nine soldiers in the fighting. Israeli warplanes also continue raids across Lebanon. In an interview, Nasrallah vows that deeper Israeli incursions will not stop his group from firing rockets into Israel. Asked about diplomatic moves to end hostilities, Nasrallah says: “We do not feel that we are currently interested in discussing ideas or initiatives.” Later in the week however, he announces that “the priority is to stop the Israeli aggression, and when things reach the phase of serious discussions over ideas and initiatives we will be ready to propose our ideas.” US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice makes a surprise visit to Lebanon to launch further diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict. After meeting with Siniora, she heads to Israel. More than 20 people are killed, the majority of them children, when Israeli warplanes bomb the village of Qana. There is global outrage and, across the region, angry crowds take to the street demanding revenge. Rice, whose Middle East mission is thrown into turmoil by the attack, once again calls for a ceasefire. Olmert, tells his country there will be no ceasefire. Ex-president Elias Hrawi, who oversaw the implementation of the Taef peace accord and who steered the country through reconstruction between 1989 and 1998, dies at the American University of Beirut hospital. He was 80.

August 2006

Belief organizations declare the suspension of activities in South Lebanon following Israel’s warning that all moving vehicles will be considered targets. The government announces it will deploy 15,000 soldiers in the south when Israel withdraws. In Jerusalem, the Israeli military announces it wants to broaden its ground offensive then appears to put such a move on hold to allow diplomatic efforts to continue. A ceasefire between Israel and Hizbullah comes into effect at 08:00AM local time on Monday August 14, but not before 42 Lebanese and five Israelis soldiers are killed in the hours leading up the cessation. Israeli Army Radio says the naval and air blockade will remain in effect for the present. Just before the ceasefire, Israeli warplanes drop leaflets over Beirut blaming Hizbullah and its Iranian and Syrian “masters” for the destruction in Lebanon. The timing for the cessation of hostilities was announced by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan two days earlier, following the adoption of Security Council resolution 1701, which had called for the deployment of an international peacekeeping force in South Lebanon. Both the Israeli and Lebanese governments endorse the resolution, but Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah says that while his fighters would abide by any ceasefire, they will continue to fight as long as Israel still has soldiers on Lebanese soil. Israel’s army chief of staff Dan Halutz says that Israeli troops may remain in south Lebanon for months, in response to an assessment by his own intelligence chiefs who say it may take that long for the UN troops to deploy. Still, as Israeli troops pull back to their border, for the first time in nearly 30 years 15,000 Lebanese soldiers take up positions in South Lebanon in line with Resolution 1701. Hizbullah claims a stunning victory despite the losses. Fuad Siniora says the operation will impose the government’s authority on the region south of the strategic Litani river. “There will be a single state with the sole decision-making power,” he says. “There will be no dual authority and there will be no off-limit regions for the army.” Meanwhile, the issue of the legitimacy of Hizbullah’s arms persists. President Emile Lahoud announces it is “shameful” to ask Hizbullah to disarm as it is “the only force in the Arab world that was able to stand up to Israel.” Cars jam roads to the South as thousands of refugees stream back to towns and villages. Sweden says it will host an international aid conference for Lebanon on August 31 with representatives of 60 governments and organizations taking part. CDR boss Fadl Shalak announces that war damage totals $2 billion for buildings and $1.5 billion for infrastructure. Later, talking to New TV, Nasrallah announces that if he had known the capture of the two Israeli soldiers would lead to war, he wouldn’t have ordered it. UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan arrives in Beirut as part of an 11-day tour of the Middle East. He demands that Hizbullah release two captured Israeli soldiers and Israel lift its blockade of Lebanon. Italy agrees to send 2,500 troops to take part in the expanded UN peacekeeping mission in southern Lebanon and approves a $38.4 million aid package. The US also says it is pledging an additional $230 million to help the Lebanese rebuild their homes and return to their towns and communities. Syria’s President Bashar Assad says that he would consider the deployment of international troops along the Lebanese-Syrian border as hostile towards his country. The war leaves at least 1,287 people, nearly all civilians, dead and 4,054 wounded. At least 1,140 civilians—30% of them children under 12—have been killed along with 43 Lebanese soldiers and police.

September 2006

Israel’s blockade of Lebanon continues. France prepares to play a more robust role within UNIFIL by rolling out heavy tanks, artillery and radar systems. US civil rights leader Jesse Jackson meets Hizbullah officials in Lebanon and calls for proof that the two captured Israel soldiers are alive, while Lebanese MPs, led by speaker Nabih Berri, embark upon on a round-the-clock sit-in to protest Israel’s blockade. The Jordanian government initiates a three-month taxes and tariff exemption for Lebanese trucks entering and exiting Jordan. Canada pledges $1.8 million to clean up oil spills off the Lebanese coast and help boost the fishing sector. British Prime Minister Tony Blair arrives in Lebanon for talks with Premier Fuad Siniora. He is met by angry demonstrators gathered in the center of Beirut to protest the UK’s stance on the war. Finance Minister Jihad Azour announces that the war and the blockade have increased Lebanon’s public debt to $41 billion. Hoever, the ratings agency Standard & Poor’s announces that the Lebanese economy and public finances have weathered the impact of the conflict and removes Lebanon from its Credit Watch list. Hizbullah says it would accept UN peacekeepers as long as they stick to defending Lebanon against Israel. However, French commander General Alain Pellegrini hints that his soldiers would disarm the group if the Lebanese army does not. The mayor of Baraasheet, a Hizbullah town 10 kilometers from the Israeli border, issues a warning to the UN soldiers if they try to disarm Hizbullah: “We will inflict even greater losses on them than we did on the Israelis.” Riad Salameh wins the Euromoney award for world’s best central bank governor in recognition for his fiscal management during the war. UNESCO confirms that three of its Lebanese World Heritage sites—Byblos, Baalbek and Tyre—are in urgent need of repair. Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah makes a rare public appearance to address a huge rally in Beirut’s southern suburbs. He rejects calls for Hizbullah to disarm and boasts it has over 20,000 rockets still at its disposal. Nasrallah, hitting out at March 14 alliance, also claims that the resistance is “stronger than ever.” Interviewed on the Orbit satellite channel, Siniora hits back, claiming that Hizbullah caused the “re-occupation” of Lebanon. He also insists that the army will never allow any armed presence along Lebanon’s southern border. Meanwhile, speaking at a rally to remember Lebanese Forces members killed during the 1975-1990 civil war, Samir Geagea challenges Hizbullah and its followers to prove fealty to Lebanon and accept national unity before demanding a new government. In his most recent report, Chief UN investigator Serge Brammertz corroborates the theory that ex-Premier Rafik Hariri was killed by a suicide truck bomb but does not say who ordered it. Mohammed Zuhair Siddiq, a Syrian national suspected of involvement in the assassination of Hariri, claims that both Syrian President Bashar Assad and his Lebanese counterpart Emile Lahoud ordered the killing. Speaking to French newspaper Le Monde, Defense Minister Elias Murr says the government is ready to integrate Hizbullah fighters into a regular army brigade that would patrol villages in the South. At the joint World Bank/IMF annual meeting in Singapore, the World Bank approves a grant of $70 million for a Trust Fund for Lebanon to support the government’s reconstruction efforts. The funds will come from the Bank’s surplus and will not add to the national debt. Turkey says it will provide up to 1.4 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity to Lebanon to make up any shortfall created by the war. Fishermen in the southern port city of Tyre complain that their nets are filled with bombs and missile parts.

