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State department

Republicans circle wagons around Bush White House

by Claude Salhani June 16, 2005
written by Claude Salhani

As the Bush administration gets its feet under the desk for a second term, it appears to be payback time for those who opposed the war in Iraq. Our Washington Correspondent reports on an everyday scandal in the Beltway

Members of the Republican Party are circling their political wagons around the Bush White House to protect it from an impending Left wing assault by. Democrats and Liberals, who have gone on the warpath over the possibility that presidential guru Karl Rove might have leaked sensitive information to a news columnist, blowing the cover of a CIA agent in the process.

Rove, whose official title is deputy White House chief of staff, is in fact far more than his title would let on. Rove is often called the brains behind President Bush.

It is believed Rove may be the “Deep Throat” of our times. Some have accused him of being the “source” who leaked the word on the Valerie Plame affair, and in so doing, blowing her cover as a covert operative. For the record, Mrs. Plame who was an undercover agent with the CIA is also the wife of former State Department official Joseph C. Wilson. Also for the record it is a criminal offense to knowingly reveal the name of a covert undercover agent.

The story making the rounds of the nation’s capital during the last few weeks is that in trying to discredit Wilson, Rove revealed Plame’s name to a newspaper columnist. Wilson, a critic of the U.S. invasion of Iraq had been tasked with finding out if former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein had purchased uranium from the West African country of Niger –- which he could have then used to make fuel for his alleged nuclear weapons. That, of course, is assuming Saddam had nuclear weapon in the first place.

Wilson, after flying to Niger in 2000 to investigate the matter, found no proof of uranium sales to Iraq. His report irked the Bush White House, then trying to make a case over Saddam Hussein’s allegedly being in possession of weapons of mass destruction – a case upon which the Bush administration was building the justification of the invasion of Iraq and imposing regime change in Baghdad.

Now press reports hint that Rove, who is credited with winning the 2004 presidential election for Bush, spilled the beans on Plame to get back at Wilson. An investigation is ongoing.

When asked about the investigation, the White House, however, preferred to skirt the issue, choosing to remain quiet over the matter of Rove’s unmasking of Plame.

When prodded by reporters if he had discussed the matter with Rove, and if Rove’s conduct might have been improper, the president refused to comment, saying only that there was an ongoing criminal investigation.

“I will be more than happy to comment on this matter once this investigation is complete,” said President Bush.

Meanwhile members of the Democrat Party have stepped up the pressure on the White House, demanding that Bush fire his trusted adviser, or in the very least, that Rove has his security clearance revoked pending the outcome of the investigation. However, no one in Washington truly believes Bush is likely to distance himself from Rove.

Instead, Republicans have turned to do what Republicans tend to do when they come under fire. Believing that the best defense is offense, they immediately went on the offensive, coming out all guns blazing. Among the first things they did was to turn the blame around and try to place it on Ambassador Wilson, questioning his credibility.

But there is a gap in the circled wagons. Not all Republicans are happy with the idea of Rove not playing ball the way he should have, and several senior members of the Republican Party have opted to remain on the sidelines, at least for now.

This is a story that will not go away. Quite the contrary, it will gather momentum and grow legs of its own. Milked for all its worth by the Democrats and Liberals, happy to have something they can throw at Bush.

Ultimately, Bush is safe. If things get too hot, Rove will be asked to fall on his ceremonial sword for the greater good of the neo-conservative agenda.

What does it mean? Rove and his friends will show up all over the Sunday morning talk shows, while his detractors and their friends will be on competing channels, each giving their views of events. Rove will have his additional 15 minutes of fame, or maybe of infamy, as he tries to explain the outcome of the investigation. If found guilty he will most likely refute the charges, blaming instead the “vast left-wing conspiracy.” If exonerated, he will probable say he never doubted in the American system of justice.

The president will praise Rove for his outstanding intelligence, his unfaltering dedication and his great work, and it will be back to business as usual in Washington, DC, where the media will move on to the next scandal. And there is always another good one around the corner in this town.

June 16, 2005 0 comments
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Business

