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GCC

Migrant Labor

by Executive Staff April 28, 2008
written by Executive Staff

The latest major labor strike in the Gulf tore through Sharjah on March 18, 2008. At a maintenance company 1,500 migrant workers burned busses and cars, and smashed up the company’s administration office. Some of the workers told Gulf News they were rioting over low and unpaid wages. Riot police were called in, and the unrest eventually quelled.

These scenes have become common events in the Gulf. In February and March of this year, Dubai and Bahrain saw strikes that halted construction on billion dollar projects. In perhaps the most high profile strike just a few months earlier, in October 2007 thousands of workers on the Burj Dubai, soon to be the tallest building in the world, went on strike, then rioted, destroying the site office of Dubai construction firm Emaar. Like all GCC countries, the UAE and Bahrain prohibit labor unions. Strikes are legal in Bahrain, but prohibited in Dubai. The emirate later deported 4,000 striking workers back to their home countries. Bahrain initially had announced similar action but later retreated from threats to deport its striking workers.

These strikes have occurred for various reasons. Over the past two years, human rights organizations have documented some of the more horrific conditions workers endure in the six GCC states. Poor housing conditions, unsafe worksites, unpaid overtime, shifty middlemen overcharging workers for visas and travel, and long working hours in the searing summer heat have become acknowledged problems.

And as the Gulf has come under more scrutiny — including receiving the worst possible ranking in the US State Department’s 2005 Trafficking in Persons Report — some countries have tried to change their images, and even their policies.

Conditions of migrant workers

Population statistics for the GCC are notoriously unreliable, perhaps because the foreign labor population is breathtaking. According to United Nations figures from 2006, there are an estimated 12 million foreign workers in the GCC — around 30% of the total population. Around 8.4 million of those workers come from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Philippines. The majority fill the menial tasks of everyday life that keeps the Gulf functioning: construction workers, maids, nannies and the service industry. And according to analysts like Nisha Varia of Human Rights Watch, the GCC countries do not appreciate their work.

“One of the issues is that despite all the benefit they’re getting from these workers, they haven’t extended adequate protections to them,” she said.

One of the workers is Sakamilee Nam, a 22-year-old construction worker from Pakistan. He lives in a room with six other men in a labor camp outside Dubai. Nam says as soon as he arrived in the UAE, his boss took away his passport to make sure he stayed on the job. Nam is not happy about it.

“If we don’t like things here, and want to go back home, then it’s going to be very difficult for us,” he said. “This is not right. Our passport should be with us.”

In fact, Human Rights Watch’s Varia pointed out that confiscating workers’ passports is illegal. However, like many labor laws in the GCC, the law prohibiting employers from keeping employee passports is not enforced. According to her, this is just one of the negative aspects of the Gulf’s notorious system of “sponsorship”. Under this system, individual employers “sponsor” migrants’ work visas, which mean workers cannot switch jobs, even if the employer is abusive or irresponsible.

Another problem is that recruiters charge high initial fees that then need to be paid back, over a long period of time. Pakistani worker Mohammed Youngeer earns about $270 a month. But it will take a long time for his family to see any of that money. Like many others, Youngeer had to borrow about $2,500 to pay a Pakistani employment agency to get him a job in Dubai. It essentially makes him an indentured servant for a year, or more.

“We’ll work hard here now for one whole year at least to recover that money and send it back home,” Youngeer said. “After that, what we do here, will probably count as profit, but for one year we are working to only pay off that money.”

However, Emirati officials say the treatment of migrant workers has improved.

“We are concerned with the protection of worker while they are here,” said Alex Zalami, an advisor to the UAE Labor Minister. “We provide better housing than before, better health insurance than before, and better safety conditions than before.”

Changes since 2006

After the State Department’s 2005 Trafficking in Human Persons Report, and a Human Rights Watch report called “Building Towers, Cheating Workers” in 2006, the UAE, and specifically Dubai, became one of the first GCC states to begin calling for, and implementing, reforms. By November 2007, the UAE’s labor ministry had set up a special labor court to resolve disputes. The government increased the number of inspectors to examine labor camps and worksites. The emirate also instituted health insurance for workers and developed mechanisms for the collection of unpaid wages.

Other countries are following suit. In November of 2007, India and Qatar signed a “labor protocol” that enacts new rules for the recruitment of Indian domestic workers. It also calls for the formation of two committees, one in each country, which are supposed to meet and discuss labor issues.

Qatar has also announced it will build a $1 billion “labor city” to house 50,000 workers. Near the capital of Doha, the city is slated to include “mosques, playgrounds, cinemas, a mall, motel, sports center, healthcare facilities, and a police and fire station.”

This announcement comes as the UAE continues construction on a series of labor cities within Dubai’s Industrial City development. According to developer Tatweer’s website, the housing will meet all Dubai’s municipal standards, and “providing business owners with affordable, high quality standard accommodation for laborers and supervisors.” The developers plan to house 87,000 workers in seven separate compounds within the confines of the Industrial City development. Rooms will sleep anywhere from one to nine workers, and the compounds will include cafes, health and fitness facilities, banks and other services.

And in January 2008, Abu Dhabi hosted what some hailed as a groundbreaking meeting between ministers from Asian and African countries that supply workers and the Gulf countries that receive them. Called “The Abu Dhabi Dialogue” it was the first time a GCC country hosted labor sending countries for conference specifically addressing workers’ issues.

The meeting was a success: the ministers signed the “Abu Dhabi Declaration”, a general agreement aimed at finding ways to crack down on dubious recruitment practices and employment agencies that take advantage of the sponsorship system. Brunson Mckinley, director general of the International Organization for Migration, said the dialogue indicated that Gulf states are trying to improve conditions.

“They’re all coming in the right direction,” he said. “There is an understanding all around that good treatment of workers is essential, because if they’re not treated right nor paid well, then they simply won’t come anymore. And it’s as simple as that.”

Labor shortage?

Indeed, the Gulf may be facing a huge labor shortage of up to 5 million workers. The reason is that India and other countries sending workers to the Gulf are now themselves booming, and funding their own construction projects.

“The golden days of cheap labor from Asia for the Gulf contractors are gone,” told Abdulmajeed al-Gassab, vice president of the Arabian Gulf Chapter of the Project Management Institute, to Bahrain’s Gulf Daily News in March 2008.

But others doubt that market forces will force the reforms needed to help the millions of vulnerable laborers in the Gulf right now. And Human Rights Watch’s Nisha Varia points out that huge numbers of people in India and Pakistan are continuing to be desperate for work — and thus they will not stop coming any time soon. She agrees, however, that the Abu Dhabi Dialogue, and the Declaration’s proposed reforms are steps in the right direction, yet she thinks the Gulf states need to do a lot more.

“These are really entrenched problems, and they have not gone so far as to protect certain rights, to bargain collectively, to form unions,” she said. “So we’ll see what they do and if action on ground is going to match up to rhetoric.”

As if the existing problems are not enough, now the GCC has to deal with another labor-related problem: as the US dollar plummets, and with it the GCC currencies pegged to it workers are striking more often because compared to the currencies in their countries of origin, their take-home wages are taking a dive. And the high inflation in the booming economies of the Gulf, and especially the UAE, means workers have even less money to send home each month.

In order to compensate for this, the Indian government earlier this year considered imposing a minimum wage on all contracts in Gulf countries. As the first efforts to enforce this new rule came into affect on March 1, 2008, Indian workers in Bahrain began to riot. The government of Bahrain blamed India for the trouble, reasoning that Indians already in the country would not settle for their colleagues being paid more. The Indian government backed down, and no minimum wage rule has been imposed as of yet.

But migrant worker advocate groups say the Gulf governments have a better chance of keeping their workers happy, and in place, if they would legislate a minimum wage for foreign workers, enforce existing labor laws, improve labor courts, and provide migrants with legal aid. They say this would make the Gulf not only one of the fastest developing parts of the world, but also a regional leader in protecting workers’ rights.

April 28, 2008 0 comments
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Levant

A friend amidst foes

by Peter Grimsditch April 28, 2008
written by Peter Grimsditch

The adage that “my enemy’s enemy is my friend” was a very simple concept (even if often misplaced) until Turkey put its own twist on that circular old saw.  Nowadays, Ankara has no problem in regarding my friend’s enemy as my friend. Turkey’s economic ties with Iran have strengthened considerably recently while Turkish companies also manage to turn a tidy profit in Kurdish Northern Iraq.  Trade with Iran was worth an estimated $8 billion in 2007, up nearly a fifth on the previous year. In the first month of this year, the rise was even more spectacular. Bilateral trade hit $700 million, an increase of 32.35% on the same month last year. So the visit to Ankara in March of Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Alireza Sheikh Attar was a significant step in cementing ties.

