By Invitation

The economics of three digits

by John Defterios
written by John Defterios

World Economic Forum meetings are, as one former Prime Minister put it over a nightcap, part private high-level talks, part networking and a fair portion of theatre. “Theatre is good, just not in large doses” he rightly declared.

That is a succinct description of what transpired in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh this week at the World Economic Forum meeting.

There was plenty to digest and discuss, but as usual the many of the more memorable thoughts came in the networking lounge over an espresso. I spoke to the CEO of a Gulf investment authority who, during our conversation said they really want to get it right this time, since they are blessed with the “three digits.”

The conversation continues, as I try to bluff my way through what “three digits” means. After another minute my curiosity gets the better of me and I confess my ignorance. “Three digits,” he tells me with a broad smile, “is oil — anything over $100 and we are in three digit territory,” he said, adding that: “We can do a lot with three digits.”

There is no doubt about that and I confirm that after 20 years of covering OPEC meetings and visiting production facilities from the Gulf of Mexico to the Arabian Gulf, I know it costs about $4 to $6 per barrel for the major Middle Eastern producers to get their crude to market. To put it crudely, that is a profit of about $120 a barrel at today’s prices.

Spend it wisely

While the Gulf producers are happy to watch the savings roll in, they are very aware that the world is watching to see how they plan to use it. It was, no doubt, the number one issue on the agenda at this regional meeting. Somewhat boldly some members of the Arab community, which are not blessed with the same huge natural resources, spoke up in Sharm el-Sheikh.

Egyptian Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif, the tall, silver haired reformist, noted that one cannot force money where it does not want to go, but, “I believe that real opportunities exist today in the region, whether it’s in infrastructure, whether it’s in capacity building, education and other aspects of it.” Egypt is attempting to be the back office to the Middle East — why set up in Bangalore if you can capture the diversity of language speakers and low cost in your own backyard?

A former government official from Jordan, now running a private equity group, was more direct. Reem Badran is CEO of Kuwaiti Jordanian Holding Company — a firm funded with Gulf money. She says, “There is room for the oil producing countries to give a hand to the non oil producing countries to make these types of imbalances and gaps less and everybody would flourish at the end of the day.”

There is a great deal of money from the six Gulf countries flowing into real estate development projects throughout North Africa. The key now is to expand that brief to include factories and even schools. The second most talked about issue had to be development of human capital. During the final plenary panel of the meeting which I chaired, all four leading businessmen (and woman) talked about the sense of urgency to do more. Money is being deployed into education in every market, but these business people admitted they need to be more involved to insure that the skills needed are being taught in universities and vocational schools. If not, the over reliance on expatriate workers will remain. The most pressing concern, and it was reinforced on my panel, is that 100 million more people will need jobs over the next ten years.

If that is not an incentive to use the “three digits” wisely, I am not sure what is.

John Defterios is the presenter of CNN’s Market Place Middle East.

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By Invitation

Beirut’s irrepressible optimism for property investors

by Priyan P. Khakhar
written by Priyan P. Khakhar

From a distance, one observes the birth of a new skyline — sprouting towers of elegant bricks, mortar and concrete that will house an eclectic range of people who choose to live in Beirut, a city with a raw database of stories with even more plots and twists than the latest Hollywood movie. These flawlessly finished apartments, kaleidoscope designs and stainless kitchens do, however, also come with a somewhat jaw-dropping price tag for a non-utopian city. Apartments in the tower blocks facing the marina, for example, are $1 million plus, this being considered a modest figure by the many that have already sold “off-plan.” A recent report by Bank Audi on Lebanese real estate records over 35,000 property transactions in the third quarter of 2007 alone.

The political climate of the country is no secret, with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund rating the investment risk of the nation on par with states such as Chad and Sudan. In mid-May the country was on the brink of civil war when Hizbullah’s heavily armed fighting machine attacked and seized large parts of West Beirut and nearby Beirut suburbs. For six months Lebanon had remained without a president and the specter of confrontation and violence had loomed over the entire nation for the past three years. After the fighting in May, most business people in Lebanon’s hospitality and tourism sectors were convinced this would be another summer of dread, a third year with an abysmal tourism season and a degree of security risk that would scare even a speculators of George Soros’ ilk.

How then does one explain these property prices? Take for instance the prices in towns such as Marbella on the Mediterranean coast of Spain, a naturally luxurious and hedonistic playground of the rich and famous that can potentially be Beirut, once the “Paris of the Middle East.” Apartments and villas, in gated compounds, boast similar million dollar and above price tags, with a relative saving grace of EU membership, security, a stable and functioning government, absence of political bickering, lower investment risk rating and of course the Spanish siesta. From a stability point of view, comparing Marbella and Beirut can be like comparing chalk and cheese, and yet the latter demonstrates great resilience within the real estate sector.

Analysts could attempt to explain this, citing the strong Lebanese banking sector with its impressive levels of liquidity and credit availability, investment from the Middle East region in general, former Lebanese residents re-investing in their motherland and a social transformation of the younger generation irrespective of the political divisions and diversions that frustratingly prevail. The prices must therefore exist due to supply and demand side factors that have assimilated the political factor, combined with changing perceptions of the nation to both investors and home buyers. The supply-side factors may be explained two-dimensionally by the fact that key locations in the city, such as Hamra, are crowded with developments in a relatively small space; this is compounded with the needs of the local and growing student population at prestigious institutions such as the American University of Beirut delivering medium-term tenants for investors, all scrambling for limited good space locations.

Prices in Marbella, however, have long reached their peak, and the number of British residents and investors living in this southern gem of Spain is a known fact. In similar fashion, Beirut has lured investors from a variety of locations in the Middle East. The country boasted FDI stocks of $18.3 billion and inflows of $2.7 billion in 2006, this in a year Lebanon was at war with Israel. There is speculation further investments are yet to come, providing the political tensions dilute or at least don’t escalate to the previous historical levels. It is a question of risk taking, risk adverse or a laissez-faire attitude to risk in terms of investment, though it has to be noted that both Lebanese economics and politics exist in varying shades of grey. 2008 growth in 2008 is projected to be positive, with estimates from 4-8% depending on which local source is consulted. According to local research companies such as Infopro, “the prices have risen, though some are just gearing up for the boom that is to come in 2008.”

After several days of intense negotiations in Qatar, Lebanon’s opposing leaders elected a president and a new “united” government was expected to be formed by end of May. The Doha agreement has created hope for many Lebanese to lift the nation out of a state of violence and confrontation into peace and stability.
Within hours of the political sea of change on May 25, 2008, the Beirut city center was preparing for an abundant summer of returning visitors and countless festivities. This ability to return to form and celebrate life is what makes the place. Beirut offers that ‘something extra’ — an intangible and unquantifiable element — that is mainly driven by an unprecedented cosmopolitanism that refuses to exclude anyone or anything, an “x-factor” which other cities in the region lack.