Corporations Lend a Hand

by William Long June 16, 2005
written by William Long

Despite a certain Lebanese tendency to believe in the uniqueness of everything Lebanese, the Unity Week festival jointly organized by Nora Jumblatt and Bahiya Hariri April 9-13, as well as the various acts of corporate giving over the past two and a half months have certainly had their predecessors around the world.
Indeed, in the months after 9/11, New York City officials teamed up with local businesses and multi-national corporations to sponsor an “Open for Business” campaign that sought to bring tourists back to the Big Apple and revitalize the beleaguered economy. In Madrid too, after the train bombings that killed 191 people, local officials solicited and received enthusiastic support from the tourist sector to show the world that their city was both safe and welcoming.
In both cases, the efforts were met by widespread public and corporate support, with public events and demonstrations that signified unity in the face of terror and a determination to take direct ownership of what had become, seemingly overnight, a fragile and deeply troubling situation for all.
Of course, Unity Week was different from these and other events because it also marked the 30th anniversary of the beginning of Lebanon’s Civil War.
However, the major reason for holding the event was the assassination of Premier Rafic Hariri and the four subsequent bombings in New Jdeideh, Kaslik, Sid el Boushrieh and Broummana – events which, according to a recent UPI report, cost the Lebanese economy more than $800 million and which, perhaps more importantly, ignited widespread fear that the country might again slip back into the abyss of violent conflict.
And yet, while other post-terror revival efforts have generally seen direct corporate giving, with concerts and promotional campaigns, in particular, sponsored by various businesses, one recent act of corporate solidarity seems unique to Lebanon – mainly, the various efforts coordinated by Lebanon’s six major trade associations that will provide millions of dollars of direct support to dozens of businesses damaged in the five bombings.
Indeed, it was shortly after the first bombing in New Jdeideh that the private sector swung into action, much as it has sporadically over the past decade and a half when vital infrastructure was destroyed by Israeli attacks.
As it became apparent that the bombings would continue, and after the Sid el Boushrieh attack which devastated several industrial buildings, the Association of Lebanese Industrialists, led by Fadi Abboud, teamed up with the other five major associations in Lebanon to establish a financial support fund.
Simultaneous to this effort, Alfa, one of Lebanon’s two cellular management companies, launched a SMS campaign that allowed people to contribute to the fund by “donating” units [as Executive went to press, Alfa was not able to provide data of the campaign’s effort].
By mid-April, Abboud told Executive that the fund had raised almost $3 million, with two separate contributions from BLOM and Bank Audi of $1 million each and an additional $1 million already raised from individual and corporate contributors.
“We have not event started yet,” said Abboud in a recent interview. “There will be a publicity campaign beginning [at the end of April] where we will launch a homepage for donations so that the Diaspora can also help.”
According to Nadim Assi, the chairman of the Beirut Traders’ Association, the fund has received 62 applications from affected businesses – a number that Abboud believes may grow to 150 by the summer. In all, it is expected that almost $10 million may be needed to compensate business for their losses from the attacks – an amount mitigated by the announcement that the Al Waleed bin Talal Foundation will fully rehabilitate buildings and compensate affected businesses in the area
Of course, the uniqueness of these acts of corporate generosity rest more on the failure of the Lebanese government to provide the kinds of loans and grants offered by many governments after such attacks. However, according to some observers, the efforts should nevertheless be viewed as a part and parcel of an emerging Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) consciousnesses in Lebanon – one that did not just simply coalesce out of thin air on February 14 and one which dovetails with an overall feeling of social responsibility amongst the Lebanese themselves.
“There are a lot of Lebanese companies that have well established CSR programs, banks especially,” noted Lubna Forzley, Public-Private Partnership Team Leader at the UNDP in Lebanon. “But, especially since few companies produce annual reports, CSR in Lebanon is rarely a written part of a company’s strategy.”
It is this fact, perhaps, among others that often makes corporate citizenship seem more ad hoc in Lebanon than a part of an ongoing, dedicated effort.
“Over the past four years, companies are making CSR more a part of their overall strategy, Forzley added. “But, especially lately, we have seen an increase in efforts.”
Forzley was quick to sound a note of caution though in looking only at one aspect of CSR when viewing corporate actions over the past two and a half months.
“CSR includes a lot of different components. Part of it is also defined as a way the business deals with a community and this includes its human resources.” Pointing to some recently published reports of companies who have engaged in mass layoffs or wage cuts, she added that, “in addition to everything that has been done, the many positive things, we also have to think that HR includes forced vacations that may have been asked for and forced layoffs, the health and safety of their workers, and compensation. The community needs to think about these parts of CSR.”
For Farid Chehab, Chairman and CEO of Leo Burnett Middle East and North Africa, recent acts of CSR in Lebanon, while commendable, should be judged relative to the amount of work that remains for the private sector.
“I think that doing such things [are being] understood by all corporations,” said Chehab, whose company donated their expertise to the design and publicity campaign for the wildly successful 5km Beirut “marathon”. “But, we need to do more,” he added. “The private sector should be less selfish and understand and have the vision that, through promoting Brand Lebanon, he is the first to profit from it.”
Of course, contributing to promoting “Brand Lebanon” has often been easier said than done – a fact of life in the country that, unfortunately, has become even more apparent at precisely the time when Lebanon most needs a tourism campaign.
According to one source at the Ministry of Tourism, no substantial allocations for promoting Lebanon have been made over the past seven months because of both the upcoming elections (which became the focus of many in government at the end of last year) and the bombings.
“You know how many times we are on hold?” asked the official sarcastically.
Indeed, because of the recent failure to form a government, right when promotion was vital, the ministry was unable to move ahead with its forthcoming multi-million dollar tourism plan – a plan that needs the approval of the Cabinet. In the process, companies have also been put off from becoming involved because of the gridlock and the perceived inability of the ministry to get its own house in order.
While Chehab believes that a strong streak of individuality also has prevented the private sector from becoming more involved in tourism promotion and other efforts, Saad Azhari, Vice Chairman of BLOM bank and also a key leader of the Banker’s Association, strongly disagreed, saying that many CSR efforts simply don’t get publicized.
“The actual fact is that some efforts are not declared,” he said. “Some companies outside [of Lebanon] do it just for publicity, but here it is more engrained, more a normal part of operating” in the relatively unique socio-economic and political environment that is Lebanon.
Thus, although CSR efforts in Lebanon may seem opportunistic at worst and ad hoc as a norm, the truth of the matter often lies outside of both these poles, as perhaps the outpouring of donations proved during Unity Week.
As Randa Armanazi, PR manager for Solidere, noted, the outpouring of resources for the events was simply astounding by any standard. Middle East Airlines, Lebanon’s national carrier, offered discounts of 30-50% on flights during the month of April. Hotels offered deep discounts. All artists also performed for free – a not unsubstantial cost. And more than 30 leading figures from the business world, legal professions, trade unions and civil society lent a hand. When something was needed, it was asked for and usually received, free of charge.
“We want to show them that our will for life cannot be defeated,” Hariri told journalists in announcing the festival. “We want our streets and our squares to be filled with joy and people and not left abandoned for chaos.”
Armanazi pointed out that it would be impossible to put a dollar figure on the amount of donations or even the costs of the celebration because so many different sectors contributed in-kind.
Among these, she included the substantial number of merchants and restaurants who slashed prices by as much as 75% to help lure people back to shopping and entertainment districts.
While hard to quantify both Paul Ariss, head of the Restaurant Association, and Assi, used words like “a miracle” and “a tsunami” to describe the effect that Unity Week had on stores and restaurants’ bottom line. Assi said that business had been down by as much as 90% in the weeks after the bombing and that, after Unity Week, had recovered somewhat to a 50% less-than-normal level. “Everywhere people are moving again,” he said hopefully. “It is slow but life is getting back slowly and surely.”
“It was a miracle,” said Ariss. “From 14 February to April 9 it was a nightmare – for all of Lebanon. During Unity Week everything changed, sales went beyond normal in the BCD and partially for all of Beirut. Now things are moving back to normal across Lebanon, in Tripoli, Sidon, all over.”
Unfortunately though, despite published reports that banks may loosen interest rate terms and extend loans generally in order to stem the severe ripple effect of economic damage since the assassination, some companies who are not receiving direct help through the bomb fund say that they may not be able to hold on for much longer. They are, said Abdullah Bitar, president of the Nabatieh traders association, in need of some civic and corporate solidarity.
“Banks need to take it easier on us,” said Bitar. “Many do not have money to pay for inventory and are being squeezed on their loans as well… the bank’s simply won’t help us.
Although loan terms are a sticky subject, Makram Sader, the director of the Banker’s Association, noted that Lebanese Banks had indeed played a hugely unprofitable role in helping the overall economy get through these difficult times. While not thought of as CSR generally, the hit that Banks have taken in concert with the Central Bank contribute to the necessity of viewing Lebanon’s entire commercial sector, including its oft-maligned banks, as key actors in the effort to re-emerge from the destruction and provocation that broke to the surface on February 14.
“We should have increased lending rates as deposit rates rose,” said Sader, who noted that 60% of Lebanese bank loans renew their interest rates every two to three months. “We should have, but we wanted to help… we are trying to give a little bit of time for the political situation.”
Of course, even keeping interest rates momentarily low may not do the job. Nor may the CSR efforts that seem to be gathering speed. Indeed, the Economist Intelligence Unit recently reported that real gross domestic product growth would most likely come in at a lackluster 2% rather than the 4.5% estimated earlier and that the crushing public debt could explode should a global downturn occur.
Of course, one thing in particular that Lebanon demonstrated during and before Unity Week was the power of its citizens to overcome hurdles – an attribute often cited by people across the political spectrum.
“They came out not because of discounts,” said Ariss. “In fact many did not even ask. People were stuck and they wanted to go out and also to share in the national economy. The Lebanese mentality is that they want to live – and eating out is one small part of that mentality.”
For Chehab, the matter is even more at the heart of the Lebanese character – just as Beirut became the undisputed heart of Lebanon during Unity Week. “They came to display physical energy in the name of Lebanese unity, they came to offer physical contribution to their commitment. They came because they were blessed with political maturity and they came because the communication they saw and heard during two weeks of preparation persuaded them to do so.”