Turkey’s mildly Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) government certainly looks more favorably towards the Islamic Republic than the staunchly secular, Atlanticist governments of the past. In return, Iran has backed Turkey’s incursion into Iraq, comparing the PKK to its own Kurdish separatist movement, the PJAK (a somewhat spurious but politically useful conflation). More controversially, according to some reports, Iran used Turkey’s military operations as an excuse to conduct its own, shelling villages in Northern Iraq that it believes shelter PJAK militants. This will not play well with Turkey’s American allies. The US apparently supplied the Turkish military with strategic assistance in targeting PKK camps but its patience will be finite if Turkey’s attacks continue.

Turkey also has a difficult circle to square in its relations with both Iran, and its arch enemy, Israel – long a Turkish ally. Prime Minister Erdogan has strongly criticized Israeli assaults on the Gaza Strip, but may be embarrassed by the belligerent stance of Sheikh Attar, who brought up the Gaza issue while in Ankara, and whose government issues regular condemnations of Zionism. Israel’s government, in turn, has accused the Turks of double standards, comparing their incursion into Gaza to Turkey’s in Iraq. But then Iran too knows something about double standards. Israel supplied Iran with spare parts for its ageing F-4 fighters during the eight-year war with Iraq, partly in exchange for allowing Jews out of Iran.

The middleman for all sides

Despite a current diplomatic situation that is – on the surface – uncomfortable at times, Turkey sees trade with Iran continuing to grow.  Barring an unforeseen crisis and an unlikely end to Turkey’s ability to see profitable opportunity in every direction, this is a reasonable forecast.  Nor does Iran seem to view Turkey’s relations with the Jewish state as an impediment to commerce.

In turn, Turkey is showing willingness to help Iran boost its trade with the wider world, currently limited by sanctions. In March, Saltuk Duzyol, head of Turkish energy firm Botafl, floated the idea that the proposed Nabucco pipeline, which will carry natural gas across Turkey to Eastern and Central Europe, could transport Iranian gas. This raised eyebrows in Washington — the US has long supported the Nabucco project, seeing it as a key to diversifying Europe’s energy supply away from an increasingly belligerent Russia but is publicly opposed to

using Iranian gas, due to its equally public bitter disagreements with Tehran. Admittedly, Duzyol also raised the possibility of transporting Russian gas, which would seem to defeat the whole object of Nabucco.  That puts into question whether Turkey’s European partners in the pipeline project are receptive to his suggestions – or indeed take them seriously. The Iran gambit may also alarm Turkey’s ethnic cousins in Central Asia, who were originally intended to be Nabucco’s suppliers (though it seems that Kazakhstan has been bought off by Russian President Vladimir Putin). Turkmenistan’s President Kurbanguly Berdymukhamedov passed through Ankara in March, and the pipeline and his country’s role in it were on the agenda. But Duzyol’s statement can be seen as notice that Turkey still considers Iran a useful trading partner, as it has for decades.

The friend-enemy-friend syndrome appears politically even less logical in Northern Iraq but nevertheless its economic pragmatism has solid roots in history. Turkish-owned trucks made a very profitable (and wholly unofficial) living running a supply chain in and out of Northern Iraq throughout the days of Saddam’s rule in the era of sanctions. On the Kurdish question, the simplistic “Turkey is very wary of all things Kurdish” becomes muddied when muddled with money. Iraq’s response to the eight-day Turkish incursion into the Kurdish region in the north of the country at the end of February, and air strikes that were resumed in mid-March, has been muted. Days after ground troops pulled out, Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, himself a Kurd, visited Ankara, his first trip since assuming the role of head of state. Murat Ozcelik, Turkey’s special representative for Iraq said that, after the visit, “relations between Turkey and Iraq will gain a new momentum and we will enter a period in which a new page will be turned.” While the visit was described as a “working” trip rather than “official”, which was seen as a minor but deliberate snub to Talabani, the meeting was indicative of Ankara’s eagerness not to leave bad blood between the two countries.

Fortunes lost and gained in Iraq

Turkey’s interest in Iraq certainly extends beyond the problems of Kurdish insurgents. The Turkish-Iraqi Business Council estimated before the US-led invasion in 2003 that the cost of the two Iraq wars to Turkey is around $150 billion.  However, trade has recently received an “immense” fillip, according to Council president Ercüment Aksoy, who thinks that “the future may be brighter than we had foreseen in 2002,” if the unitary Iraqi state can be held together. Ironically, Turkey may actually have benefited from the occupation of Iraq, as its firms have had access to public tenders and more freedom to operate in the market than had previously been the case. Indeed, reports in the Turkish press in March suggested that Turkey had actually made a net financial gain from the US invasion.  However, Aksoy has warned that a break-up of Iraq could lead to the balance tipping drastically into loss again. Furthermore, analysts say that the increase in the price of Iraqi oil exports to Turkey (from $4.1 billion to $12 billion for Turkey’s annual 175 million barrel purchase), means that Turkey has, in fact, still lost out.

Nonetheless, the lifting of the sanctions imposed between 1991 and 2003 has allowed Turkish firms to sell their goods – particularly basic staples and household goods – across the border once more. Interestingly, the opening of the Kurdish region in the north, and its relative stability, has paid off; Turkish exports to it are lively. Last year Turkish-Iraqi business volume, which includes construction and other services, was estimated at around $7 billion, which Turkey is looking to increase to $10 billion; bilateral trade overall is worth around $4 billion.  The bulk of the business volume is Turkish activity in the three northern provinces of Iraq. While the saber-rattlers in the military and the nationalist opposition in Turkey have urged that the army press further into Iraq, the government assuredly sees the need to keep relations with the autonomous northern region at least cordial, and economic disruption to an absolute minimum. The feeling both sides of the border seems to be that, once the necessary damage is adjudged to have been done to the PKK’s infrastructure in Northern Iraq, business as normal can resume. In short, where business is concerned concepts of friends and enemies take on an altogether different hue.

Peter Grimsditch is editorial director at the Oxford Business Group.

April 28, 2008 0 comments
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Levant

The dying sea

by Executive Staff April 28, 2008
written by Executive Staff

Once one of the cradles of humanity — Jericho, one of the oldest human settlements sits near its northern shore — today the Dead Sea has become a prime tourist attraction and a source of revenue for Jordanian industry.

The Dead Sea is a liquid enclave caught between the mountains of Israel and Jordan. At about 400m below sea level it is the lowest point on earth. “A million years ago, a major earthquake causing the Syrian-African Rift created the Dead Sea, which was deprived of its natural outflow to the sea,” said Dr. Ussama Qutaishat from Jordan’s Universal Labs. It is fed by freshwater from the Jordan River as well as by small springs and streams. As the Dead Sea water evaporates, salts accumulate in the lake and in its sediments, a natural process resulting in high salt concentration estimated at 33%, over 10 times higher than the Mediterranean.

From this wonder of nature many industries have sprung to life, with hotels and spas rising around the salty lake, and tourists flocking to the area all year round, seeking the many benefits offered by the Dead Sea. On the Jordanian side, industrial conversion of sediments into products is done by one company. Qutaishat pointed out, “On the industry level, the Arab Potash Company is responsible for the production and marketing of a variety of chemical products extracted from the minerals of the Dead Sea as well as raw materials for the cosmetic industry.”

An expanding industry

The Dead Sea cosmetics industry revolves around the mineral-rich salts and mud harvested from the lake. Components are mainly magnesium, calcium, bromides and potassium. These ingredients are known for treating a variety of ailments and skin conditions such as arthritis, rheumatism, psoriasis, eczema, stress and other disorders. “Minerals also disinfect, purify and nourish, deep cleanse and firm as well as tighten the skin,” Qutaishat added.

The Dead Sea industry in Jordan began in the late 1980s. According to the Dead Sea Cosmetics Cluster by the Jordan Ministry of Planning, by 2003 there were around 48 registered companies, 36 of which are export-oriented small and medium companies engaged in manufacturing Dead Sea products, with a total investment capital of $10 million, and giving jobs to around 750 workers.

“Jordan and Israel are the only two producers of Dead Sea cosmetics in the world but Israel has been engaged in this particular activity long before us,” explained Munir Haddad, international marketing manager at Rivage (Al-Mawared Natural Beauty Products Corporation). According to the Dead Sea Cluster, in 2003 Jordan sold 2.7 million tons of Dead Sea cosmetics, while Israel supplied the world with 29.6 million tons.