October 2006

Speaking at an iftar in Beirut, Lebanese Parliamentary majority leader Saad Hariri rejects any change in the make-up of Premier Fuad Siniora’s cabinet following Hizbullah calls for a government of national unity. Lebanese army helicopters begin patrolling the Lebanon-Syria border for the first time in an attempt to prevent smuggling operations, as the UN announces that there are up to 1 million unexploded Israeli cluster bombs in south Lebanon. They kill, on average, three civilians each week. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice warns of possible assassination attempts on Lebanese politicians allied to the March 14 alliance. During a brief visit to the Arab state, Siniora thanks the people of Kuwait for their financial assistance after the emirate agrees to deposit $500 million with Lebanon’s central bank and grants Beirut $300 million in post-war reconstruction aid. Malaysia Airlines announces it is resuming flights to Beirut. Israel is accused of stealing water from the Wazzani River. Speaker Nabih Berri visits Saudi Arabia in a bid defuse political and sectarian tensions affecting Lebanon. Speaking to an-Nahar, the leader of the Lebanese Free Patriotic Movement MP Michel Aoun says that he will wear out Siniora and will not let him rest until he leaves office. Six civilians are slightly hurt when a rocket hits a building next to the UN’s Beirut headquarters and Siniora’s offices. Speaking at a news conference to mark the anniversary of the Syrian-led military offensive that ousted him from power on October 13, 1990, Michel Aoun accuses the government of corruption and once again calls for a government of national unity and normal relations with Syria. Later, the government announces it has put together an $80 million package to compensate families whose homes were destroyed in Beirut’s southern suburbs during the war and begins distributing the first state aid for rebuilding the South in a program that will eventually cost $600 million. Meanwhile, Arab finance ministers approve a series of recommendations and measures to support the Lebanese economy and call for strong Arab participation in next year’s international donor conference on rebuilding the war-battered country. Former Syrian Vice President Abdul-Halim Khaddam once again predicts that President Bashar Assad’s regime will collapse and calls on Syrians to prepare for the day when he will be overthrown. As Oman and the EU pledge a total of $88 million to Lebanon’s reconstruction fund, the Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh says he hopes for at least $500 million or more in soft loans from international sources to revitalize the private sector. The Beirut port begins upgrading its cargo-inspection system with the installation of a new mobile X-ray scanner that will speed up the clearance of goods in and out of the country and limit smuggling. Carlos Ghosn, the Lebanese-Brazilian CEO of the Nissan Motor Co. is appointed Honorary Knight Commander of the British Empire for his contribution to the economic development of Japan and Britain. A small bomb is tossed from a speeding car in the Beirut district of Ramlet el-Baida starting a small fire. There are no reports of injuries. Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha says his government is willing contribute peacekeeping troops to Lebanon. Sixteen Lebanese women and children who were injured in the war leave Beirut for Italy, where they undergo treatment for their wounds. Beirut MP Ghassan Tueni is shortlisted for the EU Human Rights Prize. The Dutch media circulate reports that Lebanon is among a handful of countries importing Dutch sheep, despite an outbreak of bluetongue disease.

November 2006

Lebanon’s political leaders meet for the first time in nearly five months with Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah threatening street demonstrations if the round table dialogue fails to produce a national unity government. He accuses the parliamentary ruling majority of seeking to use UNIFIL to disarm Hizbullah, calling the alleged plan “an American-Israeli demand.” MP Ghassan Tueni proposes a parliamentary petition calling for the resignation of President Emile Lahoud as Defense Minister Elias Murr deploys 20,000 troops across Beirut to deal with any civil disturbances and Iran says it is ready to equip the Lebanese army with anti-aircraft weaponry. The central bank predicts that inflation will rise to 7% by the end of 2006. Fransabank becomes the first Lebanese bank to operate in Algeria and the world’s first qualification covering all aspects of Islamic finance is launched in Britain in a joint British-Lebanese initiative. Lebanon signs a $71 million grant agreement with the World Bank for post-war reconstruction. Transparency International announces that Lebanon has witnessed a considerable improvement in perceived levels of corruption, ranking 83rd out of 163 countries. The Lebanese government and the UN release a joint report on the quality-of-life indicators in Lebanon. One of the findings is that the proportion of “poor” families in Lebanon has dropped from 31% in 1995 to 25% in 2004. Five Hizbullah and Amal ministers resign from the cabinet, igniting a constitutional dispute between Lahoud and Prime Minister Fuad Siniora. Environment Minister Yaacoub Sarraf, who is close to Lahoud, also resigns, becoming the 6th cabinet minister to quit. Lahoud claims that the cabinet cannot vote to endorse a UN draft text calling for an international tribunal in the assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri without a Shia presence. Nasrallah boycotts the government and vows to establish a “clean government.” In talks with speaker Nabih Berri, Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei says the US and Israel will be defeated in Lebanon. Trade unions and syndicate heads urge the country’s politicians to stop bickering and work towards economic recovery. Meanwhile, the hotel owners syndicate warns that street protests will completely ruin the end of year tourism after heavy losses in the summer war. Nasrallah, in a televised speech, urges his supporters and anti-Syrian factions to be psychologically ready for street protests to demand a national unity government. Druze leader Walid Jumblat warns that Lebanon is on the verge of a coup d’état. One day later, Industry Minister Pierre Gemayel and his bodyguard are gunned down in his car in Beirut. He is the sixth outspoken opponent of Syria to be assassinated in two years. At his funeral, attended by hundreds of thousands of mourners, his father, former president Amine Gemayel, announces that the “countdown for the election of a new president has started.” French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy and Arab League chief Amr Moussa are among the dignitaries who attend the downtown service. In a message read at the funeral, Pope Benedict XVI condemns the killing, calling it “unspeakable.” Gemayel’s casket, wrapped in flags of the Phalange party and Lebanon, is taken to his home in Bikfaya for burial. Supporters demand that only the army bear weapons and call for the removal of “Caesar of Baabda.” Days later, the government defies its Syrian-backed opponents and approves a Special International Court for Lebanon to try suspects in the assassination of ex-Premier Hariri. The cabinet also refers Gemayel’s murder to the judicial council, the highest trial court in Lebanon. Meanwhile, the opposition says it will wait till the end of the mourning period before going ahead with its threatened campaign of street protests. Aounist and Lebanese Forces supporters clash in Sassine Square in Beirut after Aounists attempt to replace a poster of their leader that had been burned days earlier.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Beirut’s banking sector healthy but challenges lie ahead

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

The Lebanese banking sector has survived and thrived through not one but two major shocks in two years: the assassination of Rafik Hariri in 2005 and the Israeli-Hizbullah war in the summer of 2006. A younger or less experienced banking sector would have collapsed under shocks like these, but the shrewdness of Lebanese bankers and banking regulators, the implicit and sometimes explicit support of friendly Arab neighbors and the extraordinary recurrence and solidity of Lebanese deposits and remittances from a very wealthy and influential Lebanese diaspora once again allowed the banking sector to remain solid.

This impressive resilience and the continuous financial performance and growth in assets, despite the setbacks, was reflected in Riad Salameh being named best central bank governor in the world for 2006 by the renowned Euromoney magazine. This is not the first time a Lebanese has been honored this way: In 1990, Mr. Edmond Naim also got the nod for his work in preserving the banking sector during 17 years of civil strife.

Balance sheets maintained

The balance sheet of Lebanese banks had been structured in more or less in the same way for the last 15 years, albeit in different proportions. At the end of August 2006, treasury bills (government debt securities) accounted for 27.2% of total assets of LL108,603 billion (or $72.04 billion), compared to 25.13% at the end of December 2005. The trend of Lebanese government treasury bills holdings has been decreasing for the last few years, particularly after the Paris II donors’ conference, when the government, through the BDL, underwent a series of monetary reforms. These mainly consisted of increasing liquidity levels on the banks’ balance sheet, reducing interest rates on both US dollar and Lebanese pound deposits, and, last but not least, reducing the exposure on the state, which remains to this day poorly rated by the international rating agencies (B- and B3 by Standard & Poor’s and Moody’s, respectively. These groups are the world’s largest and most respected rating agencies, particularly by international capital markets).

The exposure to the Lebanese sovereign bonds has shown its weaknesses in the aftermath of the Israeli war on Lebanon in 2006, as T-bill values went down as a result of a lack of liquidity on these securities in the secondary market and reduced investor confidence. This decrease in the value of T-bills has affected the banks’ liquidity, in the sense that they could only be disposed of at a loss, and hence would have brought less cash to the banks were they to have been liquidated. Although values are beginning to rise, banks are now aware that T-bill holdings have to be reduced over time. The disposal of T-bills by banks can only be carried out gradually, with individual investors (e.g. expatriates, non-residents) and foreign institutional investors replacing the banks. It should be clear by now that the capacity of Lebanese banks to fund the state through the subscription of T-bills is fast reaching its limits, with most banks, particularly the larger ones, growing unwilling to buy government securities within the scope of swap deals (exchanging current government securities with newly issued ones, holding a longer maturity).