June 16, 2005 0 comments
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For your information

BLC Bank and Libano-Suisse unveil products

by Executive Contributor June 16, 2005
written by Executive Contributor

BLC Bank and Libano-Suisse Insurance have presented the first fruits of a new product partnership that enhances the choices of consumer loan customers in Lebanon. Along with a line of bancassurance products, the two companies on July 18 introduced a jointly developed unemployment credit insurance that protects buyers of BLC consumer loans against inability to meet payment obligations because of loss of employment.

The new insurance product is provided without extra charge to new loan applicants who satisfy requirements related to their age and duration of employment. As customers do not have to pay a premium for the credit insurance on top of the 7.75 and 9.25 percent flat interest rates which BLC currently charges for new consumer loans, the unemployment credit insurance is an alternative to life insurance policies which many banks have been requiring loan customers to purchase at additional expense to their loan costs.

According to BLC Bank marketing manager Maya Margie, the bank dropped the practice of having life insurance policies for customers covering the amount of their loan three years ago, because the cost of the program was over proportional to the number of actual claims. Working with Libano-Suisse Insurance, the bank for one year had been researching the possibilities to implement the unemployment credit insurance, which is now offered by BLC as the first of its kind in Lebanon and the Middle East, Margie said, “in line with our objective of being leaders instead of followers”.

In 2004, the BLC customer base grew by 12 %, and its deposit base and portfolio of personal loans increased by 24 and 38 percent, respectively as the year saw BLC Bank continue achieving its recovery from huge past losses to profitability.

In conjunction with the launch of the unemployment credit insurance, BLC and Liban-Suisse introduced six new bancassurance products under the brand name Awlawiyati. The range entails car, home, accident, term life, retirement and child education plans that are sold over the counter at BLC branches. The bank established a new insurance broking subsidiary, BLC services, to manage its insurance activities in accordance to Lebanese law.

June 16, 2005 0 comments
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Business

Better to be safe than sorry

by Marianne Stigset June 16, 2005
written by Marianne Stigset

The February 14th attack, followed by the bombings in New Jdeideh, Kaslik, Sad al-Boushrieh and Broumana have seen in increased demand for private security services among banks, shops, hotels, malls and large institutions as well as ongoing real estate projects.

Demand has mainly focused on electronic surveillance, monitoring systems, and security guards. Youssef Mohamed Beydoun, vice-president of the Syndicate of Security and Safety Professionals in Lebanon and general manager of Beydoun Fire and Security, estimates that business has spurted by 30-35%.

 “Banks are our main source of increased demand,” said Beydoun. “It has now become a priority for everyone to increase their security coverage, but banks in general are especially afraid thefts and hold-ups might occur due to the current political and economic climate.”