The Jordanian Dead Sea cosmetic industry caters mainly to foreign markets. Haddad estimates that around 60% of the company’s production is exported to more than 35 countries in North America, Europe, the Arab World and the Far East. The manager also explained that, whereas Israel’s Dead Sea cosmetic exports are worth about $200 million, Jordan generates less than 10% of that amount.

Both cosmetic companies agreed that local consumption of Dead Sea products is hindered by the reluctance of Jordanians to use local products and their unfamiliarity with the many benefits offered by Dead Sea product lines, a factor which may account for the industry’s focus on export. “The Dead Sea cosmetic sector is still relatively new in Jordan and remains a very challenging one due to the Israeli competition. It has also taken some time to develop as it has been slowed by red tape and bureaucracy. Nonetheless, perceptions are slowly changing as people start realizing the importance of Dead Sea cosmetics,” said Qutaishat.

According to Haddad, Dead Sea products are mainly marketed through hotels and spas, and can also be found in department stores, pharmacies and airport duty free sections. Qutaishat pointed out that as of this year, his lines will be available in five Arab airports.

However, cosmetics are not the only products derived from the Dead Sea. Other items include potash for the agricultural and chemical industries, while some international companies also use Dead Sea salt in saline solutions.

These industries are closely linked to the fate of the Dead Sea. In recent years, the surface of the sea has shrunk significantly with water levels having fallen by about 26 meters, or an average 90 centimeters every year, according to Dr. Sufyan Tell, former director of the Jordanian Department. Too much of the Jordan River’s water, the Dead Sea’s lifeline, is used for agriculture purposes and in towns.

“The Dead Sea originally consisted of two basins, a larger, deep northern basin and a shallow southern one, which are separated by a peninsula called Al-Lisan — meaning ‘the tongue’ in Arabic,” Tell said. Today, the southern basin is essentially dry and includes evaporation ponds used by Israeli and Jordanian potash plants. Ecological damage to the Dead Sea lies in the loss of fresh water springs, river bed erosion, and the further decline of sea levels, which are likely to cause more severe environmental, cultural, and economic damage.

Reviving the Dead Sea

In 2005 Jordan, Israel and the Palestinian Authority publicly committed themselves to studying the feasibility of transferring water from the Red Sea to the Dead Sea, via a canal — dubbed “Red-to-Dead” — as a solution to stop the rapid decline of water levels in the Dead Sea. The project envisions desalinating water and generating energy for Jordan, Israel, and the Palestinian Authority by putting to use the 400 meter difference in elevation between the Dead Sea and the Red Sea to produce electricity.

“However, the project holds critical environmental and technical challenges and much of it will expand on Jordanian land. In addition, the Red Sea and Dead Sea waters will not mix properly, which will certainly alter water quality and structure in the Dead Sea,” Tell explained. The scientist expects the connection of the two seas to contribute to a layered effect in the Dead Sea rather than a deep mixing of the two solutions as a layer of seawater will come to rest atop the dense hyper-saline solution, leading to a change in water color. “The project will also negatively affect the industries derived from the Dead Sea, such as the Arab Potash company, which will be flooded while Israeli structures, built on higher grounds remain unscathed. The cosmetics industry will most probably be affected as well,” he believes.

Once the right level is reached, the rate of inflow would have to be adjusted to preserve the water balance between the fresh and salty water. Tell doubts that Jordan will truly benefit from the project, which is estimated to cost $4-6 billion and whose main positive effects will be on the Israeli side.

However, with the Dead Sea’s water level continuing to fall and a decline of water consumption from the Jordan River out of the question, the Red-to-Dead Canal may be the only way to ensure that in a few more decades the Dead Sea will be nothing more than a dry, salt-crusted hole in the ground.

April 28, 2008 0 comments
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Levant

Euphrates trade flows

by Executive Staff April 28, 2008
written by Executive Staff

Look at any map of maritime shipping routes and there are two geographically ideal ports for Iraq-bound goods: Umm Qasr for ships from Asia, and Lattakia/Tartus in Syria for cargo from Europe, the Americas and Africa.

Maps, however, do not convey the realities on the ground, with the obvious points of entry to Iraq fraught with complications. Umm Qasr’s ports are in a state of infrastructural disarray, shippers report corruption and theft, and some $13 billion is needed for the first stage of a the new ‘Larger Port’. Further billions are needed for the new Al-Faw port, and the other four harbors in the Shatt al-Arab all require serious upgrades.

Kuwait, a potential contender for major trade hub status with Iraq, is currently hampered by customs, high taxation and foreign ownership issues in addition to inadequate port facilities, although the development of the $1.2 billion Bubiyan island port facility will change this in coming years.

All of this has left Iran, Turkey, Jordan and Syria to take up the slack as the main maritime and land-based trade routes into beleaguered Iraq. The Islamic Republic, however, is benefiting in terms of exporting Iranian goods and machinery, Turkey likewise, leaving much of the maritime trade for Iraq to come through Jordan’s Aqaba port — logistically far from Iraq, particularly the urban zones of the Jazira — and better geographically positioned Syria.

Up and down trade

Syria, despite its proximity to Iraq, has not exactly pushed the boat out to capitalize on the geographic attributes that make it a natural trading partner with its easterly neighbor and a major transit route from the West and Africa. Official trade figures from 2004-2006 are only indicative of one particular trend, declining imports from Iraq, from $88.7 million in 2004 to $18.7 million in 2006.

The trend for Syria’s exports to Iraq can be best described as a reverse bell curve, from $469.1 million in 2004, down to $254.6 million in 2005, and then surging to $626.8 million in 2006. With the figures for last year yet to be released, it is not known whether Syria’s exports spiked or declined in 2007, and it is also unapparent what caused 2005’s plunge in exports — conversations with public and private sectors having not made the picture any clear.

On a recent Executive visit to the Syrian-Iraqi border at Abu Kamal/Al-Qaim in the north-east, there was no traffic to speak of and locals reported minimum activity. This was not overly surprising given the state and size of roads from Deir al-Zor to the border. Major highway infrastructure is also absent on the Iraqi side of the border despite Abu Kamal’s strategic position 648 km from Lattakia and 403 km to Baghdad, making it one of the shortest routes to the Iraqi capital and immediate north of the country.

The state of Syria’s infrastructure does beg the question of why Damascus is not doing more to improve connections to Iraq, although the Logistics Performance Index released by the World Bank last year offers an idea. Out of 150 countries reviewed, Syria ranked 135th, and 15th out of 16 countries in the MENA region, ranking highest for domestic logistics costs and worst for ‘logistics competence’.

Considering Abu Kamal’s logistical difficulties, the south-eastern border at Al-Tanf is the more favored crossing, connecting to a major highway in Iraq’s Anbar province that also merges with Jordanian traffic to Ramadi and Baghdad, clocking in at around 955 km from Lattakia to Baghdad.

“For security reasons a lot of people take cargo to Aleppo and then to Northern Iraq to the Kurds, as they have established some form of security,” said Samir Hamod, manager of Maersk’s trade coordination office in Lattakia.

Goods are also transported from Aleppo by train on a rather circuitous route via Qamishle in the far north to Mosul. “It’s the best way, safe and lower costs,” said an official with a Lattakia-based logistics company who preferred to

remain anonymous.

Syria is to improve this route however, currently laying a railway via Deir al-Zor that will run to Mosul and on to Iran, although when the Iraqi side will be operational is far from clear (the first stage of a 284 km railway around Baghdad, slated to cost $8 billion, is expected to take six years to complete).

Syrian port activity (2006)

Syrian trade with Iraq

Border closures and inferior products

One reason for such unpredictable trade, aside from security on the Iraqi side, is the accessibility of the border crossings. “It’s hard to know about the borders, they are sometimes open, and at other times closed, so trade is good at times, bad at others,” said the logistics company official.

Indeed, according to a Voices of Iraq (VOI) report in February 2008 that quoted the head of Al-Qaim’s city council, the border with Abu Kamal was only re-opened in November 2007 after being closing for an undisclosed time while security improved on the Iraqi side.

Although trade has increased since then, local traders complained to VOI of second-level quality or expired goods entering from Syria. “Despite the Al-Qaim border now being open, I am still importing foodstuff items from Turkey because Turkish products are of a much higher quality and competitively priced when compared to similar Syrian products. Locally consumed products in Syria are high quality, and Syrians export low quality products to Iraq,” a trader is quoted as saying.

According to Jihad Yazigi, editor of the economic and business newsletter The Syria Report, Syria’s manufacturing sector has benefited from bolstered trade with Iraq, as following the 2005 Greater Arab Free Trade Area (GAFTA) pact local production began developing higher quality products and packaging.