A drive down the city center would awe the most critical of architects at the restoration of a once destroyed French style quarter. Retail spaces are plenty, with rents in the popular malls ranging from $2,000-$3,000 per square meter. One would expect the political factor to suppress prices, yet it appears that some defiance amongst buyers and sellers remains. Given that the political crisis subsides, in terms of real estate at least, the city seems set to become a Marbella of the Middle East.

Dr Priyan P. Khakhar is an assistant professor at the American University of Beirut’s Olayan School of Business.

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By Invitation

Arab sovereign wealth funds

by Sven Vehrendt
written by Sven Vehrendt

The past months have witnessed an intensive debate about the relevance of SWFs in the global economic system and their role in global financial markets. Global Insight, the research firm, states that SWFs have grown a remarkable 24% annually in the past five years. Morgan Stanley, the investment bank, argued that the total size of the SWFs could increase from $3 trillion to $12 trillion by 2015.

Commentators have tried to put these stunning figures into perspective. Robert Kimmitt, Deputy Secretary of the U.S. Treasury, argues that if one wants SWFs to appear large then one would argue that hedge funds manage an estimated $1.5 trillion and that the current market capitalization of the S&P 500 is roughly $12 trillion. On the other hand $12 trillion is only a fraction of the estimated $190 trillion in total global financial assets. Assets managed by mature-market institutional investors (such as pension funds and endowments) are about $53 trillion. Pension funds manage over $15 trillion, insurance companies $16 trillion, investment companies $21 trillion. This is a small fraction of the global debt and equity securities, exceeding $100 trillion.

But an important element is missing in this assessment. First and foremost, Gulf Arab SWFs shall be of benefit to the citizens of their countries. How relevant are they then with regards to their own economies? An analysis arrives at some interesting findings.

The size of the assets managed by the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority is estimated at $875 billion. This is equivalent to 675% of the GDP of the United Arab Emirates. The Reserve Fund for Future Generations managed by the Kuwait Investment Authority is estimated to manage assets valued at over $170 billion. This represents twice the GDP of Kuwait. The Qatar Investment Authority’s assets stand at over $60 billion or 141% of Qatar’s GDP. Only Saudi Arabia’s assets managed by the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency are somewhat smaller at just below 100% of Saudi Arabia’s GDP.

Based on these numbers one arrives at the conclusion that although large, Arab Sovereign Wealth Funds might be not that overwhelming in size if one compares them against the assets of other players in global financial markets. But our numbers show that they are extremely important in the context of their own national economies.

Here some more examples: An optimistic 8% return that ADIA might manage to realize amounts to roughly $44,300 per UAE citizen (excluding expatriates), or roughly 63% of GDP per capita. This is substantial. The same is true for Kuwait. At 8% growth, the revenues realized by the KIA amount to $17,160 per every Kuwaiti citizen or 44% of Kuwait´s GDP per capita. Again, this is not trivial and illustrates the importance of SWFs’ role in maintaining the wealth of oil exporting Gulf countries.

A fundamental question is then if the SWFs will be able to maintain or even grow this wealth for future generations. The idea of SWFs is to enable governments to diversify away from their own national economies and searching for interesting return perspectives elsewhere. But if SWFs do not identify very attractive investment opportunities outside their economies, their purpose is challenged.

The economies of the Gulf are currently growing at a rapid speed, much stronger than most of economies elsewhere. It will therefore be quite difficult to identify investment opportunities that are on par with opportunities at home. If we see GDP per capita growth rates increase in the Gulf region as rapidly as in the past years and we assume that SWFs will invest elsewhere, that is in regions which are growing at a more slower pace, then the SWFs contributions to safeguarding the welfare of the citizens of Gulf states is negative. Only in case the economies in the Gulf region would calm down and other economies grow more rapidly will SWFs be able to meet their task to secure their standard of living for future generations beyond oil.

The importance of SWFs within their national economies and their exposure to global economic trends illustrates how important a broader debate about purpose and investment strategies of Arab SWFs has become. Not only have SWFs become a contentious issue for Western policy makers, but their risk/return profile should also be of major concern for the Arab public, since the future economic well-being of Arab societies is at stake.

Sven Vehrendt is an Associate Scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center, Beirut