Demand for security guards has equally been boosted, most notably due to the fact that they are the most rapidly deployable form of security service, yet they still trail behind electronic surveillance systems in terms of what the market wants. Security firm, Protectron, has estimated the hike in demand at 25%, although, tight budgets force many companies to employ their won staff in a security role. The increase in human security has been deployed to check all cars entering premises or parking in the vicinity of the building, as well as inspect all clients entering the locales.

And maybe this is why the industry sees the employment of extra security guards as a stopgap measure. At around $500 per security guard per shift, the service is not cheap. “We can already see a drop in demand,” says Lotfallah Yazigi, president of Securitas in the Middle East. “It was a reaction to panic. People in residences would get together and chip-in for a guard to watch the premises for two weeks to a month, but contracts wouldn’t go much longer than that. It was a quick-fix for peace of mind but most people can’t afford this type of service in the long-run.”

Many banks, hotels, institutions and large companies, such as the Phoenicia InterContinental, which has incurred minimal costs in upgrading security, already have adequate security systems in place as part of their commitment to comply with international standards and regulations issued by headquarters. They have consultants come in to do regular check ups to ensure compliance with corporate norms.

 “We haven’t hired more people,” says Jana Sleen of the Safir Heliopolitan hotel. “What we have done is increase the number of security guard shifts and tightened security measures, especially with regards to all cars coming in. Half of our staff is from Protectron and the other half is our own staff. But otherwise, we already had cameras in place everywhere.”

The Beryte Hotel reported to have increased security staff by four, at an additional cost of $3,000 per month, to which will be added the installation of surveillance cameras, at $2,000-3,000.

“It’s an additional cost, but one that everybody has to incur right now,” says Jihad Shoughari, operations manager for the hotel. “After the attack, the army and the police went around to all the hotels in the surrounding area and asked for the films of the surveillance cameras. We have now in the process of ordering 3 or 4.”

Banks and large retailers have also reported an increase in security guards for the most part. Byblos bank is now also switching to the international security company Group 4 Total Security.

“We used to have four different local companies, but now we are switching to Group 4, because it’s a more professional, English company,” says Antoine Keldany, head of administration at Byblos bank. “Our security budget has increased, although not by much.”

ABC Mall in Achrafieh has hired 20 new security guards, at an estimated $7,000 a month, and is reportedly in the process of installing a camera surveillance system.

Universities, embassies and international organizations have for their part made few requests for additional security services. Virtually all embassies have their security equipment sent to them from their respective countries and are prohibited from purchasing any local products.

The UN, whose offices in central Beirut were reinforced with cement blocks and sandbags following the attacks, claims this was a measure that had long been in the pipeline.

“We asked the government two years ago to make this arrangement around the building, because the UN building in Beirut was non-compliant with international regulations that have been established for the institution – it had nothing to do with the attacks,” says Elias Daoud, head of security for the UN building. “Otherwise, nothing has changed.”

Despite the recent hike in demand for security services, some industry insiders are not convinced that it will necessarily entail an overall increase in the quality and profitability of the sector. According to Khlaed Jaber, general manager for Security Engineering, there are no rules in Lebanon governing security services. “We tried to push for this through the creation of a syndicate, but it turned into a forum for social events. Every company now has its own standards. We now have a lot of security providers in Lebanon, probably some 100-150, but out of these, I would say there are only 10 which are really professional, offering high quality services and products.”

“Right now the market is booming, but it’s not really profitable,” says a manager of a security company offering human guarding. “Salaries remain low, contracts are offered on a short-term basis. A lot of people working as guards view it as temporary employment, it’s not one they invest in to make a career out of.”

Despite relatively few additional security measures being added over the course of the past two months, industry insiders believe there might be a gradual shift towards a more preventive-oriented approach to security.

“The measures we are taking are not temporary, they are permanent,” says Shoughari. “It’s a trend happening throughout the Middle East – just look at the last bomb attack which hit Cairo. We are now faced with a new environment, locally, as well as internationally. The enhanced security measures are here to stay.”

Yazigi believes it is too early to tell whether the panic attack which hit the Lebanese will result in any long-term changes, but does detect a trend in the region towards greater security awareness.

Partly in response to this, Securitas will be opening the Swiss Academy for Security in Lebanon in May – a first in the region – to train professional security guards at every level.

June 16, 2005 0 comments
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Special Report

Executive commissions a report on campaign finances

by Peter Grimsditch June 16, 2005
written by Peter Grimsditch

Background

With a few notable exceptions, getting elected to Parliament in Lebanon is, and always has been, an expensive business. The half dozen or so families who between them provided most of the successful candidates in the early years of independence were not only well established and powerful. They were also immensely wealthy. However, their influence declined, especially over the period of the 75-90 war and new faces and new elites emerged as the financial balance of power shifted.

Yet the methods adopted to win – or buy votes – have remained remarkably similar. The dollar figures have risen, of course, to take account of inflation, more sophisticated and more expensive means of communication, and most significantly because of the Syrians’ locally-imposed ‘tax’ to be allowed to stand for election at all.

Composition of electoral lists

Irrespective of the size of any list, which is itself determined by the drawing of the constituency electoral boundaries, the primary elements are twofold. The vote-getter is determined by reason of traditional, local, confessional and political following, such as the leader of the mainly Druze Progressive Socialist Party, Walid Jumblatt, and the principal financier or financiers. Former Prime Minister, the late Rafic Hariri, was exceptional in that he embodied both functions. In his case, the base of voter support, Sunni or otherwise, was built up by the judicious use of his wealth over decades. Hariri had no natural grassroots support built up by his family over generations.

The two other ingredients to a list are those who bring some money, a degree of popular following and marketability potential, or any combination of these, plus the candidates on any list imposed by the Lebanese-based representatives of the Syrian government.