“Usually the Syrian manufacturing sector has difficulties exporting, and Iraq is an easy market. It has given breathing space to a lot of manufacturers, with Iraqis coming and paying cash,” said Yazigi. He added that goods exported to Iraq are primarily foodstuffs and manufactured products.

Port development

Syria still has a lot to do in developing infrastructure for trade with Iraq, but its major ports are getting much needed investment. In February 2008, a cooperation agreement was inked between Syria and the Japan International Cooperation Agency to modernize and improve goods shipping and infrastructure at Lattakia’s port. A Chinese firm is also to install a gantry crane in the next three months.

Meanwhile, the Tartus International Container Terminal is being upgraded by a Filipino firm, ICTSI, which is also to manage the port as part of a 10-year concession.

According to Yazigi, “For Syrian decision makers the country’s position as an infrastructure route is so strategic that at the Tartus port they contracted a private company to manage it. This is new for the government, to encourage BOTs (Build Operate Transfer), and this is a significant contract.”

Although Tartus is geographically better suited for trade with Iraq, the port currently handles considerably fewer containers than Lattakia, with 38,649 containers in 2006 compared to Lattakia’s 471,970. Cargo weight at Tartus, however, is significantly higher, at 12.76 million tons as opposed to Lattakia’s 8.09 million tons.

But just as customs issues need to be ironed out at the Iraqi border, Maersk’s Homod said Lattakia’s port authorities need also need to streamline their inspections.

“Lattakia can handle a lot of containers but one problem we are suffering from is customs. A lot of commodities have to be inspected, strip searched inside the port so that causes congestion. The normal procedure at a terminal is to go to a warehouse and empty it there,” he explained.

Influx of Iraqis

Legislation and regulations are certainly not lacking for trade with Iraq to flourish, with bilateral agreements in place, gas and electricity networks in operation, and relations between Damascus and Baghdad warmer than they have been for 30 years. Turkey, Iraq and Syria have even agreed, just last month, to set up a joint water institute to share their water resources. Syria’s first private airline, Sham Wings, is also now flying to Baghdad, competing directly with Iraqi Airways.

“It’s not so much legislation [that needs to be amended] as attitude,” said Dr Nabil Sukkar, Managing Director of the Syrian Consulting Bureau for Development and Investment. “We are liberalizing trade, but it’s difficult to know what is happening on the ground. That has to be talked about rather than through legislation.”

As economists and businessmen point out, aside from official trade statistics there is minimal information about the scale of trade, what is traded, and where it is bound.

“We know the origin of containers but it’s difficult to determine where the cargo will go,” said Homod. “A lot of cargo is declared in transit, or to the free zone, and can then go to Jordan, Turkey, Iraq or Lebanon.”

Informal trade with Iraq is extremely high, as are inflows and outflows of cash to the 1.36 million Iraqi refugees in Syria. The number of refugees increased 19% last year, triggering inflation, higher rents and costing the treasury some $1 billion a year, but also strengthening ties.

“There has never been as strong a relationship between the two countries as due to the refugees — intermarriage, contracts and investment in factories, and a private university,” Said Yazigi. “A lot will also stay on when there is stability in Iraq.”

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Levant

Trading heritage

by Executive Staff April 25, 2008
written by Executive Staff

Syria’s trading heritage spans empires. But while the famed souks of Damascus and Aleppo still bustle with activity, a new shopping experience is being demanded: the air-conditioned souk, commonly known as the shopping mall. Unlike its neighbors, Syria has long been barren ground for shopping malls. The country has, however, undergone something of a retail revolution in recent years and the appearance of foreign goods and international retail chains is one of the most obvious signs of the country’s economic liberalization. Four shopping malls have opened in as many years and the same number are presently under construction. Upwards of six more are on the drawing board. All expect to find a warm welcome from a public which, until 2003, was banned from importing many foreign goods.

Syria’s new-found retail spirit has not, however, been without the odd hiccup. The Hejaz Souks project was to transform the central business district of Damascus, giving one of the world’s oldest trading hubs a shinny new commercial heartland. Yet three and a half years after the contract to build the 60,000 square meter commercial and retail development was signed, and two years after the multi-million project was expected to be finished, it remains a large hole in the ground.

Urban management problems

Work started on the five-story shopping mall, which will include a rail link joining the city center to the airport on a Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) basis, in 2004. But little progress has been made since the foundations were dug three years ago. Urban management problems such as where to park cars and how to solve ever increased conjunction in front of the station, along with opposition from heritage groups concerned about the project’s impact on the character of the near 100-year-old Hejaz Station, has reportedly bogged down progress on the development which is being backed by the country’s largest holding company, Cham Holding.

“There has been a lot of opposition to the project from various NGOs, including the Friends of Damascus Society, to preserve the Hejaz building,” said Nabil Sukkar, managing director of the Syrian Consulting Bureau for Development and Investment.

But while the country’s flagship retail development has been tangled in delays, others are happy to take the title. Four shopping malls are now up and running in the country’s capital including the 35,000 square meter Town Center located on the southern outskirts of Damascus, the 8,000 sqm Cham Center situated in the recently developed up-market Kafer Souseh area, the 10,000 sqm Skiland shopping and entertainment venue incorporating Syria’s first ski-rink and the 2,500 sqm Damascus Boulevard, the country’s premier high end shopping address adjoining the Four Seasons Hotel. All are doing a brisk trade and have whetted the nation’s appetite — the core demographic of which is young — for the shopping mall experience. As Mohamed Awa, manager of Damascus Boulevard which opened last September, pointed out, “Syrians are no longer strangers to the shopping mall model, there is a big demand for this kind of shopping service and experience.”

The 55,000 square meters of dedicated shopping mall space in Damascus is still, however, far below that of other regional capitals. Amman boasts 200,000 sqm, Cairo 600,000 sqm, while Beirut’s City Mall and ABC mall by themselves provide more than four times the dedicated shopping mall space than what is on offer in Syria. And then there are those 1.3 million sqm in Dubai. “Syria is still quite underdeveloped in Western retail terms when compared with the leading Gulf states or even Jordan and Lebanon, despite the current economic downturn in the latter,” said Simon Thompson, head of Retail International.

That, however, is about to change. The next few years is set to see Syria come up to shopping mall par, with upwards of 10 malls being planned for the country’s two major cities of Damascus and Aleppo, several of which are vying to be the largest in the Levant. The next to open will be the Damasquino Mall, a 20,000 sqm enclosed mall centered on a hypermarket and adjoining the Cham Center in Kafr Sousah. Work has also begun on the high profile Eighth Gate development by Dubai-based Emaar Properties and Investment Group Overseas (IGO), an offshore company owned in majority by Syrian expatriate businessman Mouaffaq Al-Gaddah. The project — what is essentially a private city — will include a 55,000 sqm mall, along with a five-star, 15-story hotel, a similar tourist apartment building and a 30-story office tower, all spread over 300,000 sqm. The $550 million project is located in Yafour on the Damascus-Beirut highway.

More projects a coming

The company is also finalizing the details of its second major Syrian project, Damascus Hills, another multi-use development spread over 5 million sqm containing considerable retail space. Located on the northern outskirts of Damascus near the highway leading to Homs, early estimates have put the project’s total cost at more than $3 billion.

Construction has also begun on Yafour Gardens, a mixed-use development being backed by the Syrian-based Urban Development Group. The $120 million project has a built up area of 100,000 sqm and will include a hotel, furnished apartments, sporting facilities, shopping mall and supermarket.

Another Gulf heavyweight, the Majid Al-Futtaim Group, is backing a $1 billion integrated tourism city in Sabboura on the outskirts of Damascus. The project will have a built up area of 1.5 million sqm and contain a 200,000 sqm shopping mall boasting some 350 retail shops. When completed the mall is set to be the largest in the Levant.

Souria Holding, one of the country’s new holding companies, is also backing a number of high level developments. The company is behind plans to develop the Baramkeh area in central Damascus, turning the former transport hub into a mixed-use development including a five-star hotel, serviced apartments, office tower and considerable retail space containing a hypermarket and cinema. The $280 million development will be located on 3,700 sqm of land, with a built up area of 260,000 sqm.

The company is also backing a $70 million, 49,000 sqm mixed-use development on the Mezzeh Highway in Damascus which is expected to include around 17,400 sqm of retail space. In addition, it recently signed a BOT contract with the City Council of Aleppo to build and develop Aleppo’s Gate, a 300,000 sqm development that will include a shopping mall and new transport hub for the city. The project is expected to cost $60 million. The company has also finalized a deal with the Middle East hypermarket retailer Spinneys to establish outlets in each of its retail developments.