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Capitalist Culture

Diplomacy – Venice of the Gulf

by Michael Young
written by Michael Young

One of the more interesting stories in the Gulf in the past decade or more has been the expanding, paradoxical role of Qatar. When the emirate hosted the Lebanese dialogue talks in May, this was only its latest demonstration of a policy of counterpoint that has either pleased or infuriated those used to more predictable behavior from Arab states.
The dialogue helped one understand Qatar’s strange ability to place itself at the nexus point of contradictory regional interests. Why, many observers wondered, had the March 14 parliamentary majority agreed to the interchange with the opposition under the auspices of a regime with close ties to Syria and Iran, which has financed reconstruction in Hizbullah-controlled areas? Simply put, there was no one else. Tension between Saudi Arabia and Egypt on one hand and Syria and Iran on the other meant that the Saudis, traditional mediators in inter-Arab affairs, were unable to play that role in Lebanon. Egypt, in turn, had its own problems with Damascus and was anyway represented more or less by the Arab League secretary general, Amr Moussa. Jordan and the North African states were too preoccupied with other matters to intervene. So Qatar filled the gap.
In many ways, Qatar is the Venice of the Middle East. Not for the picturesque waterways or singing gondoliers; but because Qatar, like the Venice of the Renaissance, is a place constantly juggling and preserving a balance between its most improbable relationships, all the while protecting itself, increasing its profits, and enhancing its regional role.
While Doha has good relations with Syria and Iran, as well as Hizbullah, it has managed to do this while hosting the largest American military base in the Middle East, maintaining contacts with Israel, preserving more ambiguous relationships with militant Sunni Islamists, protecting itself on both the Arab nationalist and Islamist sides through its Al-Jazeera satellite TV station, and, more recently, working to paper over its previous rivalry with Saudi Arabia (partly by toning down criticism of the kingdom on Al-Jazeera).
Before the Lebanese dialogue in Doha, Qatari policies in Lebanon provoked much anger from March 14. In some ways the reaction was justified: Qatar sided openly with those most opposed to the government. However, at a broader level, Qatar is interesting because it has taken the lead in shaping what can only be described as a post-ideological approach to Arab politics. Certainly, most Arab states long ago gave up on ideological consistency, and Arab nationalist or Islamist regimes have, mostly, turned their ideological pretensions into little more than instruments to buttress dictatorships. But Qatar has taken this a step further, so that the emirate can openly ignore the most fundamental of Arab benchmarks, the isolation of Israel, while providing political and financial sustenance to Israel’s bitterest foes.
Is this something positive? In one way it is. Pragmatism is an ingredient that has long been in short supply in the modern Arab world. The region is more often defined by polarization, by its stubborn divisions, than by efforts to transcend differences and deal with all sides simultaneously. Pragmatism can also be an essential element of capitalist culture, where the market, whether the market of politics, economics, or ideas, is basically allowed to develop unfettered, free of preconception.
But a capitalist culture, and the pragmatism underlining it, becomes self-defeating when it bolsters autocracy. Take the case of Iran or Hizbullah. That Qatar seeks to deal with both to its advantage is understandable; but if Iran or Hizbullah were ever to impose their will on Qatar, or on Arab states behaving like the emirate, the latitude for that pragmatism would collapse. Would a hegemonic Iran in the Gulf, for example, allow Qatar to continue to serve as a headquarters for U.S. power in the region? A Syrian return to Lebanon, while it might not disturb officials in Doha, could significantly strengthen those regional forces with an interest in obstructing Qatar’s open ways.
In other words, by basing its political actions purely on self-interest, a post-ideological state like Qatar might find itself helping unleash those forces in the Middle East that suffocate the interesting possibilities in a post-ideological state. The same would doubtless apply if pressure came from, let’s say, the United States, except that there are limits to what the U.S. can do. For example, despite its hostility to Al-Jazeera, Washington has understood that it cannot much change the station’s tone. In late 2001, the then-U.S. secretary of state, Colin Powell, tried, and was promptly condemned at home for this.
Gulf politics are so personalized that it may be difficult to reach the conclusion that Qatar represents the way of the future — or a way of the future. The possibility always remains that when leaders change, so do a state’s policies. However, the tightrope act the emirate has pursued in recent years is working for the moment. Not everyone is happy, but it may be a model that Gulf states begin adopting, perhaps to their detriment. Perhaps not.

Michael Young

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GCC

Dubai’s global runway

by Executive Staff
written by Executive Staff

In a bid to become the aviation capital of the world, Dubai is investing more than $13 billion in civil aviation and aerospace industry projects as part of a master plan that extends to 2050. Neighboring emirate Abu Dhabi is also moving to get in on the booming aviation sector, with plans to spend up to $50 billion, but with such lofty ambitions there are always additional problems, such as a serious shortage of pilots.

Dubai International Airport (DXB), the tenth busiest in the world in 2006 according to Airports Council International, is spending $4.5 billion on terminals and other facilities that will triple capacity by 2009 to 75 million, while the $33 billion Dubai World Central (DWC) will be centered around the world’s largest airport and cargo hub.

This heavy investment comes as the MENA region is set for the largest aviation growth globally between 2008-11, almost 40% higher than the world average, according to the International Air Transport Association (IATA). The region’s sector was also the fastest-growing in the world in terms of passenger movement in 2007, with a 18.6% growth rate, compared to 5% in Europe’s and the US’ 3% according to the Abu Dhabi Airport Company.

Spurring on Dubai’s decision two years ago to build the DWC, are rising passenger numbers, with 34.3 million at the DXB in 2007, up 19.3% on 2006 and the sixth consecutive year of growth above 15%.

Cargo has likewise spiked at Dubai Cargo Village, the freight facility for the DXB, handling 1.66 million tons in 2007, up 10.96% on 2006. Growth is attributed to the United Arab Emirate’s surging population, up 75% in a decade to 5.6 million, the 6.45 million tourists that visited Dubai last year — according to the Dubai Department of Civil Aviation — as well as the emirate’s growing position as a transport hub for the Gulf.

The DXB is extending Terminal 2 by 37,000 square feet to allow the terminal to handle 700 flights per week, of which 320 will be cargo. Terminal 3 is also under construction — several months behind schedule due to a shortage of raw materials — and is being laid out underground, some 20 meters below the apron and taxiways. Exclusively for Emirates Airlines, Terminal 3 will significantly ease congestion, with the DXB handling nearly a third more than its original capacity of 22 million passengers.

Fields upon fields of development

An estimated $33 billion is earmarked for infrastructure costs alone on the 140 square-kilometer DWC, a multi-phase development financed by the Dubai government, which incorporates the Al Maktoum International Airport (MIA), Dubai Logistics City, DWC Residential City, DWC Commercial City, DWC Aviation City and the DWC Golf City.

“It is geography that makes this vision possible with huge land availability in a prime location,” said Sheikh Ahmed Bin Saeed Al Maktoum, Chairman of Dubai City of Aviation Corporation-DWC. “The long-term benefits of DWC to the UAE, GCC countries and the wider region are phenomenal and will place this emirate firmly in ‘pole position’ for regional logistics, tourism and commerce.”

Neighboring Abu Dhabi, however, intends to spend $40-$50 billion for the building of new airports, according to the Centre for Asia Pacific Aviation, and turn Abu Dhabi’s second international airport, Al Ain, into a hub for aviation and cargo. The plan will also slot into Abu Dhabi’s recent announcement to build a new Capital District to consolidate the emirate’s position as the administrative capital of the UAE.

As in the case with Dubai, the decision to invest so heavily in aviation is being motivated by strong growth, with Abu Dhabi’s Etihad Airways posting a 40% increase in passengers during the first quarter this year, from 1 million to 1.4 million compared to first quarter last year, while cargo traffic was also up by 20%. The Abu Dhabi International Airport (ADIA) saw a spike in passengers as well, up 33% this year over last, with aircraft activity rising 16.9% over the same period.

To cater to rising demand, the ADIA has embarked on a $6.8 billion expansion plan. The airport is currently investing $272 million to add five million more passengers to the terminal’s capacity, bringing total capacity to 12 million, and increasing cargo capacity to 500,000 tons by the end of 2008.

Building the worlds biggest airport

At Dubai World Central, some 15,000 workers toil away in the heat of the desert sun on 18 construction projects, a number set to increase over the next three years as some 40 tenders are awarded.

“Of the 30 tenders already awarded, 20 have been specifically for the airport’s infrastructure and the rest spread over DWC’s real estate and logistics components,” explained Abdulla Al Falasi, DWC’s Marketing and Corporate Communications Director.