List financing

Since the size of lists varies just as the number of potential voters in a constituency can range from around 60,000 to as many as 300,000-400,000, there is no headline figure attributable to the cost of running a list. One yardstick used is to have a visible (i.e. for wholly legal use) $100 available for every vote that is needed to win the election. Experienced campaign insiders add, with a wry smile, that victory is virtually guaranteed with the presence of another $200 per voter for spending in a variety of “suitable’ ways (see below).

The total bill for a large list can easily run to several million dollars. The expenses include handing over up to $1 million to Syrian political intelligence officials for authorizing, in practice though not officially, the list’s participation.

The Syrian list-existence tax has also prompted the need for raising the entry fee to be able to get onto a particular list. Local market forces sometimes determine that the price of joining an electoral ticket can be heavily influenced the buyer’s ability to pay. Thus the price for a rich newcomer with little previous history of helping the alliance he is trying to join may reach the million-dollar mark. Elsewhere, the figure might be much more ‘reasonable’ although it is still frequently prohibitive for all but the wealthy.

In the 2000 parliamentary elections, one potential candidate in his early 30s is said to have been asked for $100,000 to join up with Omar Karami in Tripoli, the same figure being sought in Beirut from a lawyer who sought entry into an electoral list favored by the President, General Emile Lahoud.

Though neither was eventually elected, their routes to failure took different paths. The northern potential candidate bowed out entering the race alongside Karami because he didn’t have the money. The lawyer secured an understanding that arrangements could be made to make such a contribution, possibly in stages, provided that he were elected. Even with the implicit backing of Baabda Palace, he attracted only a fraction of the 28,000 votes needed to secure a seat in the 128-seat exclusive Nijmeh Square Club.

What the law says

  1. Campaign contributions

Although proposals have been made to limit campaign spending – the latest is to put a $100,000 ceiling on the permissible amount – there is, and never has been, a maximum figure set by law. In any case there is no mechanism for checking on candidates’ spending. The notion of filing returns on campaign expenses as required by democracies in Western Europe, for example, is unknown.

There is also no regulation on campaign contributions. In practice fund-raising is a rarity. The midterm election of Ghassan Moukhaiber in 2002 was an exception. His campaign in the Metn, which cost a modest $45,000, was largely financed through small contributions made by friends and supporters.

The bulk of the money spent comes from a relatively small number of mega-wealthy people. Of those, some may seek to use the status of MP as a stepping-stone toward a seat in the Cabinet where they would have the opportunity to recoup their outlay from under-the-table commissions on government contracts. In other cases, campaign expenses are seen simply as the cost for attaining the status conferred by becoming a Deputy. Satisfying the ego has its price.

  • Media spending

Direct advertisements of the kind that swallows up hundreds of millions of dollars in United States elections are prohibited by law. Yet the existence of privately owned TV stations, newspapers and magazines, owned or heavily influenced by leading political figures, helps to circumvent this rule. NBN television, nicknamed Nabih Berri News, is seen as an asset to the Speaker of Parliament’s candidates every bit as valuable as Mostaqbal TV and newspaper were to Hariri. State-owned television and radio is supposed to be neutral and allow equal and fair coverage to all candidates. In 2000, it campaigned heavily and virulently against the Hariri camp.

If political adverts were allowed in TV they would quickly eat up millions of dollars. The average rate card cost of a 30 second spot at prime time (including the associated freebies of very early morning repeats etc) is around $3,000, to which has to be added production expenses of anything from $5,000 to $50,000+.

While the cost of straightforward television advertising is not a current issue, coverage by the audiovisual media is not always determined by balanced and fair editorial decisions. The growing habit of being able to buy an appearance on TV, either through money or influence, adds a dimension to campaign costs that is impossible to measure.

In fairness, the idea of ‘placing’ favorable articles in the print media and arranging friendly interviews on television is not solely a Lebanese disease, nor is it confined to election time. Faced with a world of low-salaried journalists, one enterprising public relations company in Beirut drew up a price list for getting major articles in papers. Most prized and therefore most expensive was An Nahar at $500, with As Safir following at $300 and The Daily Star coming in at $200.

  • Bribery

Given the overtly blatant and wholesale bribery that besets elections, it almost seems fatuous to point out that it is a felony. Details of common practices that constitute a reasonable person’s definition of bribery are given below.

  • Misuse of public funds

It is also a felony to misuse public money and assets in pursuit of private gain. In a country where the police are as guilty as anyone of committing the relatively minor offense of driving down one-way streets in the wrong direction, sanctions against the misuse of public funds have rarely been a threat.

The real contributions to campaigns in this area come not from stealing the state’s money directly and handing it out but in other, scarcely less blatant, ways. Public works projects, especially small local ones, increase substantially just before an election; favors, such as having a prosecution dropped, also go up; and underemployed employees in various ministries suddenly find themselves working flat out on campaign organization at the behest of their master’s voice.

Another way in which votes are assured by state institutions was the practice by the Ministry of the Interior in sending its agents to tell 11,000 recently naturalized citizens living in the Metn that their citizenship would be taken away if they failed to vote in the way they were told. To make sure, most were collected in cars, driven to polling stations and accompanied into the booths to make sure they did as they were told. The value of this exercise was not only that it delivered the votes but also that carrying it out didn’t bite into the campaign treasure chest.