Finally, Mövenpick Hotels and Resorts will manage a five-star hotel in a 49,000 sqm complex, again in the Kafr Sousah area, of which 6,300 sqm will be dedicated to retail space. A further 75,000 sqm tourism development to be constructed next the Sheraton Hotel in Damascus and, also, contain a shopping mall.

Adding to the retail boom

Numerous factors are driving the country’s retail boom. The 2003 decision allowing the import of foreign goods has seen an ever growing array of international brands appear on Syrian shelves. The successful move by Syria’s garment industry to begin producing international clothing brands under license has also seen a number of high profile clothing lines appear throughout the country and Syria’s new malls are heavy in clothing outlets. “Greater consumer confidence in Syrian manufactured garments, gained from the production of clothing under the license of international brands since the early-1990s, has preempted the shift from the souk to the high street,” a recent report by Colliers International on Syria’s retail sector found.

Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanon — and the subsequent political tension between the two countries — has also aided the country’s retail conversion, with more affluent Syrians choosing to spend their pounds in Damascus rather than Beirut, generating a viable retail market. “Before, the closest market was Lebanon,” Muhannad al-Mallah, general manager of the Damasquino Mall, said. “These days, not a lot of people are going there. They are excited to find the kinds of brands they found in Lebanon right here.”

The country’s young demographic is also starved of leisure amenities and shopping — or window browsing at the very least — is fast becoming a national past time. “The popularity of shopping and dining as a key leisure activity in Syria for both the middle and high classes and increases in consumer purchasing power have also stimulated demand for retail malls with strong brand representation,” Colliers International concluded.

Syria’s retail sector is becoming an increasingly important driver in the national economy. The sector is estimated to employ 27% of the country’s workforce and stands as the third largest contributor to GDP at 17%. It is also one of the main reasons 4.8 million day visitors from neighboring Arab countries, including 1.8 million from Lebanon, crossed into Syria in 2006, the last year hard figures are available.

Yet obstacles remain. The most common complaint being the high tariffs levied on many imports, which can reach as high as 50% on some items, hampering the development of high end shopping. “That’s why we are trying to choose middle range brands,” al-Mallah said. “The high-end would be too high with tax.” A lack of diversification among outlets, particularly clothing brands, has also been singled out as a weakness. The rising cost of raw materials is also seeing the costs of projects throughout Syria balloon.

For now, however, its full steam ahead — the simple guide being, if you build (and air-condition) it, they will come.

April 25, 2008 0 comments
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Fighting the same enemies

by Norbert Schiller April 21, 2008
written by Norbert Schiller

On the fifth anniversary of “Operation Iraqi Freedom,” the ‘operation’ part is still far from over. When the Iraqi military was neutralized in the first few weeks of the war it was hard to imagine that, five years later, the battle for Iraq would still be raging. Saddam Hussein had two bitter enemies: Iran, Iraq’s historic rival, and Sunni fundamentalists. Now that the old guard is gone, US forces are left fighting against the same people Saddam Hussein was bent on destroying: al-Qaeda and Iranian-backed Shiite militias.

Twenty years ago this month, I was standing on the frontlines of a war that has been compared in brutality to the trench warfare in Europe during World War I. Iran and Iraq were in the last stages of a conflict that had lasted eight years and claimed over a million lives. Chemical and biological weapons, which had been banned under the Geneva Convention after WWI, were once again in play and so too were the use of children ‘volunteers’ who ran ahead of soldiers to clear mine fields. Such was the devastation inflicted on both sides that when a truce was finally brokered in the summer of 1988, reconciliation between the two warring nations was impossible to achieve. Relations between the two enemies were at such a low that it took over 10 years to repatriate prisoners of war.

The animosity between these two nations is nothing new and goes back to 636 A.D. when a few thousand ill-equipped Arabs defeated a well organized Persian army in four days at the battle of Qadissiya. There are many accounts as to why the Persian army was defeated, but to many Arabs the victory over the Sassanid Empire is still a source of pride. For Iranians, the defeat is still a bitter pill to swallow. It has even been said that the eight-year war with Iran was Saddam Hussein’s modern-day Battle of Qadissiya.

With the war over and neither side able to claim victory, Saddam Hussein turned to his Arab neighbors for support. But instead of getting a pat on the back for containing Iran, he was asked to repay billions of dollars in debts he had incurred to finance the war. The sacrifices made by Iraq were too numerous to hide. Besides the casualties, the country was in shambles. Iraq’s infrastructure, which had been on par with the other Gulf Arab states before the war, was in ruins. So too was Iraq’s third largest city, Basra, which had taken the brunt of the bombardments. There were few buildings still standing and the port and oil exporting facilities were largely destroyed. I toured Basra, the port area, and the Shatt al-Arab water passage shortly after the war ended and found hundreds of derelict ships either stranded at the port or partly submerged in the water. Because there were so many sunken ships and other obstacles left behind by the fighting, the Shatt al-Arab, Iraq’s most important outlet to the sea, was not navigable.

Inside Iraq, pressure was exacerbated when tens of thousands of unemployed soldiers hit the streets looking for work. In rural areas clashes broke out when returning soldiers found their farms occupied by Egyptians and other Arabs who were brought in during the war to help cultivate the land. After body bags turned up at Cairo’s airport, Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak was forced to intervene in order to get compensation from the Iraqi government for the loss of life.

Desperate to be reckoned with and re-equipped with new weapons, Saddam Hussein began making demands. Because the Shatt al-Arab was unusable, he wanted to use two Kuwaiti controlled islands in the Gulf. But when Kuwait refused, he only became more frustrated. The crisis reached its boiling point at the beginning of 1990 when Saddam Hussein accused both Kuwait and the UAE of overstepping oil production quotas. At the Arab Summit in May 1990 he pointed out that every dollar drop in a barrel of oil resulted in an annual loss of billions of dollars for Iraq. He then accused Kuwait of stealing oil from the Rumaila oil fields which straddle the border area. With no concessions going his way, Saddam Hussein ultimately turned to his military and invaded Kuwait.

Until that point, Iraq had played a central role in the region. Not only was it home to Babylon, the cradle of the ancient civilization, but it was also the battle-hardened eastern flank of the Arab World. With the fall of the shah and the rise to power of an Islamic revolutionary regime in Iran, Iraq suddenly had become the front line of defense against the spread of this new type of revolution. Even though the US remained officially neutral during the Iran-Iraq war, it was no secret where its sympathies lay. Not only was Saddam Hussein able to get support from its trusted ally, the Soviet Union, but was also able to secure loans from Arab neighbors and European and US banks to buy weapons.

After almost a decade of war, the world was about to change and alliances were about to shift. Soon after the war ended, Iraq’s one time ally the USSR began to crumble. With tensions on the rise with his Arab neighbors, Saddam Hussein turned to the West hoping to get financial assistance to rebuild his war-ravaged country. The Americans kept a channel open to hear his grievances but first they wanted to see a halt to his biological, chemical, and nuclear program.

The irony is that part of the American policy had actually worked and when the day of reckoning came there were no weapons of mass destruction. Instead, what happened by removing Saddam Hussein, the Americans left the door wide open for Iraq’s arch enemies, Iran and al-Qaeda.

Norbert Schiller is a Dubai-based photo-journalist and writer.

April 21, 2008 0 comments
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Editorial

Unfinished business

by Yasser Akkaoui April 21, 2008
written by Yasser Akkaoui

We promised we wouldn’t mention the Arab league meeting in Damascus last month but it is hard not to be moved by the reaction of the majority of the Arab world to Lebanon’s plight. Yes, there was support from some quarters, but the overwhelming feeling was one of indifference when it came to Lebanon.

In fact, Lebanon is unfinished business and the Arab League has its head in the sand. Created in the 1920s, this country still has no officially demarcated borders with Syria, neither, for that matter, diplomatic relations. What was started must be followed through — the Arab League must do its utmost in backing one of its most important members.

But this indifference not only thwarts Lebanon’s potential; it is a damning indictment in regards to how the rest of the world sees Arabs. We can be as advanced as we like with our museums, universities, hotels and malls but until we climb out of the narrow confines of equally narrow interests, the international community will never take us as seriously as it should. And while this may not be bad for business … business could be much better.