Some $8.1 billion is to be spent on the MIA in Jebel Ali to become the world’s largest international airport with a designed capacity for 120 to 150 million passengers per year and able to handle over 12 million tons of cargo annually.

The airport is to cover 68 square-kilometers with six parallel runways and as many concourses. Work is already completed on the first CAT-III runway, which will be able to handle the new jumbo Airbus A380.

The MIA will have two mega-terminals, the first for airlines within the Emirates Group, the second for regional and international carriers, while a third terminal is earmarked for low-cost charter airlines. The third passenger terminal building, a 75,000 square meter single level terminal, is designed to cater to seven million passengers per year, and is being built through a joint venture between the UAE’s Arabtec and Germany’s Max Bogl. The final design of the mega-terminals is to be announced at the end of 2008, said Khalifa Al Zaffin, DWC’s Executive Chairman. An Executive Jet Centre will also be built.

The MIA is to be linked to the DXB by an express rail system, and eventually linked to the Dubai Metro when it is completed. Not satisfied with having, likely, the region’s biggest car park, with some 100,000 spaces, the MIA’s $39 million air traffic control tower will be the region’s tallest freestanding control tower at 92 meters.

Aviation all in one place

A central feature of the DWC will be the $1.36 billion Aviation City —  covering 6.7 square kilometers — the aim of which, said Al Zaffin, is to merge all the various aviation related business within one centralized location. Individual developers will also be allowed to develop their own hangers and facilities within a free zone on a long-term leasing basis, with air and land access to the MIA.

Al Zaffin said that the facility would host all aviation manufacturing, maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) services, aviation support services, design and consultancy, research and development, product and parts, light manufacturing units and high-technology industries. The MRO, said Al Zaffin, will be able to service up to 100 aircraft, a figure set to rise as the multi-phase development expands through to 2050.

On-demand flight support company Palm Aviation has plans in the works to build the project’s first fixed-base operation (FBO) ground handling facility, which is to cover 80,000 square feet and is estimated to come in at a cost of $10.8 million.

To meet the Gulf’s surging imports, worth an estimated $320 billion in 2007 according to the Dubai Logistics City (DLC), the DWC will be able to handle up to 12 million tons of cargo a year.

The 21.5 square-kilometer DLC is being developed as an integrated multi-modal logistics platform with all transportation modes, logistics and value-added services, such as product manufacturing and assembly in a single-bonded free zone environment made up of the DLC, DWC-MIA and the Jebel Ali port. Sea-to-air times for transport of goods at the DWC are expected to be three to four hours as opposed to the current one to three days.

The Aviation City will also feature a heliport zone with 17 helipads in addition to fuel, lighting and hangar facilities.  An academic zone will host several aviation colleges and training centers for aerospace and academic studies.

The need for such institutions has become particularly pressing following a recent report by global management consultancy A.T. Kearney which said the GCC faced a ‘serious shortage’ of pilots to cater to surging demand, with passenger traffic up 18.1% last year. The report said that with GCC passenger traffic expected to grow 8% between 2007 and 2015 — higher than the global average of 5% — the number of pilots required by the UAE’s five airlines alone would spike by 75% by 2020.

Build it and they may come, but an adequate number of pilots will be integral to getting them all there and helping to realize the success of the Gulf’s futuristic aviation metropolises, though the tens of thousands of people already involved in turning these lofty ambitions into reality.

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Levant

Ads that don’t add

by Executive Staff
written by Executive Staff

The only way is up, or so it seems, for the Jordanian advertisement sector, which recorded stunning double digit growth figures over the past decade. A recent media survey, however, produced some uneasy literature for advertisers, ad agencies and media representatives alike, as readership ratios hardly match the way advertisement budgets are spent.

According to research firm Ipsos, total advertisement expenditure based on official rack rates increased by some 30% in 2007 to amount to $280 million. Since 2000, total ad spending grew by no less than 260%, making it one of the kingdom’s fastest growing industries. Still, Jordanian advertisement represents but 3% of the regional market, whereby it should be noted that all Ipsos figures are based on

official rack rates. In reality, ad spend could be more than 30% lower.

Jordan’s big spenders are the same as elsewhere, with the 30% increase in 2007 mainly fuelled by the re-branding campaigns of the Arab Bank and telecom firms Zain and Orange. Home to four national operators, the Jordan telecom sector remained the country’s biggest advertiser with some 20% of the market, followed by banking (12%), leisure and entertainment (12%), general services (11%) and real estate (8%).

While most countries spend the lion’s share of their budget on TV commercials, nearly 80% of Jordanian advertisement spending is in the country’s newspapers. The remaining 20% is divided, more or less equally, between television, magazines, radio and outdoors. The main reason television scores so badly is the fact Jordan has but one national broadcaster, state-owned Jordan TV, which is hardly watched.

Still, seeing the overwhelming amount of ads in Jordan’s print media, the Jordan Media Survey (JMS) managed to raise some eyebrows, to say the least. Conducted by the International Research & Exchanges Board (IREX) in late 2007, the survey did over 3,000 face-to-face interviews during a period of two weeks and found that only 57.9% of respondents had “read or flipped through” a newspaper during the previous month, while less than one third of people polled had read a weekly, and just 13.5% had opened a monthly.

Read your news today?

Funded by a $5 million USAID grant, IREX’ aim is to strengthen media independence in the kingdom. The aim of the survey was to help media outlets come to a better understanding of the market. Not surprisingly, it appeared that 30% of interviewees had read Al Rai, Jordan’s leading newspaper with a daily circulation of some 100,000 copies, followed by Al Ghad (15.2%), Al Dustour (12.9%) and Al Yawm (5%). On the question if they had read a newspaper “yesterday,” only 18.5% of interviewees responded positively.

The situation was not much better for weeklies and monthlies. From the some 30% of people who had read or flipped through a weekly, 21% responded that they had opened a free classified publication. The dozens of other, relatively small weeklies, divided the remaining 9% with readership percentages never exceeding 3%.

The leading monthly magazines were Arabic-language women’s magazines. Among the English language magazines, Jordan Business and Jo scored highest with 3.5% of respondents affirming they had read or flipped through the publication during the previous month. All other publications on the list scored well below 1%.

Two positive points need to be made. First, while the readership of newspapers was significantly lower than expected, a remarkable 80% to 90% of respondents said they have read a daily on the Internet, yet so far the worldwide web in Jordan hardly attracts any advertisement. Second, a separate poll among “opinion leaders,” concluded that 92% had read a newspaper during the previous month and 58% the previous day.

Without a doubt, the survey’s big winner was radio, as no less than 57% respondents replied they had listened to a channel during the previous 7 days, while 46% tuned in during the previous day. Radio has blossomed in Jordan since 2002, when the Audiovisual Media Law largely liberalized the air waves.