Lebanese banks have retained their very strong capacity to gather deposit funding throughout 2006, and are unlikely to feel any weakness on that front in the foreseeable future. Customer deposits accounted for 81.15% of total assets at the end of August 2006, compared to 82.64% at the end of 2005, and amounted to LL88,128 billion ($58.46 billion). The rising levels of customer deposits with Lebanese banks reflect the high standards of banking penetration and financial intermediation, with banking assets to GDP amounting to around 350%. The banks’ solid and recurrent deposit base improves financial flexibility (or the ability to raise funding) significantly, and even reduces the risk of maturity mismatching between assets and liabilities. Although deposits are short-term in nature, they are highly recurrent and have funded longer-term maturity assets for more than a decade.

Deposits staying put

Customer deposits have traditionally been denominated in foreign currency (mainly the dollar), given that confidence in the Lebanese pound has never been substantial. However, the Lebanese pound has shown a strong resilience to the successive crises of 2005 and 2006, while the monetary authority has proven its strong commitment to maintaining the local currency at its post 1975-1991 civil war value. The injection of $1.5 billion in the form of deposits at the BDL by the Saudi and Kuwaiti governments at the height of the war this summer is a further reflection of the desire by regional powers’ desire to support Lebanon in maintaining a stable value for its local currency. The dollarization rate of customer deposits during the 2006 crisis was less significant than in the aftermath of the Hariri assassination, reaching 75% compared to more than 80% in 2005. The dollarization rate had dropped to 73% by the end of December 2005, and therefore did not increase substantially even as Israeli warplanes were thrashing Lebanon’s infrastructure. There was insignificant fleeing of deposits during the summer of 2006 (believed to be less than 4% of total sector deposits), with those deposits leaving the country transferred out to foreign branches or subsidiaries of local banks in any case. A major proportion of transferred-out deposits are now believed to have returned to their original accounts in Lebanon.

Asset quality was slightly affected by the summer 2006 war, with loan losses believed to have reached around $80 million for the entire sector, which at the end of August 2006 had total consolidated loans of around LL28,052 billion ($18.61 billion). Loans to the private sector accounted for 25.8% of total assets, and are not expected to change significantly, as banks remain cautious in a very difficult operating environment. Retail lending, on the other hand, is showing signs of tremendous potential, with most banks developing an expertise in products such as credit cards, car loans, housing loans and personal loans. Retail loans usually carry lower risk weightings and should be less onerous on bank capital come 2008, when Basel II capital regulations start to be implemented in Lebanon.

Interested in profits

On the earning side, Lebanese banks have continued to rely on interest income for their profitability. As at the end of 2005, net interest income accounted for slightly less than 70% (around 67%) for the entire consolidated banking sector. Although this figure appears high, it has been decreasing since 2002 when the proportion of net interest income to total operating income accounted for close to 80% (77%). Banks have been trying to diversify their earning base by increasing non-interest income and decreasing the proportion of interest income derived from treasury bills. Non-interest income has essentially been emanating from treasury and capital markets activities, with the Audi-Saradar group being the most active in that field. Interest income has been slightly diversified in favor of interest income from inter-bank deposits and retail loans. However, the main hope for earnings diversification comes principally from the geographical expansion of a number of banks, particularly the larger ones, into regional “captive” markets. By setting up branches or joint ventures in markets such as the GCC or parts of North Africa, including countries such as the Sudan, Lebanese banks have laid the foundations for future earnings to be equivalent or even outweigh domestic earnings. Geographical expansion is the key to solving the problem of operating in a small and troubled domestic environment, and would diversify income and funding.

At the end of August 2006, the consolidated shareholders’ equity of Lebanese banks amounted to LL8,412 billion ($5.58 billion), or 7.75% of total assets and almost 30% of total loans to the private sector. The sector’s equity to assets ratio at the end of 2005 stood at 6.04%, which is significantly lower than the figure at the end of the summer 2006 crisis. Banks have been increasing their capital either externally, by issuing shares to new investors (a lot of them coming from the GCC region) and issuing products such as preferred shares, or internally, through the re-injection of profits into equity. The effort to increase capital is due to the forthcoming Basel II capital regulations, which the BDL intends to start implementing in Lebanon in 2008. From 2008 until 2011, Lebanese banks will have to follow the standardized approach of Basel II, which virtually means risk weighing all assets, including T-bills at 100%, risk weighing non-performing loans at 150% and applying a 15% charge on the three year average operating income to account for operating risk. Market risk is also to be accounted for, as part of Basel II regulations.

Dangerous times ahead

Although some banks have enough fire power to raise capital relatively easily and meet Basel II standards, a number of smaller banks are likely to struggle to meet the new regulations, given their weak capacity to fund themselves in terms of capital. However, with the current dangerous and unstable political environment, the entire banking sector, including the big guns, runs a serious risk of seeing its profitability—and hence its internal/organic capital raising capacity—dwindle, as well as seeing the last and most determined investors turn their shrugging shoulders on them. Let us hope Lebanese politicians recognize the potentially explosive economic situation and start acting accordingly.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Beirut Stock Exchange under pressure to meet regional standards

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

The vision line of Lebanon’s capital markets on new horizons for 2007 is about as unrestricted as a peek across a Scottish Highland moor in a foggy night. The sights are potentially spectacular, but highly elusive.

And that although things had been looking exceedingly good early on in 2006—with a Beirut Stock Exchange that finally sparkled. As Solidere stock and banking values had acquired momentum and were pulling the market forward in the second half of 2005, banks, financial firms, pro-privatization politicians and fast thinkers in the country’s family-owned companies all started looking at the great new idea of the stock market and contemplated new concepts that included listings and private placements.

Gulf investors also paid attention and in January of 2006, the BSE was raging. Share prices shot upwards to reach the $100 range (BLOM Bank) and more than $25 for Solidere. The Audi Saradar Group and BLOM undertook successful capital increases. By early March, investment advisors at a regional financial firm were talking of a lineup of 50 Lebanese companies that could be candidates for flotation on the BSE.

Corrections set in

As Arab stock markets in the first quarter of 2006 woke up to the unrealistic valuation levels that the bull market sentiments of 2004 and 2005 had pushed them to, correction mood set in with a vengeance that affected the BSE along with the GCC bourses. However, the slowing of the BSE was far less painful than that of the GCC exchanges; for example, during the March 14 crash (which was the “Black Tuesday” of regional capital markets but in hindsight proved to be only one day of pronounced losses in a long chain), the BSE lost only 2%, less than any GCC index.

In promising news on the regulatory front, BSE officials proudly announced in early March that the Lebanese cabinet had forwarded to parliament a draft law for the establishment of an independent Securities and Exchange Commission as oversight authority for the Lebanese financial markets. Law and SEC were hoped to contribute significantly to the further vitalization of the country’s stock market.

During the 2005 full-year results season a little later, Solidere surprised with a new income record and announcements of spectacular new land sales. Banking sector results and a strong outlook for summer tourism added their parts to the buoyant prospects.

Thus, while regional market sentiments impacted Lebanon and led some IPO candidates such as Lebanese Canadian Bank reconsider the timing of listing plans, the perspectives of the BSE throughout the first half of 2006 remained substantially better than in many years before.

But war ensued and then, three months after its end—although Lebanese shares recovered better and more quickly from the shock than many had feared—the vagaries of Lebanon’s situation increased rather than decreased in November.

Especially thrown into doubt by this latest crisis were all prospects for new corporate listings on the BSE concerning both private sector companies and privatization candidates.