Yet one more tactic in the Ministry of Interior’s highly efficient vote-getting repertoire has been to dispatch agents to businesses to remind the owners of the value of permits they need to operate. Vote for our men and you keep the permit. If not…

Where it goes

a. Posters

The printing industry receives a considerable boost at election time, not only from candidates and entire lists but also from some publicity-seekers who spend a few hundred dollars having posters of their faces stuck up alongside those of genuine candidates. Most of the cost of the poster blitz on Beirut of candidates on the Hariri lists in 2000 was borne internally and directly by the campaign itself. According to election insiders, only around $150,000 was spent outside at Saatchi & Saatchi on design work and printing.

The advantage of using direct labor to put up the posters, rather than outside contractors, is that it encourages those paid to do the work also to vote for the candidates whose posters they are sticking up. The costs are further inflated by hiring other labor to remove posters of rivals and replacing a campaign’s own posters that have suffered the same fate.

Extensive use of billboards is in vogue and Metn has the highest density in the country. Several hundred of them are controlled by a close relative of President Lahoud, a factor that has clearly influenced who may use them and how much is paid.

b. Other campaign literature

Leaflets and flyers are printed mainly to be distributed through the local election offices opened throughout a constituency although one aspect of promotional literature that always figures in European elections – a detailed manifesto of the political program promised – is missing. This document is superfluous because none of the candidates is inclined to reveal what they will do if returned to power.

The amount of the printing bills belongs firmly in that widespread category of “the higher the better” and usually they are settled on delivery of the order since losing candidates might be less inclined to pay.

Caps, t-shirts, badges, car bumper stickers also boost local industry – and potential electoral support.

c. Local offices

The renting of local campaign offices serves not only to generate extra publicity for the candidates but also provides an opportunity to encourage more support by carefully picking and overpaying for temporary premises from owners who can deliver votes.

Renting chairs, tables, telephones and, in some cases, computer equipment is a relatively small proportion of the expense. Even bigger than the rent is the bill for paying supporters to spend their days making it appear there is a hive of activity. In practice, the biggest use of local offices is on polling day when they become useful as administrative centers for making sure that known supporters have actually voted.

They also function as checks on whether supporters are included on the electoral lists and whether they have the correct documentation to be able to vote.

  • Meals

A part of the reward for spending entire days in local offices – and often for other campaign workers too – is to have meals provided. The choice of culinary fare is influenced more by currying favor with the suppliers than by the taste buds of the campaign workers. Even at a level of only a few dollars a day, when multiplied by the number of workers and the weeks of campaigning the total bill for food for a well-funded list runs into several thousand dollars.

  • Transport

Supplementing the allowances for gas given to supporters who use their own vehicles for campaign work is a new practice of hiring the vehicles of entire taxi companies, whether they are used or not. Monopolizing the available transport has the added advantage of depriving rivals off those facilities.

  • Keys

So called because they open the door to bringing in votes, the role of local ‘key’ people is to distribute the largesse on offer to families well-known to them. The lump sums of cash, goods or allowances for services are allocated according to the number of voters they can persuade.

The ballpark figure of $100 per voter can rise to as much as three times that amount in tight races. Just as those Syrian construction workers who stayed in Lebanon after the murderous bombing of February 14 found themselves in a sellers’ market where they were able to negotiate their daily rates upwards, so voters, as for example in Achrafieh in 2000, were able to bump up the price of their support.

Other inducements included the mass distribution of fridges and cookers in Beirut in the 2000 elections and the offer of paying school fees and medical expenses, as well as the provision of musical instruments for a band.

Some electoral lists, especially in the Metn, still contain the names of significant numbers of dead people. Though ‘bribing the dead’ is somewhat cheaper than the amount needed for the living the use of their votes depends upon whether old-style identity cards will be considered valid for voting.

Where do the candidates come from

According to a study of all the elections up to 1972, the vast majority of the 359 total number of Deputies up to that point had inherited their seats from family members. Since the end of the war the make-up has changed. Despite the apparent majority allegiance to Syria, informed sources say that without the local presence of Syrian intelligence, the outgoing Parliament splits into three roughly equal parts – the opposition, pro-Syrians, and those who did support Syria but who will change once the Damascus security network is known to have disappeared.

With money such a deciding factor in standing to become a Deputy, no wholesale changes are seen for this year. However, more supporters of former Prime Minister Michel Aoun are likely to become candidates in Baabda and Aley, Batroun and Jbeil will see faces from the ranks of Lebanese Forces.

Hizbullah

Almost uniquely among candidates and parties the Party of God does not directly bribe its voters. Critics say that the permanent provision of social services, health and education facilities, road and house repair amount to the same thing.

As the political organization also noted for having the tightest control of its supports, the party sees its discipline paying off.  Hizbullah supporters are noted for following their instructions exactly. If told to vote for an entire list, that is precisely what happens. Amal partisans are said to act more independently.

Conclusion

The absence of Syrian influence and the requirement to pay commission to its intelligence services could cut the cost of fielding a list by anything up to 50 percent, thus either saving money or freeing more funds for other purposes. It would also mean that those current deputies who gained their seats after being imposed on a likely-to-be successful list will have to find another way – and other funds – to stay in Nijmeh Square.

The absence of laws regulating expenditure and, more particularly, the absence of enforcement of the laws on bribery and misuse of power will ensure the absence of real change.

Although abuses of the process in the United States and the European Union are frequently – and sometimes justifiably – alleged, they are less blatant than those seen locally. The 2005 parliamentary elections in Lebanon are likely to produce another example of ‘local democracy’ and that’s without even considering the artificial equal allocation of seats to two confessional groups.

Peter Grimsditch is a former editor of The Daily Star and Middle East correspondent for the London Daily Express

June 16, 2005 0 comments
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Special Section

Remains of the day

by Peter Speetjens June 16, 2005
written by Peter Speetjens

The March 26 bomb blast that ripped through the Sid el Bouchrieh industrial district destroyed at least six furniture manufacturers and reduced an already struggling business zone to a row of burnt out shells and rubble. By mid-April, one of the main thoroughfares was still blocked, as soldiers in yellow plastic helmets erected scaffolding to begin the rebuilding of the area.