While before 2002, Jordan’s citizens could only listen to Radio Jordan in either Arabic or English, today there are over 25 channels. According to the JMS, Fann FM proved the most popular with a listenership of 32.3%, followed by Quran FM (20.6%), Rotana FM (15%), Jor FM (14.4%), Jor AM (11.3%) and Mazaj FM (7.6%).

More than they’re due?

“Print media has a penetration rate of but 42.8% for dailies, and much less for weeklies and monthlies, yet it receives more than 80% of the country’s ad expenditure,” said IREX’ Samuel Compton. “Radio has a penetration rate of 56.9%, yet receives but 8% of total ad spend.”

Seeing the success of Jordanian radio, one wonders why the Jordanian government has failed to allow for a private TV channel to compete with the country’s state-owned dinosaur JTV. It would no doubt be welcomed by viewers and advertisers alike, as an advertisement campaign ideally makes use of all media outlets. While print media the world over are confronted with shrinking budgets, Jordan’s own may hope that the status quo prevails, as long as they receive the lion share of ad spend.

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Levant

Dawn of the new Amman

by Executive Staff
written by Executive Staff

With the exception of the city’s numerous minarets and a giant flag, Amman has always been a predominantly horizontal city. But this is about to change, since the Greater Amman Municipality (GAM) adopted an ambitious master plan in 2007 that allows for the construction of towers up to 200 meters tall. As urbanists, architects and property developers rub their hands to construct the future Amman skyline, critics wonder how the city’s infrastructure will cope, while Jordanian MPs in April raised questions regarding the way multi-billion dollar contracts are concluded in the kingdom. Last but not least, there is water or, more precisely, the lack of it.

From the hill-top remains of a Roman temple, Amman looks a bit like a giant beehive spread out over the rolling hills, a concrete sprawl of three and four-storey buildings. From here, one can perhaps understand the Jordanian capitals’ reputation for being dull and ugly. To most visitors it is but stopover. The city’s reputation however, no longer matches reality.

Gentrification of a capital

In recent years, a number of cafés, restaurants and clubs have opened, while malls and supermarkets offer the latest in food and fashion. In an attempt to beautify the city, the GAM has largely banned billboards, planted trees and made the city more pedestrian friendly. More importantly, from an urbanist point of view, Amman is simply fascinating, as it is one of the fastest growing cities in the region.

While in the early 1920s the city hosted some 25,000 people, today over 2 million live in Amman, which is expected to increase to some 6.4 million by 2025. In terms of size, by that date the Jordanian capital is to grow from today’s 700 square kilometers to some 1700 sq km. To streamline this massive growth, Jordan’s King Abdullah II in 2006 asked Amman mayor Omar Maani to formulate the urban master plan, which was presented in phases throughout 2007.

“We can’t afford to continue our current development trend because it will lead to unprecedented urban sprawl that will exacerbate our transportation problems and eat up some of Jordan’s most productive agricultural lands,” said Maani when presenting the masterplan’s first phase designating four areas of High Density Mixed Use (HDMU).

These four areas are the future Central Business District of Abdali, the Central Parkway between Jabal Abdun and Jabal Amman, as well as two areas located close to the city’s northern and southern gateways. For each cluster, a strict number of low, medium, high rise and landmark towers has been determined, each with exact measurements to preserve the city’s “view corridors.”

In February 2008 Dubai World’s property developing arm Limitless announced that it is to build two 200 meter-high residential towers at the Central Parkway. With a price tag of $300 million, the landmark twins will add some 600 luxury apartments to Amman’s housing market, which has recorded an unprecedented growth. Over the past four years, real estate trading increased by nearly 150%.

One of the main reasons for this growth is the fact that, since the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Jordan absorbed a wave of Iraqi refugees, many of whom are quite well off. The sudden increase in demand for housing saw property prices soar, particularly in the more affluent western part of the capital. Experts estimate that prices in West Amman increased by some 300-400%. Furthermore, there is a growing demand for modern office space, especially from foreign organizations operating in Iraq. Add to that normal market drivers, such as a 2.3% population growth rate and a growing economy, and it should not come as a surprise that Arab nationals increasingly invest in Jordan.

“Jordan’s fast-growing economy, changing real estate requirements, convenient location and stability make it a firm favorite in our list of markets,” Limitless CEO Saeed Ahmed Saeed explained. “Limitless Towers is the first of several distinctive, sustainable projects currently being assessed by our Jordan team.”

The Dubai company is not alone. Billions of dollars are being poured into the kingdom, with Amman seeing most of the action, followed by Aqaba and the Dead Sea. Thus, the Gulf Finance House has invested some $1.5 billion in three projects, including the Amman Gate towers, while Emaar is building a handful of luxury resorts popping up along the Dead Sea. In Aqaba, the $1 billion Saraya Aqaba project and the $1.5 billion Ayla Oasis are under construction, while in April 2008 Abu Dhabi-based property developer Al Maabar signed a $5 billion contract to relocate Aqaba port and develop a new city center.

Other real estate firms have targeted the enormous market for low- and middle-class housing. Tameer International is constructing a city of some 16,000 units in Zarqa. Last but not least, there is the $1.5 billion Abdali Urban Regeneration in the heart of Amman, one of the city’s four areas designated for high rise buildings.

Heart of the city

Today, between Shmeisani and downtown Amman, the area has been fenced off as the foundations are laid for what is set to become the new heart of the city. The project is an initiative of Abdali Investment and Development (AID), the main shareholders in which are Oger Jordan, part of the Hariri group, and the National Investment and Development Corporation (Mawared), the property development arm of the Jordanian armed forces.

Much like the role Solidere played in the reconstruction of downtown Beirut, AID has developed the Abdali master plan and is responsible for the construction and exploitation of the project’s main artery, a 320-meter-long shopping boulevard. The remaining 75% of the project, with a total built-up area of one million square meters, has been sold to private developers, such as Damac and the Capital Bank of Jordan, which is to construct its 220-meter-high headquarters there.

After the initial presentation of the four hubs, the GAM later presented the remaining chapters of the masterplan, dealing with the improvement of the city’s main access roads and corridors, the preservation of rural areas and continued development of industrial sites, among other projects. As Jordan’s population is to more than triple, the GAM estimates one million extra jobs are needed, about a third of which is to be provided by industry.