Already at the end of October, the secretary general of Lebanon’s Higher Council for Privatization, Ziad Hayek, said that a sale of mobile network operator licenses was planned for no earlier than mid-2007 and privatization in the landline telecommunications sector was expected to come as late as end 2008.

With the country stuck in political disputes between pro-Syrian and pro-sovereignty forces, experience of the past eight years in futile privatization debates makes it doubtful that telecommunications and other privatization projects with hypothetically positive capital markets implications—such as the flotation of flag air carrier MEA—will be possible in the first half of 2007.

One also must doubt that known or rumored private sector listing candidates, such as BankMed, Credit Libanais and Lebanese-Canadian Bank in banking, the confectioner Patchi, or some of the major trading companies in the country will find an environment in the first months of next year where they can be confident that initial public offerings would fully deploy their potential.

In this scenario, what flummoxes the future of Lebanon’s capital markets is—of course—the state of affairs brought about by external military pressures, confused world policy strategists and regional power plays, with added doses of local inefficiencies and political obfuscation.

As it is by now a sad and proven local tradition, the regional security and political tensions must be counted on to depress the prices of Lebanese stocks. The BSE may be strongly positioned to enter a new bloom with the return of political stability in this part of the Middle East, but the unanswerable question is at what time this return will occur, making it a matter of extremely chancy political fortune-telling to project stock market trends for the new year.

Another point adding to the forecasting uncertainty is that the Lebanese financial markets culture has had very little interaction with a growing regional financial analytical trend of stock market research and recommendations.

More financial research, please

Over the past year or two, investment advisory firms and finance houses as well as investment banking units in major banks—mostly located in the Gulf region—have greatly increased their production of financial research on listed companies, providing their client base and the interested public with corporate and sectoral analyses ranging from one to sometimes well over 30 pages in size, mostly including fair value assessments and buy, hold, or sell recommendations for the respective stocks.

This trend, in which firms like Dubai’s Shuaa Capital and Gulf Capital, Oman’s BankMuscat and Fincorp, Bahrain’s Taib Securities, Kuwait’s Global Investment House, Jordan’s Amwal, Atlasinvest and Capital Bank, Egypt’s EFG Hermes, Prime Securities, and HC Brokerage are among established or rising stars, has not yet caught on in Lebanon either on the side of research providers or on the side of research targets.

Research departments at institutions such as Audi Saradar, Blominvest, Byblos Bank, Credit Libanais, Arab Finance Corporation and others, have—with a recently increasing tendency—been generating regular economic and stock market reviews covering Lebanon and other countries, but have not published much in terms of local company research.

Thus, Lebanese firms in recent years could only rarely expect to receive coverage from local financial firms. Research by regional companies into individual Lebanese corporations in this small market has also been scarce.

It is hard to find any research by the region’s financial advisory firms that offers fair value analyses and stock recommendations for listed banks such as Audi Saradar, Bank of Beirut, Byblos or BEMO. Even Solidere, one of the region’s most interesting ideas in urban development and real estate corporations, has received only very limited coverage from financial firms outside of Lebanon.

However, a few recent reports with stock analysis and forecasts are in circulation.

Issuing a first company report on BLOM Bank and its operating environment in April of this year—including a few quaint statements such as saying that Lebanon’s banking sector includes “126 banks recognized by the central bank”—Shuaa Capital made an important step in covering Lebanese equities from the Gulf.

The initiation of coverage report identified BLOM Bank as an entity set to grow in size and profitability, with prospects of outperforming the markets in which it operates. Using discounted equity cash flow and relative valuation methodologies, Shuaa at the time arrived at an $89.42 target price for BLOM. This report was followed by an update in mid-November, in which the analysts said that the impact of the July war on the bank “was not that severe, given the magnitude of the crisis.”

Based on the conflict’s limited financial impact on BLOM’s nine-month figures, Shuaa lowered their target price for the stock slightly, to $83.05. However, due to the drop in BLOM share prices since spring of 2006, Shuaa saw the stock as having an upside potential of 22.5% and upgraded its recommendation to “Buy” from “Hold.”

One fairly solitary and bright recent opinion on the share price potential of Solidere originated with EFG Hermes, the Egyptian financial firm that become a stakeholder in Audi Saradar in early 2006.

In what it called “a contrarian play,” EFG Hermes in September issued a valuation opinion that put the long-term fair value of Solidere stock at $22.54. “We go against the conventional wisdom that Solidere will be greatly harmed by the war,” EFG Hermes said, and projected a scenario under which the company would feel a mild war impact and achieve a continuation of land sales, although at a lag.

Based on its valuation of Solidere, EFG Hermes issued short-term “Accumulate” and long-term “Buy” recommendations for the stock.

Politics affects ratings

It has to be added here that the recently strengthened research team at Blominvest Bank, the investment banking arm of BLOM, in September produced a report on Holcim Liban, the leading industrial stock traded on the BSE.

Noting that the share was valued on the high end with a price-to-earning ratio of 25.78, the analysts reasoned that the valuation was comparable to that of cement companies in Egypt and Saudi Arabia and was moreover related to the lack of Holcim Liban shares available to the public. Blominvest issued a buy recommendation on the stock, based on its rising profitability, strong market share and substantial demand forecast for cement in Lebanon over the coming years.

While the BSE outlook for 2007 must prudently be considered uncertain in terms of political developments and the resultant prospects for private sector IPOs and public sector privatization measures, and while political uncertainties weigh on any stock market projections, the available analyst research on three Lebanese listed companies out of the country’s very small pool of traded firms thus provides a uniform view in recommendation of buying these stocks, even at price levels above those which the stocks reached at the end of November.

But the caveats remain. The banking implications of the country’s vulnerable state were expressed by downgrades of financial strength ratings for three Lebanese banks at the end of the year following the despicable assassination of Lebanese industry minister Pierre Gemayel. In its view on Solidere, EFG Hermes acknowledged that by the inclusion of divergent scenarios in their projections, the scenario analysis on the company resulted in high volatility in valuation. And Shuaa Capital said in its positive November research on BLOM, “we assume relative stability on the political front in Lebanon. Any future deterioration to Lebanon’s stability, however, may result in a downgrade to both our forecasts and our recommendation.”

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Lebanon’s industry leaders call for help but pleas fall on deaf ears

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

While the Lebanese industrialists’ chorus of demands going into 2007 has certainly grown louder following the July-August war, their wish-list has changed only marginally. As 2006 approached, local manufacturers were lamenting the country’s perennial instability and pleading for the government to compensate the sector for lost income following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. Industrialists bemoaned high energy prices and the inability of local exports to compete at the regional level with low-priced goods from Egypt and Syria, where both power and labor is far cheaper. They asked for the state to prioritize industrial development—which has traditionally taken a back seat to the hospitality and real-estate sectors—and decrease Lebanon’s reliance on imported raw materials and commodities.

Though the grievances are familiar, the fortunes of Lebanon’s vulnerable industrial sector have deteriorated precipitously. In the first half of 2006, exports of manufactured goods rose 51% to a value of $1.3 billion—only slightly more than the estimated $1.1 billion worth of cumulative losses suffered by the entire sector as a result of the war. According to figures compiled by the Lebanese Ministry of Industry, a total of 142 factories sustained material damage during the 34 days of fighting: in the end, the Lebanese economy was as much a target of Israeli aggression as Hizbullah.

In the fall, the Association of Lebanese Industrialists (ALI) presented a proposal to Lebanese and Arab governments to support the sector’s recovery. Alongside compensation, ALI requested that the governments lift customs duties on primary and raw materials, and exempt manufacturers from VAT payments and tariffs. It also asked that debts be rescheduled for industrialists who suffered serious losses during the third quarter of 2006, and that the banking sector extend loan facilities to finance the reconstruction of damaged factories.

Few industrialists were holding out for the government to reimburse them immediately for direct material damages from the war, but they expected the ALI plan to be circulated at the November Reconstruction summit of Arab League finance ministers in Beirut.