Staying with Lebanon, one of its greatest ironies is that the vibrant private sector that has sustained this tiny Mediterranean nation is quite possibly what has also sustained the tragic political dynamic that has cursed Lebanon for over 40 years. With billions poured into the country from Lebanese living and working abroad, there has been no urgency for a fully functioning public sector, one that could contribute to a fully functioning state instead of a family business with borders, which is more or less what Lebanon is. If we had a genuine public sector we might see genuine stability rather than the forum for political self-interest we have today.

And while the region flourishes, inflation is rampant in Lebanon, where the cost of diesel has doubled in recent years putting huge strain on an already struggling industrial sector. In the property market, where prices have risen by 30% in the last year, activity by those whose business life is sustained by the excess petro-dollars is seen as a correction, where to those living in Lebanon on Lebanese wages it is simply inflation and that is their reality.

Sadly, this subject was not on the agenda in Damascus.

April 21, 2008 0 comments
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Lebanon

Education – Still a lot to learn

by Executive Staff April 3, 2008
written by Executive Staff
 
Lebanon is a country that puts a great deal of value on education, where the Lebanese take exceptional pride in their trilingual skills and their ability to adapt in any environment — irrefutable proof of the quality of their education.

However, despite being the second-largest item, after defense, on the national budget (11% in 2005), 96% primary school enrollment and 90% youth literacy rates, the public education sector in Lebanon is plagued by inequalities and high dropout rates, as much as 23% at the intermediate level according to a World Bank report.

High Dropout, Low Result
Most experts agree that the quality of education in Lebanon is not commensurate with the level of investment. Primary education completion rates in Lebanon are lower than in Jordan, Egypt, Algeria and Tunisia, countries with significantly lower GNI per capita.
Dropout rates are also disturbingly high. Between 2001 and 2006 enrollment in elementary public schools dropped by 12% and enrollment in the intermediate cycle dropped by 6% during the same period. During the 2003/2004 academic year, 19% of children dropped out at the elementary level, 23% at the intermediate level and a further 11% at the secondary level.
There is no tangible study on the reasons for students dropping out of school although many reasons may be attributable to it. On the side of pure economics, Lebanese public schools are not completely free, registration and books having to be paid for. In certain areas, especially rural, it may be more viable to employ the children rather than send them to school, which points to a disillusionment with public schooling in particular and a lack of awareness about education in general.
A representative from Rearden Educational, a regional firm that specializes in education consultancy, noted that parents take their children out of schools because they see more advantages to them working than continuing their education. “No awareness is made of the importance of education,” he said. “Sure, there will be short-term economic repercussions to losing a part of your potential workforce, but what they don’t see is that the long-term effects are more beneficial.”
Other experts agree. There is a general disenchantment with the future, they say, a lack of hope in general, prompting these students to seek work rather than continue their schooling.
Lebanon’s performance on the international assessment arena gives no cause for joy either. In international comparative tests of mathematics and science achievement (TIMMS), Lebanon was outperformed in science by Morocco, Egypt, Iran, and Jordan. In mathematics, its students performed well below the international average and, “when adjusted for level of income, significantly below expectations.”

An Inefficient, Inadequate Sector
The problems cannot be attributed to a lack of personnel, however. Indeed, there are too many teachers in Lebanon. A quick glance at the expenditure outlays in the education sector shows that 82% of the budget is used for salaries. In the last 30 years, the number of teachers has increased by 111% while the number of students has only increased by 25%. The education sector employs around 9% of the total labor force, which translates into a student/teacher ratio of 17:1 at the primary level and 8:1 at the secondary level, well above international averages.
Educational establishments are also inefficiently used, with almost a quarter of all schools having less than 100 students.
This inefficient use of resources can be traced straight back to the source. The Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MEHE) itself continues to operate as three separate sub-sectors – general, vocational and higher education – despite their official unification under one ministry in 2000. According to the World Bank, these directorates do not have an integrated vision or a strategic development plan, thus creating gaps and duplications in organizational design, and are manned by a “disproportionate number of unqualified, temporary, or contract staff.”

Who’s Teaching Whom What?
The public education system in Lebanon is creating a vicious circle. Most students attending public schools tend to come from the poorer, more disadvantaged sections of the population. A survey of the total number of general education schools by region in 2005/2006 shows that most public schools are located in the most economically disadvantaged areas of the North and the Bekaa.
Teaching the most disadvantaged segments of the population is an unqualified teaching force: 43% of permanent and 36% of contractual teachers have adequate academic diplomas in subject matters they teach. Hiring and retaining highly-qualified teachers is a challenge, especially in view the low salary base teachers receive (starting at around $560 for teachers with an undergraduate degree, even less for those with vocational training). This means that pretty much any teacher, given the opportunity to move into the private sector locally or in the Gulf countries where salaries tend to be a little higher, does so.
In addition, the Lebanese curriculum, last updated in 1999, does not conform to new standards of teaching that are currently being adopted in most countries in the region. Schools are not properly equipped to provide students with a modern education.
Of the 1,399 public schools in the country, 35% do not have computers and more than 50% have less than 10 computers. More than 96% of schools do not have LCD projectors, Internet availability or a website. The result is a graduating labor force unable to compete on the national job front, let alone the international scene. A sad state of affairs for a country once touted as a potential informatics and technological hub in the region, and for a section of the population that is already at the lower end of the scale.
“Lebanon is as far as can be from innovative teaching methods and technological teaching,” says Rearden. “Even if the material is physically there, which it is not, no one is trained, or receives the training, to use it.”

What to do?
In order to address these deficiencies in the Lebanese public education system, the ministry has formulated an Education Sector Reform Strategy Action Plan for 2007-2009 with the following objectives:

  • Ensure equitable access to education services for all students
  • Ensure a universal and better quality basic education for all
  • Enhance the efficiency, effectiveness and competence level of the teaching workforce
  • Develop and align curricula with global and ICT trends, job opportunities and labor requirements

What Lebanon can learn from the Singapore model

In the mid-1960s, Singapore, a tiny nation with four ethnic groups and devoid of natural resources, embarked on an educational reform program under the banner “Thinking Schools, Learning Nation”, with the aim to produce a competitive labor force able to compete in the global market and in industries increasingly relying on Information Technology. The main pillars of the program included:
– Decentralizing of the educational system to allow schools to reply to local needs
– Creative thinking rather than rote learning as a cornerstone of the educational system
– Attract and retain qualified personnel in educational institutions
– Massive introduction of computers and technology in the classroom
– Ability-based merit system allowing students to be streamlined into university, technical or vocational education based on their ability.
Although not without their critics, the results have been impressive: school dropout rates were down to 4% in secondary sections in the late 1990s from 19% twenty years before, and in primary schools to less than half the 11% of the 1980s; per capita income grew to almost $27,000 from $530 in 1965. And to top it all off, Singapore has consistently ranked highest in international assessment tests since 1995.

This plan seeks to enforce the law on compulsory education at the intermediate level, provide at-risk students with the needed support, to implement a professional development and continuous training program for teachers, a content-enhancing curriculum, career counseling services based on the capabilities and needs of students as well as the needs of the labor market and available opportunities, implement an ICT literacy program in all public schools, and the diversification of higher education to adapt curricula to global and ICT trends.
These initiatives are all highly commendable but beg the question: how did the public education sector came into this state of being in the first place? Years of civil conflict, neglect and aborted reform programs have not offered the sector a promising future. Viewing the current state of a stumped government and continual political bickering, it is unlikely that the Strategy Action Plan for 2007-2009 will be seen through to its conclusion.
“There are no ingredients for reform, no financial incentives, no professional development,” explains Rearden. “Unfortunately, for us the position of the Minister of Education is a highly-politicized one. Ministers in general lack the experience and the ability to carry through a reform program.”
This is also unfortunate for the disadvantaged student receiving a disadvantaged education, as this attempt at a reform initiative is not the first to be stalled and most likely, will not be the last. “Not much has happened to public education in Lebanon since the 1960s,” said Rearden, “except that it has stayed firmly rooted there.”
Sources close to the ministry, however, disagree that the plan is not moving. They argue that several changes have already been implemented and that the Education Sector Strategy document was sent to the Council of Ministers in September 2007 for endorsement.

Show Me The Money
There is no shortage of assistance to the Lebanese educational sector, although exact figures are difficult to come by. Following the Summer 2006 war, aid and soft loans from the World Bank and the European Union, American-based IT companies and several Arab countries poured in to rebuild damaged schools, reform the system and create a networking system in schools.
The problem is not the money, say experts, but how it is disbursed. Aid also tends to be in the form of technical assistance, the drawing up of networking plans, teacher training sessions or, as in the case of the World Bank loan, assistance with a reform program.
“Some critics say it would be better if the money was going to, and distributed by, NGOs rather than the government, for the fact that NGOs just pay where there is a need, whereas in the government, it ends up going through this whole system and payment becomes a whole delaying issue.”
The government will have to work very hard to push through a successful educational reform program and revamp the image of the public school system as being an inadequate, free-for-all institution. In the meantime, it is the future of a whole population that hangs in the balance. For the sake of Lebanon, one should hope it succeeds.