Finally, in December 2007 the municipality presented the long-awaited plans for the largely vacant lands along the Airport Road, one of Amman’s most prospective areas and the subject of intense speculation. Contrary to what many had expected, the road will not be home to major highrises, but to a mix of land use. Seeing the close proximity of the airport, as well as several universities, the GAM hopes to attract smart business and research centers, while preserving the existing forest and (some) agricultural lands.

The Amman master plan is a balanced blueprint for future growth and was overall well-received. However, one often-heard concern is that the strategic decision “to go vertical,” will lead to a congestion of the capital’s infrastructure. So far, Amman has been largely spared from the daily traffic jams all too familiar in most Arab cities. The city is largely blessed with multi-lane roads and modern traffic regulation systems, yet the first signs of congestion are starting to become apparent.

“We have been closely collaborating with the GAM to ensure that sound traffic solutions are implemented, especially since the new downtown Amman will be a high density area with over 90,000 people residing, commuting and visiting on a daily basis,” said AID Marketing Director Luna Madi. “Therefore, we have incorporated parking facilities which will hold over 25,000 vehicles. In addition, the inroads were especially designed to calibrate offsite traffic flow and check overall congestion.”

According to Amman Mayor Maani, the year 2008 is all about transport. “Money tends to park itself in buildings these days, but we believe that is insufficient for sustainable growth,” he said. “Other factors must be taken into consideration, such as livability, infrastructure and public transport. There are currently some 750,000 cars in the GAM area. So, providing decent public transport is very important, as well as promoting pedestrian-friendly areas.”

Privatizing development

The privatization Amman’s formerly state-owned bus company and the arrival of over 100 new busses was a first step in improving public transport. Meanwhile, the GAM started construction of the 120-km long Amman ring road, which aims to decrease traffic flows within the city, while in June 2008 construction will start of a $250 million light rail connection between Amman and the neighboring city of Zarqa, home to many who commute to the capital on a daily basis.

According to Maani, the light rail is to halve commuter traffic between the two cities and will be extended to the airport and other parts of Amman if proven a success. The mayor caused some controversy when in mid-April he announced plans to sell 55 hectares in the heart of the capital to the Lebanese billionaire and former Prime Minister Najib Mikati for $1.5 billion. Mikati is to build a complex of government buildings, which then will be leased to the state. This proposal, and especially the $5 billion port deal with Al Maabar in Aqaba, provoked Jordanian MPs to raise a number of critical questions.

“The problem is the lack of transparency. Such contracts are required to be made public,” said senator and former Prime Minister Taher Masri. “The government must explain the circumstances of these investments, which happen in the dark. The Jordanian people might not feel the positive effects of privatization plans which will only benefit a small group of the rich.”

“Past experiences in Jordan have unfortunately proved that secret deals were designed to hide paid commission,” political analyst Fahd Khitan told AFP, criticizing the under-the-table agreements reached without the knowledge of the council of ministers. “Negotiations on privatization plans, including tenders, should be subject to public debate, particularly projects that are related to national or historical values.”

However, a lack of transparency regarding multi-billion investments and privatizations schemes is not Jordan’s only worry. On the long term, a much more frightening scenario could disrupt the kingdom and Amman’s sustainable growth: a drastic lack of water. Already one of the water-poorest countries on earth, by 2025 Jordan may be able to offer the perfect home to its citizens and tourists alike, yet arguably not a weekly shower.

Admittedly, the government has made a head start in saving and reusing water while Amman’s ageing network is under repair. However, seeing the fact that the city’s 2 million inhabitants already need to ration water use to make it to next week’s delivery, more drastic measures will be required to accommodate a city of over 6 million people.

Generally, government points at two solutions: the Diseh pipeline and the Red-Dead Canal. Diseh, a natural aquifer, has water, yet it is a non-renewable source near Wadi Rum in Jordan’s deep South. Inexplicably, it is today used for agriculture, while at the same time fueling Aqaba’s rapid expansion.

Critics wonder, therefore, just for how long a $750 million pipeline from this non-renewable source could benefit Amman. The $3 billion Red Dead Canal, combined with a desalinization facility, could be a way to help Jordan quench its thirst and save the Dead Sea from completely evaporating. One thing is certain however: the next Amman urban master plan will have to deal with water as an integral part of the city’s infrastructure.

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Lebanon

Crude without a culprit

by Executive Staff
written by Executive Staff

Sometime during the evening of Saturday, March 22, pipes from the Holcim cement factory in Chekka began leaking oil into the Mediterranean. Between one and two tons of oil entered the sea in the industrial area of Koura, just south of Tripoli. Holcim teams worked through the Easter holiday to clean the spill, and by Monday morning, the beach and the sea that were immediately contaminated in Chekka was cleaned.

Holcim, the NGO IndyAct and local residents all agree on the chronology of the oil spill and subsequent cleaning in Chekka. Yet that same weekend, residents of Anfeh, a fishing village a few kilometers north of Chekka, discovered a huge amount of oil had spilled onto their beaches, only two months after local teams with international support finished cleaning the remains of the 2006 War’s oil spill. Well over a month has passed, the beaches of Anfeh remain covered in black oil and Holcim, IndyAct, locals and the Lebanese government fight a protracted battle to identify the polluter and hold him responsible for cleaning costs.

Dana Obeid, a member of IndyAct, said that the organization became aware of the oil spill over the Easter weekend, and went to Anfeh to assess the damage on the following Tuesday. According to Obeid, IndyAct found that residents who live in the immediate vicinity of the beach were forced to leave their homes — sometimes for as long as five or six days — to avoid the overwhelming smell, made stronger by spring winds. Fishermen were unable to take their boats into the waters for up to two weeks. The large Phoenician walls built into a small cliff overlooking the ocean were threatened by the oil. The public beach was rendered unusable.

Polluting the economy

The village depends largely on the sea for its income and thus is in a difficult position as the summer season begins. Faysal Touma, a local fisherman, said the damage was worse than what the village saw after the July War. “Here we fish in shallow waters, and these were the areas most affected.” Another local fisherman, Bassam Fares, agreed. “The boury and crabs that used to flourish here have almost completely disappeared. Restaurants that used to call and order fish in the morning know that we have nothing and have stopped calling.”

The oil spill could not have come at a worse time for fishermen. “We still don’t know the full effect of the damage because spawning season begins this month. We won’t know how much the oil spill has affected fishing until we see how many eggs hatch this year, and then how that will affect next year’s spawn,” Touma said.

The strong spring tides have also pushed layers upon layers of debris onto the beach, making the area contaminated almost a meter thick in some places. Finally, as the days get warmer, the sun is melting the oil that had filled the crevices in the rocks along the coastline and dried on the rocky beach, meaning that it is now creeping back into the sea.