Deal on fuel requested

ALI asked GCC countries to sell fuel to Lebanese manufacturers at the same rates they charged domestically for a period of one year. In Saudi Arabia, for example, the domestic cost of diesel is 10% of the global market value. The association also proposed that Arab League members buy Lebanese products to prop up the ailing industrial sector, as opposed to giving direct financial aid in the form of grants and soft loans. ALI reported that of all Lebanon’s trading partners, GCC countries were the quickest to abandon the Lebanese market at the onset of hostilities. Finally, ALI requested that a portion of pledged reconstruction money be earmarked for a fund to make interest payments on outstanding loans.

According to ALI President Fadi Abboud, however, the government did not present any of the association’s suggestions at the conference.

“The government told me to my face, ‘you can’t be a begger and impose conditions,’” he says. “So basically what they are saying is that ‘we are ready to sacrifice Lebanese industry as long as the rest of the Arab world is happy with us.’”

Material losses notwithstanding, ALI is urging Fuad Siniora’s administration to adopt a principled policy on industrialization, and put incentives in place to encourage both local and foreign investment in Lebanon, where manufacturing has long been overshadowed by the more cost-effective environments of its neighbors.

“The war certainly did not make life for us any easier, but at the same time this country is not very friendly towards industrialists,” says Abboud. “We are finding it very difficult to convince this administration to adopt safeguards to protect various industrial sectors, even though we are only asking for measures that are approved by the WTO and the Greater Arab Free Trade Agreement.”

Aside from levying a 20% duty on imported ceramics in September—which only benefits Lebanon’s two tile manufacturers—the government has not imposed any new safeguard measures since most tariffs were abolished in 2000. The other industrial sectors that still receive government protection, including cement, electric cables and wine, do so not for economic reasons, says Abboud, but because “their owners have friends in the administration.”

Gemayel’s plan allowed to lapse

Siniora formally endorsed the “Lebanese Industry 2010” plan presented by late Minister of Industry Pierre Gemayel at the beginning of his term in 2005. The plan included a short-term “100 day” strategy to boost the manufacturing sector. But the 100 days lapsed 10 months ago, and the government has yet to adopt one of the proposed support measures, save what Abboud calls the “Uniceramic” safeguard, in reference to the company with a near monopoly on the tile trade.

ALI is in favor of the safeguard for ceramic manufacturers—whose local market share has been progressively eclipsed by cheaper Egyptian imports over the past three years—but it is demanding similar protection for other industries in 2007, particularly those that are energy-intensive.

Manufacturers of products such as plastic, glass, and paper—all of which require huge fuel expenditures—were already in an unstable position before the summer war. Now they are in dire straits, says Waji al-Bizri, the vice president of ALI. The Ministry of Industry figures show that local food and furniture manufacturers and construction companies bore the bulk of direct material damage.

“All sectors are in need of help right now,” Bizri explains, “the market has shrunk and customers are not willing to spend money, and the exporters are suffering because many of them lost trading partners during the war.”

Raja Habre, director of the EU-funded Euro-Lebanese Center for Industrial Modernization (ELCIM), agrees that restoring broken chains of production, both at the local and regional levels, will be one of the most significant hurdles for businesses in the new year. In addition to reestablishing regional trade with lost partners, industrialists have to remedy disruptions in local trade from a decline in production levels, damaged transport routes, and failure to collect and repay existing debts.

The destruction of the Maliban Glass Factory in the Bekaa valley, says Habre, is an example of collateral damage that has reverberated across the entire economy, since the company supplied bottles to manufacturers of goods ranging from food to pharmaceuticals.

“I think they are recovering,” Habre says, “but remember since the blockade was lifted there has been a foul mood amongst business leaders, and neither consumers nor manufacturers are feeling confident in the current political situation.”

Indeed, a lack of confidence was identified as one of the most damaging immediate consequences of the conflict, according to a study released in November by Infopro in cooperation with the Lebanese Finance Ministry. Some luxury retailers relocated their offices to the Gulf region or opened up branches elsewhere in the Arab world in anticipation of heightened political tensions. The report also expects a rise in unemployment levels since many factories have been forced to lay off workers due to a dip in consumer spending.

Before the resignation of six cabinet members, ALI had threatened to take legal action against the current administration at Majlis al-Shura if it failed to respond to its demands by Nov. 20, 2006. The association had planned to then hold a general assembly meeting and vote on how to proceed. Abboud said they would debate a series of options, including shutting down factories and “taking to the streets.”

Now that similar threats from Lebanon’s largest opposition party are paralyzing the government, the ultimatum is off the table and local industrialists are pleading once again for an end to political instability, which Bizri claims is the main deterrent to foreign investment, and the biggest obstacle facing the sector in 2007.

“The negative attitude from all political parties is bringing the entire business environment down.” Bizri says of ALI’s current demands on the government, “We are asking political leaders to reach an agreement, otherwise many institutions may be forced to shut.”

All is not negative, however

Habre paints a rosier picture of the mood among local manufacturers. He says many of ELCIM’s clients are continuing the projects they began before the war. So Lebanese exports can claim a larger share of global trade, industrialists are upgrading production methods and accounting procedures to meet internationally-recognized standards.

But the rising costs of moving goods in and out of the country, due to damaged transport routes and high energy prices—compounded by more electricity rationing—will continue to put pressure on Lebanon’s manufacturing sector, reports Infopro. A lack of available labor will also hinder recovery, since most foreign workers fled the country this summer. Though “replacement of foreign labor with local labor is a medium-to-long-term possibility,” according to Infopro, it is not a viable short-term solution.

Industry not a priority

“There are plenty of liberal economies led by governments that understand the importance of industrial development, but this is clearly not a priority of the current government,” Abboud says. “We are the people that can create enough jobs to stop this crazy immigration where we are losing the best we have.”

Abboud’s claims are supported by industry’s performance: despite the lack of government support, the industrial sector has become a linchpin of the Lebanese market: in the first half of the year, manufactured products accounted for 68% of total exports and 21% of GDP. The consequences of a poor second half of 2006 for the manufacturing sector—and, in the current situation, likely underperformance in 2007—will have a significant negative impact on the Lebanese economy.

As Executive went to print, Lebanese industry was struck another blow through the assassination of Minister of Industry Pierre Gemayel. Although Abboud (and indeed, the industrial sector at large) has been consistently critical of the Lebanese government’s policies towards industry, Gemayel was the one minister he identified as a real advocate in conversations with Executive over the past year. Industrialists felt Gemayel took his portfolio seriously, and recognized his tireless efforts in support of their embattled sector. The loss of such a vital ally on the eve of 2007 puts the future of Lebanese industry on ever more uncertain ground.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Lebanon’s insurance industry survives war intact

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Lebanon’s insurance companies passed through the 2006 war between Israel and Hizbullah without having to pay crippling amounts for war-related claims, because this type of coverage is not a usual purchase option. (In any country, a house caving in beneath the impact of a force majeure is not calculable, and ineligible for cover under a standard home owner’s policy.)

In fact, the latest global insurance industry research by reinsurance giant Swiss Re positions Lebanon at a total premium volume of $664 million, up from $580 million in 2004, and an insurance density—the amount per capita invested in premiums—of $185.6, distributed at a ratio of 70:30 between general insurance and life insurance.

This compares favorably with insurance density of $54.2 in Jordan, $57.1 in Saudi Arabia and $113.7 in Oman. Lebanon is on equal footing with Kuwait ($185.5) in terms of overall insurance density, however the distribution between general and life insurance in Kuwait leans significantly more towards general insurance. With $414.2 and $442.3, the UAE and Qatar showed far higher insurance density than Lebanon but in terms of life coverage, Lebanon is still stronger than Qatar, whose citizens spent just $22.2 last year on life products, most of which are shunned under Islamic religious law.

Insurance growing globally

On global scale, insurance premiums last year amounted to $3.426 trillion, an increase of 3.9% in real terms from the previous year. Industry profitability in the life segment improved compared with 2004 and general insurance remained very profitable, according to Swiss Re. The reinsurance company added that non-life premium growth in 2005 was slow and ranged below GDP growth in most countries.