 

April 3, 2008 0 comments
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Lebanon

Energy – Stifling Solar, Waffling Wind

by Executive Staff April 3, 2008
written by Executive Staff
 
In theory, Lebanon is well positioned to take advantage of renewable energy technologies. Its sunny climate would allow for the widespread use of solar thermal collectors to heat water and its varied geography provides several prime areas for wind farms. A developed renewable energy infrastructure in Lebanon could bring millions of dollars to Lebanon through the Kyoto Protocol’s carbon trading system, and yet Lebanon lags drastically behind its European and Arab neighbors in renewable energy production and lacks a national renewable energy strategy.

Lebanon currently imports 99% of its energy needs from countries rich in oil and gas. Skyrocketing oil prices in recent years without subsequent rises in electricity costs have pushed the country’s government-owned energy provider, Electricité du Liban (EDL), further into deficit while the service quality has worsened. Indeed, in 2007 EDL reported a record-high $1.2 billion shortfall, while power cuts extended to every region in Lebanon, sometimes for as long as 18 hours per day.

Yet despite EDL’s poor performance, the initiatives that have been launched to tap Lebanon’s renewable energy potential have been almost uniformly small in scale, largely because of the technical difficulties and disincentives that bar non-governmental organizations from entering the market. Most notably, EDL actually sells electricity well below market cost, which discourages renewable energy initiatives. Additionally, according to Wael Hmaidan, the executive director of environmental NGO IndyAct, “there is a huge waste of electricity in Lebanon due to inefficiency and low levels of awareness.”
 

Need for regulation to adapt

Equally importantly, Lebanon lacks a functioning feed-in law that would allow private entities to produce electricity by renewable technologies and then sell it to EDL by connecting directly to the national power grid. Leaders in renewable energy technology, such as Germany and Japan, have laws that compensate private citizens for providing energy to national grids, in addition to the tax breaks that individuals and companies receive to offset the start-up costs of switching to renewable energy.

The learning curve of renewable energy

It is often private citizens who bring renewable energy to Lebanon, and the windmill that currently stands on a cooperative game and agricultural farm in Qab Elias, a village in the eastern Bekaa, is one such example.

This windmill came to Lebanon from an academic laboratory in the Netherlands in the late 1990s. Realizing that it would need extensive work before becoming operational in Lebanon, the Dutch research center sold the windmill to the Lebanese farm at an attractive price. The hope was that the technology developed at Qab Elias would then serve as a prototype for other farms in less-developed countries looking to produce wind energy.

As such, a team of Lebanese engineers, agricultural experts and renewable energy enthusiasts, led by Ramzi Abi Said, worked to convert the windmill for independent electricity production, rather than to be plugged onto the national electricity grid, as it was originally designed. In doing so, they also reduced the amount of electricity that would be produced from 1000 volts DC to 380 volts AC. At that time, such conversions were still in their infancy, and it was the first time that such engineering was undertaken in Lebanon.

Despite the project’s novelty and the team’s efforts to involve state actors, no national government authority ever came to observe the windmill. Likewise, even academic institutions that initially had expressed interest in examining the windmill’s conversion and use never launched a formal study.

The windmill now channels electricity directly to underground pumps that serve to irrigate the farm. Yet the team soon learned that Qab Elias was not the ideal place in Lebanon for creating wind energy. Since consistent wind speeds of 8 meters per second are needed to produce electricity, it is only operational during the summer months in the early morning and for approximately 4-5 hours in the afternoon.

Even with its limited use, Abi Said stressed the importance of the Qab Elias windmill. “The experiences we gained and the mistakes that we learned from gave us the know-how to further develop the technology in Lebanon.”

Technically speaking, Lebanon does, in fact, have a feed-in law, but it stipulates that a regulatory council must be created to monitor non-governmental bodies supplying electricity to the grid. Yet this never happened. The Ministry of Energy was temporarily given the power to regulate private energy production, but its mandate expired in November 2007, before any real progress was made. It thus remains illegal for any entity other than EDL to supply energy to the national grid.

In the absence of a government program to promote renewable energies, the private sector and local NGOs, in cooperation with international partners, have taken the initiative to develop Lebanon’s renewable energy potential.

Ahmed Houri, a professor of chemistry at Lebanese American University (LAU), cautions that any renewable energy solutions must be economically effective in order to be adopted by consumers or pursued by the private sector, especially without a government incentive program. The most cost-effective and technologically mature options are thus solar thermal collectors to heat water and wind power, which are both already in wide use in countries whose climate and geography resemble Lebanon’s. For example by 1999 in neighboring Cyprus, 92% of homes heated their water through solar technology, whereas Houri found that in 2003 only 2.8% of Lebanese household were equipped with such technology.

According to Jean-Paul Sfeir, the owner of Solarnet, a company that installs solar thermal collectors, since 2005 demand in Lebanon has exploded. Since then his business has expanded by more than 30% each year, and will likely grow significantly faster this year – perhaps by as much as 70%. Private homes, large apartment buildings, hotels, hospitals, orphanages and convents have all expressed interest in converting to solar power to heat their water.

Sfeir credits this recent growth to the maturing Lebanese market and the high price of fuel. “By 2005, Lebanese companies installing solar water heaters had been operating for several years and had perfected their skills. At the same time, the high price of oil on the global market pushed people to explore renewable energy technologies,” Sfeir said.

Yet despite the recent solar technology boom, Lebanon still lags far behind its neighbors. Without government mandates and incentives for solar water heaters that exist in other Mediterranean countries, high installation costs mean that solar technology remains a luxury. A solar water heater typically costs between $1,000 and $2,000 to install, putting them out of reach for most Lebanese families.

Improving access without government

The private and NGO sectors have, however, played a major role in making solar water heaters accessible to middle and low-income households. Banks, including the Crédit Libanais and the Lebanese-Canadian Bank have offered low-interest loans for water heaters, and HSBC is currently giving solar

water heaters to customers with new home loans. International donors have made renewable energy a cornerstone of their development programs in Lebanon, with the Chinese, German and Spanish governments all partnering with local municipalities and NGO’s to bring solar energy to poor communities, including those that were most affected by the July War. The Salah Ghandour Hospital in Bint Jbeil, for example, now heats its water through solar technology.

While households and businesses are limited to solar water heaters, the private sector is seeking to capitalize on the carbon-trading market created by the Kyoto Protocol, which requires industrialized countries to cut their emissions by 5.2% below 1990 levels by 2012. Rather than limit their emissions domestically, countries can buy carbon credits by sponsoring a renewable energy project in the developing world. Although still relatively immature, carbon trading was a $40 billion industry in 2007 and is expected to grow to $63 billion this year.

Sustainable Energy Systems (SES) is the Beirut-based Middle Eastern partner of EcoSecurities, an Irish company that trades carbon credits. EcoSecurities allows industrialized countries to buy carbon credits from its portfolio of 400 renewable energy projects in 27 countries rather than sponsoring individual projects in developing countries whose precise annual results are unpredictable. Such projects include electricity production by wind farms or biomass generation. These projects can create jobs in developing countries and significantly reduce their energy costs, all while improving their environment.

The process for presenting such a project to the United Nations for approval is extremely laborious. SES thus submits applications for renewable energy projects on behalf of national governments, managing the UN bureaucracy and using its resources to complete third party reviews of projects more quickly. “There are so many new projects that just waiting for project review by the Designated Operational Entity (DOE) can take six to eight months,” said Salah Tabbara, SES’ general manager. “But because we have so many projects around the world, we have a certain priority with the DOEs and can often have our projects reviewed in between four weeks and three months.” Several projects have already been submitted to the Lebanese Ministry of Environment for approval, but none has moved forward because of the country’s continuing political crisis.

Political deadlock stalling growth

The government’s current paralysis has also affected other private sector initiatives. Lebanon Winds is prepared to invest approximately $100 million in a wind farm in Akkar that could produce 2% of Lebanon’s total electricity at low, stable prices. Although it has signed a memorandum of understanding with the government, it cannot sign a purchase agreement with EDL until the current political crisis is resolved. “Our principle obstacles to beginning production are administrative,” said the company’s Robert Debbas.