The town’s proximity to the Holcim factory and the winds that push the tide north immediately led IndyAct to see a link between the Chekka accident and the damage in Anfeh. Obeid said that IndyAct was in contact with Holcim the same day they went to survey the incident, but that the company immediately denied responsibility for the Anfeh spill and said that their responsibility had ended once the Chekka cleanup had been completed.

Issam Salameh, communications spokesperson of Holcim in Lebanon, maintains that it would have been impossible for the Holcim oil to reach Anfeh, because of the quick and “vigilant” response of Holcim teams as soon as the leak began.

“We began cleaning immediately when we saw the leak on Saturday, and we monitored the leak until everything was clean. If the fuel had spread, we would have noticed it and cleaned it immediately,” he said, noting Holcim’s interest in recovering as much oil as possible, as the leaked fuel is filtered directly back into the factory’s systems for continued use.

Salameh said although 200 to 400 square meters of water were covered by the oil, the environmental damage was limited. “Oil does not dissolve in water, and when it first enters water, it floats on the surface, so it never actually mixes with the water.”

Over the course of the cleanup, Holcim determined high temperatures caused quick melting of large amounts of ice, overloading the pipes in the factory and causing the leak. Salameh said Holcim is examining the cause of the leak in more detail in order to take corrective action, which should be in place within the year.

As the beaches of Anfeh sat black, the story gained press coverage and the attention of the government. A joint government committee from the Ministries of Environment and Transport visited Anfeh, taking fuel samples along the beach and the Holcim plant to determine if the two samples match, which should determine definitively whether the oil was Holcim’s.

No one held responsible

More than a month has passed since the sampling and no results have been announced yet. A Ministry of Environment official said it is normal that the identification process is long, as the matching process, known as fingerprinting, is quite complex. He said he hoped to have results within the next several weeks, but did not seem urgently concerned about the environmental damage.

“This area was hit very hard by the oil spill during the July War,” he said. “Because the cleaning was only finished two months ago, the environmental damage was already done.”

The ministry also stressed that entities other than Holcim may have caused the spill. The official said  “eyewitnesses reported seeing an industrial tanker off the coast of Anfeh that weekend. This tanker may also have leaked fuel, and the two oil spills could be a simple coincidence.” This ‘other tanker’, however, remains unidentified. The ministry source said the government would only begin to look for the mystery vessel if the tests showed that the oil in Anfeh did not originate at the Holcim factory.

Obeid, however, noted that the chances of two factories in the same region having an oil spill of similar amounts in such close proximity at the same time are slim. She also pointed to the fact that the Holcim factories have had similar accidents causing oil spills twice in the last six years.

Once the results of the government study are announced, the responsible party will bear the costs of cleaning the Anfeh beach. Confident the oil did not originate from Holcim’s factories, Salameh said his company had cooperated fully with investigators and would clean the beach if ordered to by the ministry.

The cleaning process will, however, be labor-intensive. The Anfeh beach is very rocky, which means that cleaning efforts will have to include manual scrubbing of rocks before high-pressure water hoses can be used. Moreover, the affected stretch of coast is surrounded by homes, which will impair access to the beach. Tony Chamoun, the director of the PROMAR company that cleaned the Anfeh beaches following the July War, estimates that cleaning would take between 30 and 45 days and would cost at least $200,000.

The Anfeh spill reveals bigger problems in Lebanon’s environmental laws, specifically in the Koura region. As Habib Maalouf of the Lebanese Environmental Party said, “There is always a high risk of environmental damage in this region because of the many ports and factories.” Yet despite this ever-present risk, the government has no strategy in place to deal with oil spills, instead dealing with cases on an ad hoc basis.

The Ministry of the Environment defended this strategy, saying flexibility made it easier to respond appropriately to individual incidents and  enforce laws requiring polluters pay for environmental damage they cause. Yet Maalouf said this legal principle is poorly enforced and leads to poor clean up of environmental damage.

IndyAct is calling for the beach to be cleaned immediately and for Holcim to pay compensation to the local fishermen. But as Holcim and IndyAct await the results of the government’s tests, local residents are anxious for action.

“We want to be able to use our beach. We want to be able to go back to work. We want someone to be held responsible, and we want to make sure that this won’t happen again,” Touma said. “People keep coming here to take pictures, to talk to us and to take samples, but when is anyone finally going to do something?”

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Lebanon

Kidsville comes to town

by Executive Staff
written by Executive Staff

These days, while driving north of Beirut on the highway towards Jounieh and Byblos, one encounters a big, blue structure on the side of the road, on the exact spot where the ABC store used to be. Written on the outside, in lettering so bold that one could easily overlook the department store’s logo, it proclaims “Kidsville — the largest kingdom just for kids!” Behind the blue cover is ABC Dbayye’s transmogrification from an ugly duckling into a pretty swan.

When the Lebanese retail company was faced with the fact that its oldest store was showing the wear and tear of long years in service and was in dire need of an overhaul, it had two alternatives: tearing down and re-building from scratch or renovating while keeping the store running.

As Ron Fadel, Vice President Leasing at ABC, explained, “we could not close the whole store for a year of renovation,” and thus only the second option was a viable one. The first part to be redone was the basement, which — re-invented as “Kidsville” — was opened again to the public in March 2008. Currently, both second and third floors are closed, and once they are re-opened in October of this year, the first and ground floors follow suit. Fadel expects all works to have been completed “by the end of 2009, beginning of 2010.”

The Kidsville concept, combining a plethora of retail aspects for children – clothing, shoes, jewelry, school supplies, toys, and even a child optician — in one space, is “the first of its kind in the region,” according to Fadel. Initially, he said, “we started with a much smaller Kids Wear section. But we soon felt, talking to potential talents, that there was a possibility to make a landmark for children in Lebanon and the region.”

Now, the children’s section covers the whole ground floor, totaling 8,000 square meters, and hosts 100 different brands, aiming to “offer everything that a Lebanese can currently have on the market.” Apart from apparel and school supplies, ABC is also in talks with local partners to open a children’s bookstore in Kidsville.

ABC, in its re-modeling of the Dbayye store, is consciously sticking to its roots as a department store, being open for the mall concept — many different stores under one roof — but trying to maintain as much of the old-style concept of grouping merchandise by type and not brand. As Fadel pointed out, this concept’s roots are not just in the European-style department stores like Galeries Lafayette, Harrod’s, and KaDeWe, but also in the region’s own historical retail space, the suq, where sellers of like wares — the coppersmiths, the carpenters, the spice salesmen — were, and are, always found together.