Swiss Re computed an overall premium volume of $16.3 billion for the Middle East and Central Asia in 2005, up 5.8% on the previous year. The realm accounted for a measly half percent of the world insurance market, even though Swiss Re conjoined the two geographic areas in its statistics. With 1.45% insurance premiums as percentage of GDP, it was the tail runner of all regions listed in the report in terms of insurance penetration. Lebanon’s 2005 insurance penetration was quoted as 3.15%.

On the national level, the November 2005 research figures by Swiss Re assess Lebanon’s premium production at $577 million in 2004, comprised of $180 million in life and $397 million in non-life insurance. With an average of 15.5 % annual growth over the five years 1999 to 2004, the 9.3% inflation-adjusted increase between 2003 and 2004 represented a decent result for the year 2004, and expectations for 2005 had initially been for good continued development.

This performance is not bad by regional standards, but it means that the country’s insurance industry is still not on a growth trajectory that would put it in reach of an adequate net for protecting society and individuals against calculable risks.

It should be added here that Saudi Arabia has (albeit with a delay of about 30 months since the presentation of its advanced insurance law) recently issued several licenses for insurance companies to operate in the kingdom and can expect some real sector growth. Syria is another country where authorities moved ahead with licensing new insurance companies and three Sharia-compliant insurance firms are scheduled to go operational there early next year. All three have been established as joint venture companies between Gulf-based companies and Syrian shareholders.

As for the inactive side of the Lebanese insurance industry in 2006, it suffices to say that insurance industry association ACAL is still advertising Beirut Rendez-Vous, a regional gathering of industry members, as “upcoming” on its website: the event actually took place—and flopped badly—in the spring of 2005.

Sector survives political tumoil

But under Lebanon’s current political climate, it is admirable enough that a sector such as insurance can sustain its position, given the suppressed purchasing power of individuals and the cash flow situation of many businesses, whose cash reserves have been depleted by the summer war and the economic repercussions of the fourth-quarter political crisis, which many predict will lead to serious debt rescheduling issues and a wave of bankruptcies in the first quarter of 2007.

From a GCC vantage point, the Lebanese insurance industry appears advanced, well-regulated and overall more open and private sector-driven than insurance sectors in other Arab economies. However, not terribly much is known about the Lebanese insurance sector outside a narrow group of local and regional specialists. Information circulating regionally and internationally about the sector relies predictably on reports produced by these specialists and often contains dated and vague performance numbers, with unaudited 2004 results being cited. The sector also still requires internal development, in order to march forward into alignment with global best insurance practices.

Thus, when Kuwait-based Global Investment House issued a report on the Lebanese economy in November, it said, “We expect the insurance sector [in Lebanon] to grow in the future, provided we see political stability in the country and thriving economy; because we see a great scope in terms of market for the life insurance and until we have stability in country and generally well going economy, it’s hard to expect to have higher sales of insurance policies.”

It carries a very limited risk indeed to say that these issues will be as valid in 2007 as they were in 2006.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Lebanon’s media has tough year but confident of turnaround

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Last year, Lebanon’s media industry went on a proverbial rollercoaster ride far more thrilling and precarious than anything America’s major theme parks could possibly dream up. Next year looks to be equally action-packed, as the sector struggles to make up for $38.7 million in losses sustained during Israel’s month-long war on Lebanon, overcome low advertising revenues and face up to increased competition domestically and regionally.

In business terms, the summer war could not have come at a worse time for the media industry—as indeed for the whole economy—with certain Lebanese TV channels planning rebranding and new print publications launching that would have helped retain Lebanon’s position as a media hub in a region where media growth is amongst the highest in the world. Competition is increasingly cut-throat among the 200-plus channels vying for limited ad spending.

City TV, formerly NBN, had planned to revamp its broadcast schedule and New TV was looking for investors prior to the war. City TV, which sustained $1.25 million in damages, is now gradually implementing changes and is expected to relaunch in January, depending on funding, and New TV, which lost $2.65 million, is still in the same boat as it was in July. Murr TV’s (MTV) planned relaunch was also scuppered by the conflict and is slated to start next year.

Investors fleeing

Production houses saw investors and clients scurrying for the door during the war, and confidence in the lucrative sector—production houses generate more revenue than TV channels—has taken a beating, particularly in regard to foreign investors that had come to Lebanon in droves in recent years to take advantage of the country’s varied geography and educated populace.

Newly-launched magazines such as entertainment guide Time Out Beirut also ceased publication as the country’s reputation as a nightlife and beach hot spot slid off the map. Talks are still underway as to whether TOB will grace newsstands again, the publication having suffered considerable losses after bringing out only four editions. Other publications were also hit and the country’s sole English-language newspaper, The Daily Star, stopped publishing The International Herald Tribune (IHT) and slashed staff salaries by 30%. The IHT is rumored to return in January.

However, although all media outlets sustained financial losses and in certain cases severe damages—Al Manar TV’s studios were leveled by Israeli warplanes—viewing figures soared when the world’s eyes were directed on the July-August conflict. Al Manar’s popularity ranking, for instance, went from 83rd in the Middle East to the tenth slot between July 15-28 according to Israel’s Market Research. Likewise, newspapers have seen increases in readership as people focus on the country’s fractious politics in the months following the ceasefire.

The snag of course is that politics don’t generate advertising revenue. According to ArabAd there was a 40% drop in ad spending during the war; with the economy limping along on half empty, advertising, like consumer spending, is still down despite a tentative peace.

“The best guy to predict the future is a tarot card dealer,” quips Dani Richa, Chief Creative Officer for Impact BBDO. “He’s probably more accurate than me in a country like Lebanon, as the future doesn’t depend on heads of industry, clients or consumers.”

In the absence of prophetic powers, the media is groping in the dark as to what next year will hold.

“The market is operating on a day-by-day basis and advertisers are acting cautiously,” confirms Roger Darouni, Executive Marketing Director for LBC.

But as Richa points out, “Everyone is so committed, over-invested and paid such dear prices that there is no choice but to continue.”

And continue the media and advertising sector must.

Crucially, major production houses have remained committed to Lebanon. Music TV powerhouse Rotana is still operating out of Lebanon and has just opened a Rotana Café in downtown Beirut, although the network moved two channels to Cairo before the war. Saudi Arabia’s MBC, however, said production had actually increased.

“We are staying here in Lebanon. Nothing has changed and we are increasing production with eight shows in Lebanon, two in Dubai and four in Cairo,” says Nadine Tarabay, Commercial PR Manager at MBC Lebanon.

Nevertheless, with foreign investors shying away from Lebanon, knock-on beneficiaries of the TV production business, like equipment rental companies, are feeling the pinch. “Rentals are down, and productions have been postponed. Maybe next year things will pick up,” says Elie Battah, General Manager of Audioland.

Going Orange

Despite a fairly gloomy outlook for the media in general and the instability caused by the political situation, one upcoming media outlet has decided to enter the fray in a rather unusual and daring way.

As can be seen on billboards throughout Beirut and the surrounding areas, Orange TV, or OTV, plans to raise funds through a joint stock company, Al Lubnaniah Lil I’lam, that is open to the public. Starting with a paid-up capital of $2 million, OTV plans to raise $40 million via four million $10 shares to establish a terrestrial and satellite channel, and a holding company that will include a production house that will be a joint venture with France’s Societe Francaise de Production (SFP) if negotiations are finalized.

To Lebanon observers, the colorful name of the channel will immediately be associated with a political party—former General Michel Aoun’s Free Patriot Movement (FPM). And true to form, Aoun came up with the idea of a channel “For the People, By the People” through collective ownership.

So will the channel be yet another addition to Lebanon’s highly politicized media landscape where every channel, radio and newspaper has a political connection of some form or another?

Roy Hachem, the CEO of OTV, says it will not be. “Aoun won’t influence the channel, and it will be independent of the party. I know it’s hard to prove, we need to start transmission and broadcast news,” he says.

What about the color though? “People may ask about the color, as orange, but it’s the only [political] link we have and a color the publicists wanted,” Hachem explains.