Even with the enthusiasm of the private sector and international donors for renewable energy, Ali Darwish, director of the environmental NGO Greenline, is “almost certain that this is all a lot of fuss about nothing.” Until there is direct governmental intervention, projects will remain small in scale and isolated in location. And even though international donors are excited to fund renewable energy projects in Lebanon, they are often unwilling to pressure the government to change its energy policies substantially. “NGOs can lobby, can build initiatives and can apply pressure to make things move,” says Darwish. “But at the end of the day, NGOs cannot replace the government.”

 

April 3, 2008 0 comments
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Lebanon

Agriculture – Organic growing pains

by Executive Staff April 3, 2008
written by Executive Staff
 
For almost a decade, global demand for organic products has seen a steady increase. According to UN figures, in 2006 the global organic market stood at nearly $40 billion, making up 2% of food retails. By 2012 it is expected to reach $70 billion. Organic produce is usually 20-50% more expensive than non-organic, yet despite this, since the late 1990s the organic market has achieved exponential growth of about 20-25% a year. The increased demand for organic produce has enabled some local farmers to increase their incomes nine-fold.

In Lebanon, organic farming has seen growth inline with the general global increase; however, the 2006 Summer War dramatically slowed it. According to the Association for Lebanese Organic Agriculture (ALOA), 10% of organic farms in Lebanon were contaminated by cluster bombs and the general follow-on effects of the war, such as lost harvest and incapacity to prepare land for the next season, have only just subsided in 2008. Consumption of organic products has also been hurt through the current political deadlock, the general economic slowdown and a severe lack of awareness and understanding of what ‘organic’ actually means.
 

How to define organic?

In Lebanon, organic processing is mostly focused on the production of foods typically used in Lebanese cuisine, such as olive oil, oregano mix, orange blossom water, and traditional Lebanese jams and recipes. One of the main obstacles to the growth of organic produce is the confusion that reigns among the public over the definition of organic.

People commonly confuse baladi products, which are locally grown, with being organic, and supermarkets in Lebanon often put organic products near diet products, leading many people equating the two.

Souk el-Tayeb, a weekly farmers market in central Beirut, is often thought of as being an organic market. However, Kamal Mouzawak, one of the market’s organizers, is at pains to stress that this is not the case. “People don’t understand what organic means. It is not just ‘clean’. For food it has a certification process.” He went on to state that at Souk el-Tayeb there is a clear separation between the 15 certified organic and the 32 local non-certified producers. Organic produce has to comply with a strict set of rules and regulations and something can only be called organic if it has the required certification.

Organic farming can best be described as a holistic approach that aims at producing food within an environment ecologically balanced between the soil, the plants and the animals, and not simply as replacing synthetic pesticides and fertilizers for organic ones. As much as possible, organic farmers must try and rely on crop rotation, green manure, compost, biological pest control and so on. For a product to be called or certified ‘organic’ the whole cycle must be organic.

 

 
For instance, to make organic apricot jam one cannot just use organic apricots but the other ingredients and even the packaging must be organic. Also for a farm to be organic it must not only ensure that it uses organic techniques but that the land next to the farm is free from contamination and the chemicals it uses are not seeping into the organic farmland.

The significant hurdle to organic production in Lebanon is that the foundations of organic products lay in the concept of its strict rules and regulation that are embodied in the process of certification. Yet, in Lebanon, due to the current political deadlock, the necessary laws have not been passed to ensure that certification is placed within the framework of the law. Lebanon does have two local certifiers, Libancert and IMC, that are re-certified by international organic bodies. But without the requirement of certification being enshrined in law, legally in Lebanon anyone can call themselves organic. Roula Fares, general manager of LibanCert, said that, “many farmers are calling themselves ‘organic’ because they think reducing the amount of pesticides and fertilizers they are using makes them organic.”

Training farmers to understand what an organic approach to agriculture involves has been an essential part of the effort by civil society groups that are eager to see organic farming grow in Lebanon. Rami Zriek, professor of agriculture at AUB and one of the first to help develop the organic sector in Lebanon, said that one of the problems of organic farming in Lebanon was the fact that it was not born by the farmers but parachuted in by well-meaning individuals. The repercussions of this are that many of the farmers are not committed to organic farming beyond an economic rationale, putting organic sector at the mercy of the market.

But problems exist at an even more basic level. As a report by the Ministry of Environment states, the majority of farmers in Lebanon lack basic agricultural training and the high rates of illiteracy among them have also made effective communication and training difficult.

The need for capacity building

Many of the local and international civil society organizations have established workshops and various other training programs to provide training for the more knowledge-intensive methods of organic farming. But Corinne Deek, of the German Heinrich Böll Foundation, said that in reality the only farmers that can move towards organic agriculture are the relatively well educated, ‘elite’ ones. As she said, “Organic farming needs significant capacity building but no one is doing it.”

Others object to this point of view, and particularly Zriek who strongly disagrees with the idea that it is hard to train local farmers into becoming organic growers. His argument is that there is a traditional body of knowledge, passed down from generation to generation, that can still be drawn on to help farmers become organic, and that the report by the Ministry of Agriculture should be taken with a pinch of salt. “Farmers [in Lebanon] are highly trainable and workable. Skills and training are not the limiting factors to organic farming in Lebanon, but marketing [is].”

Organic produce in Lebanon is no doubt still a niche market. According to Rania Touma, president of the ALOA and general manager of Healthy Basket, although there are no exact figures, organic produce accounts for less than 1% of the current market for food produce in Lebanon. Healthy Basket sells much of its produce on the basis of a Community Supported Agriculture (CSA). The CSA aims to create a strong bond between producer and consumer, with the central idea being that the consumers purchase a share of the farmers harvest at the beginning of the season.

At Healthy Basket, 50% of their produce is sold on the basis of CSA in which customers pay a month in advance for four weekly baskets of produce. Zriek, however, thinks that there is problem with this system for Lebanese customers in that, with organic farming, the farmer can only produce a limited array of produce and not all year round, whereas Lebanese customers want all the produce every week.

Zriek added that in Europe and the United States, the CSA concept includes the consumer going to the farms and picking up the produce, helping to establish a bond between the consumer and producer that the industry relies upon, but in Lebanon the tendency is for people to want their goods delivered directly to their door. Healthy Basket overcame these local demands by engaging different farmers in different locations to obtain a wider array of produce and to ensure that, as much as possible, produce is available all year round. In a local twist, the ubiquitous Lebanese scooter service was adapted for the delivery of organic produce to the customer’s door.

Competition in the region

However, organic producers have not managed to convince the hospitality sector to go organic and many Lebanese customers cannot accept that some produce will not be available all year round or are unwilling to pay the extra premium for organic products.

In 2005/06 Healthy Basket had begun to export some of its goods, but strong organic markets in Saudi Arabia, Morocco and Egypt pushed out Lebanese produce. Touma explained that, compared to the rest of the region, in Lebanon production is expensive because there is little subsidy from the government, and during the initial years, organic produce is very costly to develop.

However, Zriek pointed at an essential difference between the regional organic agriculture sectors, saying that “Lebanon is lucky in that its citizens eat the products that are produced here, as opposed to Morocco and Egypt where the best produce is exported to Europe and elsewhere,” resulting in a situation where despite having well-developed organic agriculture and high quality produce most of Egypt’s and Morocco’s citizens eat sub-standard produce. “Exporting high value crops and importing low value is not the philosophy of organic agriculture.”

Organic agriculture as a philosophy has also often been talked about in terms of reducing rural poverty, the vulnerability of rural woman and increasing food security. World Vision, a Christian relief and development organization, began two large organic farming projects in Lebanon at a cost of $14 million. According to the organization, these projects are “a response to the struggling agricultural sector in Lebanon because it creates sustainable job opportunities for struggling Lebanese farmers and improved incomes for their families, as well as for others involved in the harvesting, processing, marketing and sale of high quality organic produce and products.” World Vision claims that around 700 farmers have participated in the projects and 18,000 people have directly benefited from the program. Although many cynics wonder how organic farming, being as knowledge-intensive an industry as it is, can help the poor, Zriek is among those who concur with the World Vision approach and its benefits, and claims that the very ethos to organic farming is poverty alleviation.

He dreams of a day when the whole of Lebanon will be completely organic but warns that this can only ever be realized if the government takes a more active role. “Currently only civil society is putting its mind to achieving this dream and this is not enough.” But in Lebanon, dreams are rarely realized through government. It is through the dynamic and resourceful private and civil society sectors that the country has survived and thrived. If organic agriculture is to prosper in Lebanon and go beyond global trends, then the civil society groups must create a second awakening for Lebanese consumers and convince them of its benefits.

 

 

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