In and around Beirut, three other blasts occurred, that, while small by comparison to the explosion that killed former prime minister Rafic Hariri, hit both small businesses and individuals hard, causing damage worth an estimated $10 million.

The explosions highlighted not only the fact that war and terrorism related damage generally fall outside insurance coverage, but also shows that while Lebanese business owners generally have health and accident insurances, many are reluctant to buy fire and property packages. According to expert estimates some 50% of Lebanese businesses, especially those small and medium-sized, are insured.

Part of the municipality of New Jdeideh, the Sid el Bouchrieh industrial zone covers some 8 km2 and is home to dozens of car mechanics, garages, metal and wood workers. Most companies are small family businesses that employ three to ten people, yet there are a few larger companies, most notably the Gemayel and Arab Printing Presses, each employing more than 25 staff.

Sami Debs, owner of Sim Kitchens, situated on the top floor of the building adjacent to the explosion in Sid el Bouchrieh held up a clock. “Look,” he said, pointing to the hands frozen at 9.20. “This is the time the bomb exploded. The fire didn’t reach the third floor. Most of my damage is from the shock of the blast, smoke and flooding.”

Sim Kitchens has no windows, the iron door has been blown off its hinges and his machines are warped by the blast. Debs estimates his damage to be around $50,000.

On the first and second floors of the building the situation is worse. Arguably hardest hit was Massoud Furniture. It is a world painted pitch black. Material, furniture and machines have been burnt to the ground. To make matters worse, George Massoud had just finished an order awaiting shipment. It was all burnt and Massoud estimates total damages to be at least $300,000. On the second floor, Sauma Furniture lost a significant quantity of material as well as most of the machines, with damage totaling some $250,000.

Both Massoud and Sauma were insured against fire but were ineligible for compensation as the damage fell under the war and terrorism category. In fact, the Phoenicia InterContinental Hotel was probably the only Lebanese business to have an insurance policy that covered a terror attack.

Debs was only able to afford personal accident insurance for his business but is aware that even if he could have afforded the extra cover, it would not have saved him. “I have two types of insurance against accidents, for which I pay some $900 a year. I don’t have theft insurance, because there’s simply nothing to steal and I don’t have a fire insurance, because it’s too expensive as I would have to pay an annual 2% of total value of my assets.”

Debs and his brother, who founded the company in 1982, are no strangers to violence. By the end 1980s it had already been bombed in the Aoun-Geagea war. Today, despite a bullish period in the 90s, the business is struggling once again. “If I make as a chair for $40, the Syrians do it for $20. Their labor is cheaper and they use Russian instead of Italian wood.”

The total cost to the area has been estimated at roughly $3 million. Saudi Prince Waleed bin Talal has already pledged $2.5 million while Blom Bank has donated $1 million. (see page ?) Even though this should cover the damage with some to spare, many remain unconvinced about the transparency of any disbursement. “We’ll see what we get and if no one fills his pockets,” said one owner.

A week earlier, on March 19, New Jdeideh, located a few kilometers north from Sid el Bouchrieh, suffered the first in the spate of bomb attacks. Hidden under a parked car, the bomb ripped through the area’s main shopping street, damaging an apartment block and dozens of cars. Eleven people were injured.

Owner, civil engineer Joseph Najm, is currently restoring the apartment block. He too was insured but not covered for terror outrages. “The municipality promised to pay $25,000 to help repair the concrete structure,” he said. “However, the total damage is will come to $150,000, which I will have to pay, as the people in the building are my tenants.”

Maroun Latouf, owner of a car rental company situated on the parking lot where the bomb was planted, is also out of pocket, also to the tune of $150,000. As in the case of Sid el Bouchrieh, it was the army that estimated damages and collected claims, and, according to Najm, the government has promised to reimburse part of the losses, based on the data collected. In an attempt to unravel the bureaucratic paper trail and ascertain why the army was handling claims, EXECUTIVE contact the Ministry of Defense but no one was available for comment

While Najm and Latouf suffered the biggest losses in the area, a large number of inhabitants and shopkeepers were hit with smaller bills. “We had to pay some $600 just to replace the window,” said the Tony G, owner of a men’s fashion store, who recalled the night of the blast

“We live above the shop,” he said. “Me and my wife woke up under kilos of glass, as the bed was in front of the window. Fortunately we suffered only minor injuries, but of course the windows had to be replaced, the bed was broken and we have a huge crack in the wall. All in all I paid some $4,000 and neither municipality nor the insurance is paying for that.”

Again, Tony G’s “regular” insurance did not cover these extraordinary attacks but a week after the attack however, an insurance broker went from door to door in New Jdeideh’s high street asking if retailers would be interested in an insurance covering bomb attacks in future.

“But that was very expensive,” Tony G said. “You had too insure everything separately. So, if you have the glass insured, the glass would be covered, but nothing that got damaged by falling glass. Only for the clothes we had to pay 2% a year over the total value of the collection. So, if you’d insure everything you end up paying some $10,000 a year, just in case a bomb may explode. We cannot pay that kind of money.”

The situation is similar in Kaslik and Broumana. On March 23, a bomb explosion hit the up market Altavista shopping center in the heart of Kaslik killing 3 immigrant workers, damaging shops, a bank and insurance company. The center itself is currently being refurbished. Total damages in and around the center amount to an estimated $1,5 million. The municipality has promised to pay for the clear-up operation, while the army once again moved in to estimate damages and collect claims.