Media observers are not as convinced however. “I think the station is portraying a very specific political point, which is clear from the color and symbolic,” says Habib Battah, Managing Editor of Beirut-based Middle East Broadcasters Journal. “I think it will follow a pattern, of a political constituency for a station. There is no reason to believe it will be different, as when you open the first page of their brochure there is a photo of Aoun.”

Hachem assures it will be independent and objective in its delivery of news. “We want something like the BBC. I want to hear people saying—even if not good for the FPM—‘I heard it on OTV.’”

Hachem also points to the different categories of shareholders as a further example of how the channel is not being solely supported by FPM followers.

“Some are looking for a dream, others are serious investors. We have people buying $300,000 to $500,000 of shares,” he says. Supporters, on the other hand, tend to buy between 100 to 300 shares.

As money rolls in through the IPO—$10 million was raised by the end of November—the challenge for the channel will be to attract a broad array of viewers and generate advertising revenue when it launches in 2007. As Hachem points out, OTV already has a head start in terms of guaranteed viewers through shareholders and political supporters, something the advertising industry is equally aware of.

Power to the people

“Letting people own TV creates loyalty before the station even starts—a smart model,” advises Richa. “The challenge is to attract people that don’t agree politically but agree with entertainment.”

But for OTV to grab a 10% slice of the Arab advertising market, as their investment guide says the channel is aiming for, OTV will have to find a careful balance between Lebanon and regionally-orientated content.

“To live in Lebanon as a TV channel, you need half subsidized by a satellite arm, and although OTV might be successful here it’s a lot more trying to compete on a pan-Arab scene with budgets of tens of millions of dollars,” says Richa.

While Lebanese TV stations compete for just $35 million in TV ad spending, other Arab countries advertising revenues are skyrocketing, with Qatar, for example, soaring 60% in the first half of 2006 to $101.5 million for all ad spending. Lebanon only accounts for 5% of the region’s $2 billion ad market.

To remain commercially viable, OTV aims to acquire 30% of Lebanese viewers and, in the long-term, gain 20-25% of the advertising market. To do so, OTV will have to bite into the ad revenue of LBCI and Future TV, which control around 65% of the country’s advertising expenditure.

LBC, however, seems unphased by the prospective competition. “OTV will certainly capture viewership from different TV stations, but LBC’s market leadership won’t be affected,” said Darouni.

He thinks TV ad spending will increase if the political situation stabilizes, a factor all channels, and OTV in particular, will be banking on for 2007.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Obituary- Pierre Gemayel 1972-2006

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Pierre Gemayel, the 34-year old Minister of Industry, who was gunned down in broad daylight in Jedideh in East Beirut on November 21, was the fifth member of one of Lebanon’s most prominent Maronite dynasties to meet a violent, untimely death. Gemayel, who won a parliamentary seat in 2000 as a representative of the Phalange Party, the once dominant Christian faction established by his grandfather in the 1930s, became the youngest minister in the 2005 Siniora government. As the latest incident in a string of violent attacks targeting anti-Syrian figures in Lebanon over the past two years, the assassination will arguably have more influence on local politics than Gemayel had during his lifetime.

Nonetheless, during his short tenure as minister of industry in a country whose economy is driven by the service sector, he accomplished a great deal, and will be remembered equally for his commitment to the principles of sovereignty and freedom and Lebanon’s industrial development. In contrast to his predecessors, Gemayel believed that Lebanon could be industrially competitive at both the regional and global levels. At just 33-years old, he came to office with a clear-cut strategy to promote the local manufacturing sector. Before making any move in his new post, Gemayel drafted the “Industrial Outlook 2010 Strategy,” which included both a long-term and 100-day plan for the sector.

Strategy of increasing competitiveness

Along with an overview of the obstacles hindering Lebanon’s industrial growth and a vision for the sector in 2010, based on research and feasibility studies, the strategy focused on increasing the competitive advantage of local exports in the international market. The plan outlined a set of specific objectives involving the modernization of production techniques and the introduction of internationally recognized quality management standards, as well as the creation of strategic alliances with regional and European trading partners. Also, he included target dates for their completion.

Though the plan was endorsed by Fuad Siniora’s administration, Gemayel was not able to fully implement Industrial Outlook and its 100-day plan during his short lifetime. Under his leadership, the ministry did successfully lobby the government to introduce the first industrial safeguards since 2000, when the majority were abolished, to protect local tile manufacturers.

Gemayel was also instrumental to the growth of one of Lebanon’s most well-known exports, wine. He had signed a decree along with the Agricultural and Economy Ministers supporting the creation of a National Institute of Vines and Wines, a necessary prerequisite for six-year old legislation regulating wine production in Lebanon to be passed. The bill was finally going to be presented to cabinet ministers in November, but the resignation of the Shia ministers from Parliament and Gemayel’s subsequent assassination stalled the introduction of a modern wine law yet again.

Dogged champion of manufacturers

Though the July-August war and the ensuing political stalemate delayed many of Gemayel’s plans, he had been a dogged champion of manufacturers over the past three months. Immediately following the August 14, ceasefire, the ministry developed a three-point plan in to support the recovery of Lebanon’s industrial sector. The first step of the strategy, a comprehensive damage assessment, was completed in November, and the ministry had moved on to the second, interim solution phase, which sought to temporarily relocate production of destroyed factories to other facilities, and lobby the government to provide industrialists with tax relief.

Despite Gemayel’s assassination, the industrial sector will still push ahead with the third and potentially most controversial aspect of the strategy, loosening existing legislation governing industrial production to allow manufacturers more room to maneuver during the recovery process.

For Lebanese manufacturers, the late-minister’s most lasting legacy may be his Industrial Outlook 2010, which will hopefully outlast its author and serve as a model for the sector’s development.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Lebanon in the crosshairs – Outsiders meddle in Levant

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Lebanon looks set to embark upon the new year in a state of greater unease and foreboding about the imminent future than at any time since the end of the 1975-1990 war.

The resignations in mid-November of six cabinet ministers—all five Shia and an ally of President Emile Lahoud—and the accompanying specter of street demonstrations have spurred earnest speculation whether the political impasse will lead to a revival of civil war. The slaying of industry minister Pierre Gemayel, no friend to Syria, has further increased tensions.

There appears little hope of a meaningful breakthrough in the crisis, as Lebanon’s domestic ailments cannot be separated from the Gordian knot of regional and international interests which lie beneath much of the country’s current troubles.

Historically, Lebanon has tended to play the unenviable role of battleground for competing regional and international powers struggling to subvert and dominate their rivals using local Lebanese factions as proxies. Today, the situation is no different, with an anti-Western grouping of Iran, Syria, Hizbullah, Hamas and various bit players challenging the influence of the US and its European allies, chiefly Britain and France, as well as regional allies such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan.

An anti-Western alliance takes shape

The anti-Western alliance began to coalesce in the wake of the election in August 2005 of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president of Iran. It was strengthened in the first half of 2006, with Tehran and Damascus inking several economic and trade agreements in February and a mutual defense pact in May. Iran views Syria as a useful bridge to its ally Hizbullah in Lebanon and has invested much political and economic effort in shoring up the regime in Damascus. Having faced the isolation of the West since the invasion of Iraq, Syria has come to rely increasingly on its powerful Persian ally, a strategic relationship which has strengthened the domestic standing of the regime at the expense of further alienating its Arab neighbors, many of whom remain deeply suspicious of Iran’s intentions in the Middle East.

A series of national dialogues on key issues held between March and June at the suggestion of Speaker Nabih Berri did little more than to defer the inevitable confrontation. Both sides agreed to disagree on the fate of Lahoud, and talks on Hizbullah’s weapons went nowhere. Even the one topic where consensus was reached—closing down Palestinian military bases outside the refugee camps within a six-month period—went unfulfilled.