This is also observable in the ABC Ashrafieh Mall in Beirut, in which the company’s own department store occupies a major part. The concept seems to have found a positive resonance abroad, as ABC is getting offers to open up its trademark department stores in malls throughout the region and, indeed, just inaugurated its first venture abroad — a 4,200 square meter department store inside a mall in Amman, Jordan.

Asked about the future of malls and the current discussion about a time when the region will be “malled out”, Fadel answered that “It depends on the customer. Some want to go to a specific brand, to be in a specific brand environment. Others want the opposite — to be in an environment where they have the choice of many brands for the same goods. Both approaches are working. Both are here and will stay.”

ABC’s own plans echo those of many Lebanese businesses: regional expansion is on the drafting boards. Having weathered the last years of war and political crisis, during which the company has, nevertheless, managed to increase its revenues, the current focus is on the renovation of the Dbayye store, which will see its size almost double from 18,000 to 32,000 square meters, but the sights are already set further a field.

According to Fadel, the primary target area is the Levant — Lebanon, Syria, Jordan — but in five to ten years “ABC could be a company with several malls and department stores in more than three countries.”

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Lebanon

Taming the block rock

by Executive Staff
written by Executive Staff

Going back a few years, Gemmayzeh was a quiet, residential area. As the brown tourist signs declare, it was and still is a “quartier a caractère traditionnel”, and back then one might have thought of it as something of a “sleepy neighborhood.” But much of that has changed. In those few short years it has gained a reputation as a nightlife hotspot — one of the places to be seen over the weekend, where the high heels and Gucci bags brigade rub shoulders with the nose rings and dreadlocks crowd.

Four years ago there were only a couple of bars or restaurants in Gemmayzeh, but the last year or so has seen an exponential growth in the number of establishments with around 80 bars at present, and it seems as if a new place is opened every week. While this may be good news for weekend revelers, the rapid development has come at a price for some of Gemmayzeh’s residents. Over the weekends the quarter’s once slow and sleepy roads are now packed with traffic and the streets are crowded with the city’s youth letting off steam. As the neighborhood’s residents get ready for a good night’s sleep, a cacophony of clinking bottles, base beats, laughter and chatter rises from the streets until the early hours of the morning.

Tensions between the residents and the bar owners and patrons had been on the rise for a while and at some point something had to give. In the beginning of April, some residents staged a demonstration in Gemmayzeh, bringing the place to a stand still for a couple of hours, while also lodging formal complaints with the Ministry of Tourism and the Governor of Beirut about the problems the bars were causing them. This lead to the temporary closure of some twenty establishments that were not in possession of the correct licenses and placed yet another two groups in Lebanon in a tense stand-off: bar owners on one side and the residents on the other.

Parties to Politics

Those who read foreign press features will be acutely aware that there are two almost contradictory stories that periodically emanate from Lebanon. The first revolves around the political turmoil and speculates about the possibility of conflict and the second celebrates Beirut as the only city in the Middle East with a “decent” — whatever that might be — nightlife. So it is a fitting irony that Beirut’s nightlife has, of itself, become the latest cause of turmoil.

To date things have not gotten too out of hand, and although the odd egg or two has been thrown from a sleep-deprived resident’s balcony towards a crowd of loud and tipsy drinkers, the security situation appears to be under control. However, Ellie Nassar, the mukhtar (mayor) of Gemmayzeh and head of the residents committee, noted that there have been escalations of late: in one instance a whole bucket of carefully aimed steaming water drenched a noisy group of street drinkers. He proceeded to make the point that Gemmayzeh should have some 15 to 20 police on the streets over weekends, plain clothed if possible, to monitor the situation.

Nassar even expressed concern, possibly a little tongue in cheek, that without proper policing and with so many inebriated individuals, events might take a violent turn. He explained, “with so many drunk people coming from the bars and making problems with the residents, maybe it will end in a shooting — when people drink they lose control and everybody here has a gun. Everybody. It’s dangerous and it could happen.”

Perhaps this is over the top, but perhaps not. On one occasion in a bar in Gemmayzeh there was a young man who was very eager to show off his gun. Standing with an Al-Maza in hand, he proudly listed the names of his friends in different sects and then proceeded to explain that he had an automatic weapon in the back of his car and he’d be more than happy to get it out. The offer was politely declined.

The road from Monot to Gemmayzeh

In a more serious vein however, Gemmayzeh’s rise does have a connection to the political situation. The opposition sit-in around the downtown area seriously affected the number of patrons visiting bars around Monot, which predated Gemmayzeh as Beirut’s street nightlife center and is located only a stone’s throw away from the fringes of the tent-city sit-it. At tense points in the political stand off, Gemmayzeh, although also close to downtown, was viewed as a somewhat safer location for a night out. Novelty, changing fads, and a trendy set of bars and restaurants have also played their part in Gemmayzeh’s transformation from a sleepy residential area to the latest hip thing.

Then, of course, there is money. Entertainment is big business. According to a survey by Ziad Kamel, who sits on the Gemmayzeh bar owners’ marketing committee, local businesses in Gemmayzeh were losing as much as $70,000 a day in revenue during the two-week period in which a number of the bars were shut down and strict closing times were imposed on those that remained open. It is not only the bar owners who are profiting, between them the restaurants and bars pay some $3.4 million annually in rent to Gemmayzeh landlords.

At present, the vast majority of the bars have been reopened and the early closing times have been lifted, following a series of commitments from the bar owners, such as monitoring noise levels and preventing customers from leaving their premises with drinks. Residents have also requested closer regulation of the valet parking system and there has been a suggestion that the disused Charles Helou Bus station car park might be revamped to cater for weekend parking in the area.

Both the bar owners and the mukhtar were keen to point out that the responsibility for regulating the area does not fall to the proprietors alone. Both have requested that the government provide better services in the area, particularly efficient policing, improvement of the infrastructure, regulation of the one-way traffic system and possibly even installing cameras along the street.

The debacle has had some positive effects, as Ziad Kamel pointed out that “it’s the first time that the bar owners in Gemmayzeh have worked together and seen one another as support rather than competition — this is something that Monot never had.” At the same time the mukhtar, Ellie Nassar, hopes that the efforts on all sides will make life easier for the residents. Under the new agreements all the entertainment establishments are to be given three warnings should they violate the noise regulations, after which they will be summarily closed down.

At the end of the day though, Mukhtar Nassar clarified that even the vast majority of residents do not want it to come to this, saying “We don’t have any target to close down the bars, we simply want to regulate the nightlife.” As another resident, Michelle Ghanem, said while attending the bar owners’ committee meeting, “all I want to do is get some sleep, that’s it, just some sleep.”

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