The divisions in Lebanon were exacerbated by the devastating month-long war between Hizbullah and Israel in July and August. Hizbullah’s fighters waged a remarkably effective campaign against the Israeli army, the latter having clearly underestimated the capabilities of its foe. Although Hizbullah dubbed the war a “divine victory” and claimed it emerged stronger, it is too soon to say with any certainty who was the ultimate victor. Although the Israeli military fared poorly against Hizbullah, the resistance has emerged tactically weaker: for the time being, it is unable to resurrect its military infrastructure along the Lebanon-Israel border. The post-war deployment of 15,000 Lebanese troops and an expanded United Nations peacekeeping force in the South, UNIFIL II, present both political and practical obstacles to rebuilding their underground fortifications and border observations posts or conducting armed patrols, let alone resuming periodic attacks in the Shebaa Farms or elsewhere along the Blue Line.

The presence of troops from leading European nations such as France, Spain and Italy as well as UNIFIL’s naval component led by Germany, has alarmed Hizbullah. It sees the deployment as a new attempt by its enemies to neutralize its military capabilities against Israel, thwart Iran’s efforts to project itself directly into the Arab-Israeli conflict and check Syria’s ability to regain control of Lebanon.

Not power for its own sake

Thus, Hizbullah’s post-war political gambit to boost the opposition’s presence in the government at the expense of the March 14 block is borne of exigency rather than ambition. Rather than a naked grab for power to better the lot of its Shia constituents, the party’s actions are dictated by the broader strategic interests it shares with Syria and Iran. Overturning the Siniora government in favor of pro-Syrian Lebanese will weaken Washington’s influence over Lebanon and strengthen the roles of Iran and Syria. A national unity government would allow Hizbullah to block any legislation that is deemed to threaten it and its Iranian and Syrian allies. That could include holding up the investigation into the murder of Rafik Hariri and the future judicial proceedings, which remain Syria’s principal concern. Achieving a veto-wielding status in the cabinet would allow Hizbullah to block any move to increase UNIFIL II’s powers, such as granting the force the right to search and confiscate weapons or deployment along the Lebanon-Syria border.

Hizbullah’s allies in Lebanon, on the other hand, have their own generally parochial reasons for hitching their horses to the Shia bandwagon. For some traditional pro-Syrians, it is an opportunity to return to the center of power, having spent the past 18 months in the political wilderness. For Michel Aoun, aligning with Hizbullah is a tactical move to bring him closer to the presidency, although it is a relationship that some of the General’s Christian supporters are finding increasingly hard to stomach.

The opposition’s assertiveness comes at a time when the March 14 group is beginning to question the extent of Washington’s commitment to the Siniora government. The rapidity with which the Bush administration dumped the government in July to give whole-hearted endorsement for Israel’s onslaught against Lebanon demonstrated that Washington’s support for Siniora is tactical, rather than strategic, and finite.

The concerns of the March 14 group were heightened by expectations that the Iraq Study Group, headed by former US Secretary of State James Baker and former Democratic Congressman Lee Hamilton, would recommend that the Bush administration begin talks with Syria and Iran as a way of resolving the impasse in Iraq. At the time of writing, the findings of the Baker-Hamilton commission have yet to be released, although it been revealed that members of the commission have held talks with Iranian and Syrian officials.

Druze leader Walid Jumblatt’s trip to Washington in early November was partly to seek reassurances that the Bush administration will not abandon its Lebanese allies as part of a Mephistophelean bargain with Syria to ease US troubles in Iraq, a far more pressing concern for the White House than ensuring the continuity of the March 14-led government in Lebanon. After all, it was the current president’s father who sanctioned Syria’s dominion over Lebanon in 1990 as a reward for joining the US-led coalition to drive Iraqi forces from Kuwait.

Still, despite the Americans sending out feelers to Damascus, there is no indication yet that Bush will agree to re-engage with Syria and Iran. The rhetoric from Washington remains unchanged with the onus for resumed dialogue dependent on the “good behavior” of both countries.

Whither Lebanon?

The struggle between the government and opposition peaked as the cabinet was about to discuss and vote on draft statutes delivered by the UN on the formation of an international tribunal to try the killers of Rafik Hariri. The draft resolution was endorsed by a depleted government, but its credibility was weakened by the absence of the Shia ministers.

The formation of the international tribunal and the anticipated flurry of indictments could seriously complicate any effort by the West to re-engage with Syria. Damascus will have its own list of demands in exchange for cooperation in stabilizing Iraq, among them likely to be neutralizing the Hariri murder probe (or at least deflecting it away from Syria), the return of the Golan Heights from Israel and an increased role in Lebanese affairs. All three, for different reasons, would be hard for the US to accept.

Any long-lasting resolution to Lebanon’s political travails is unlikely to emerge from Lebanon’s leaders themselves, but will be a result of shifting fortunes of the main players—the US, Iran and Syria—in the regional powerplay. But as the second anniversary of Hariri’s death and the subsequent “independence intifada” draw near, Syria and its Lebanese allies appear better positioned today than at any time before to restore Lebanon to the anti-Western fold in the Middle East.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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No Room for Openness

by Michael Young December 1, 2006
written by Michael Young

If 2003 was a year when, realistically or not, there was hope for liberalism in the Middle East, this past year was most certainly one in which that hope collapsed. Initial optimism that a capitalist culture of free markets and free minds might emerge from the fall of the despotic regime of Saddam Hussein has been replaced by deep pessimism. The region is retreating toward its extremes, leaving little room for open societies.

Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of this phenomenon is the performance of supposed Arab liberals. That the United States approached its invasion of Iraq in the most unconvincing of ways, that it never quite understood what it needed to do to stabilize the country after its triumph, is undeniable; however, the moment that Saddam’s savage regime fell, it was a rare occasion that liberals should have used in their own struggle against the dictators repressing them. Instead, they seemed moved primarily by anti-Americanism, so that many of the region’s liberals stood side by side with their oppressors, but also Islamists, in condemning the US, oblivious to the fact that this was unlikely to buy them a reprieve.

Following the Republican defeat in the American midterm elections in November, it became clear to the Bush administration that things had to change in Iraq. President George W. Bush’s idea of a democratic project in the Middle East was already on life support thanks to the Iraqi conflict, and the elections may have pulled the plug. With Americans inclined to fall back on a default foreign policy imposing more caution overseas, the idea of advancing democracy in a region where even liberals can’t seem to like America has become a low priority.

That’s why the key question today is not just whether the US and Western democracies in general should readily abandon democratization in the Arab world and even Iran, but also whether they should jettison all thought of using force or coercion in trying to promote open societies.

The answer to the first question would seem obvious. The US has always put democracy at the center of its public rhetoric in the Middle East, but that didn’t mean it was necessarily transformed into policy. On the contrary, successive administrations, adopting a “realist” policy of advancing interests instead of values, accepted dictatorial regimes as allies, as long as they were “our dictators.” Talk of democracy was there as a convenient fig leaf to camouflage such cynicism. So, what is needed today is to take the rhetoric and place it at the forefront of policy, but in tandem with a more hardnosed assessment of how to advance democracy.

Democracy will not bloom like a hundred flowers in the Middle East, but it may, in its own many imperfect forms, bloom, or be sown, in specific locations in the region, as it was in Lebanon in 2005. Based on such successes, the US, but also the European democracies, can use these countries as wedges or stepping stones toward greater change elsewhere. Interests are fine, but the most enduring interest the Western democracies have in the Middle East—and also the most enduring interest of the peoples of the region—is pluralistic democracy and free markets.

Whether this agenda should be advanced by coercion or force is more controversial. The European Union has often been derided as “speaking softly and carrying a big carrot.” Indeed, the EU has often imagined that grand political change could be brought about solely through dialogue and economic inducements. That method has failed, as the Barcelona process has shown: virtually none of Europe’s southern Mediterranean partners have become more politically liberal in the 11 years since the process was initiated, and even their economies have remained largely under the control of state institutions, regimes, or both.

The limitations of a big carrot hardly mean the US and the EU should resort to force at the turn of a hat. However, nothing but arms were ever going to remove Saddam, and nothing but coercion was going to get Syria out of Lebanon and keep it that way. Force may not be a pleasant word to describe advancing one of the more enlightened human traits—the search for liberty—but sometimes force works. And as 2006 comes to a close, as illiberal groups and states in the region reaffirm their authority in the face of US setbacks, that lesson may be one the people of the region think of more often in the not-too-distant future.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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