One of the most severely damaged shops is Ets Nahkle fashion for men. “I had just expanded by taking over the shop next door,” said storeowner Hani Dagher. “I invested some $300,000 in the new interior, an estimated 70% of which is gone.” Dagher also lost a storage room inside the center. “I was insured,” said Dagher who also has stores in Hamra, downtown Beirut and Broumana, “but I didn’t even bother to hand in a claim. I know they wouldn’t pay this time.”

June 16, 2005 0 comments
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LibanCell akes the cake

by Executive Editors June 10, 2005
written by Executive Editors

Deja vu was strong in another telecommunications matter last month, that of the old disputes between the previous operators and the Lebanese government.  

First, the LibanCell company, former operator of one of Lebanon’s mobile communications network under a Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) contract, told the public that the international arbitration over the premature termination of these contracts had gone good for the operators and bad for the Lebanese state.

Instead of $1.45 billion demanded by the government for alleged contract violations in 16 cases, the arbiters had ruled in favor of the state in a single point, for a meager award of $1.5 million, or one per 1000, LibanCell claimed in its ad campaign. On top of that, for having been wronged through the early termination of the original contracts and other violations of the agreement through the state, the international arbitration had awarded it compensation amounting to a total of nearly $267 million, LibanCell trumped up.

The dispute originated in 2000/2001 when the ministry of telecommunications had began accusing both BOT operators, LibanCell and French-Lebanese Cellis, of numerous contract violations centering around an alleged act of exceeding subscriber ceilings of 125,000 customers per network. The companies had argued in return that no such ceilings had been agreed upon in their somewhat ambiguous contracts. Especially LibanCell was indignant and tried with large, number-driven ad and PR campaigns at the peak of the confrontation to convince public opinion of its viewpoint.

However, impeded by their high (and government mandated) per minute charges, the companies couldn’t shake off the allegations in the public mind and the confrontation between state and operators brought development of mobile telephony in Lebanon to a screeching halt that impedes communication until today. The BOT contracts were terminated in 2002 but attempts to auction off operator licenses under the label of privatization failed. Network management remained for an extended period with the old companies until the current operators MTC and Faldete were brought in last year.         

As LibanCell now played the cards of having been vindicated in arbitration, Beirut rumor mills alleged that the company could have ambitions to come back as network operator when the sector gets fully privatized, while former telecommunications minister Jean-Louis Qordahi hastened to accuse the company of not having paid all its dues owed to the government, which LibanCell angrily refuted.

In the meanwhile, the honeymoon between MoT and the new operators seemed over, as the ministry announced fines against the firms for not doing their job perfectly. The caretaker companies responded in saying that they were fulfilling their obligations and were committed to the welfare of the sector.

What consumers and economy continue to wait for, is an end to tiresome telco affairs, reduction of insanely high mobile phone charges and fulfillment of some long-promised side benefits, such as network upgrades, implementation of new regulatory frameworks, and introduction of a third operator. The state is in charge.

June 10, 2005 0 comments
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Up in smoke

by Executive Editors June 10, 2005
written by Executive Editors

Phoenicia Trading Group, the sole agent for Cuban cigars in Lebanon, has launched a media awareness campaign in local newspapers to bring the problem of counterfeited products to the attention of the Lebanese public.

The campaign was organized following a hike in fake Cuban cigars smuggled into the country over the course of the past six months.

“A lot of fake cigars with Cohiba rings were being circulated in the market and mostly used for gifts,” says Walid Saleh, managing director of the Phoenicia Group. “The customers who were receiving these gifts came to our shops to exchange them or complain about their quality. As a company our role is to draw the attention of cigar smokers to what’s happening in the market and guide them, so as to help them get value for their money when they are purchasing the goods.”

An estimated 400,000 fake cigars are being brought into the country annually according to the Regie Libanaise des Tabacs et Tombacs, representing some 10% of total imports, at a value of approximately $500,000.

“It’s not a tremendous problem when you look at the percentage it of the market,” notes a Regie employee, speaking on condition of anonymity. “These products are not [any more of] a health hazard, they contain plain tobacco, but they are feeding off the well-established Cuban brands. More than anything, the latter are the ones that are most affected by this.”

Yet Phoenicia-Beirut begs to differ, arguing that the counterfeiting is hurting the country as a whole.

“Falsified products are not only damaging the image of Havana cigars but also the reputation of Lebanon as a center of commercialization of Cuban cigars for the whole region,” says Saleh. “This is an image that took years to build, through the efforts of Phoenicia Trading and the support of the Regie.”

The bulk of the counterfeited products are being produced in Latin American countries, but a few also come from Europe. Locally printed rings are subsequently added to the cigars, which are then repackaged in nylon or recycled Cuban cigar boxes.

The products are sold door-to-door, but can also be found in shops and restaurants, both of which are liable for prosecution if caught.

June 10, 2005 0 comments
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A final masterpiece

by Executive Editors June 10, 2005
written by Executive Editors

Renowned Italian architect Giancarlo Di Carlo may have passed away on June 4 of this year, but his influence will forever be felt in Beirut, where the real estate project Beirut Village was the last chef d’oevre of his life.

Set around the 2,500 m2 Alliance Garden in Wadi Abu Jamil in the heart of downtown, offering over 27,000 m2 of apartment space, the Beirut Village is the brainchild of Beirut Trade, a combined Emirati Lebanese real estate company. The development consists of two clusters of 6-floor apartment blocks. Di Carlo himself said to be inspired by the traditional architecture of areas such as Gemayzeh and Kantari in introducing the seven red-roofed, low rise buildings, characterized by balconies, large windows and earthy colors. Each of the 92 apartments has its own individual look and the top floors will house 10 luxury penthouses, each with a large terrace and private pool.

It is also further proof of the attraction of Beirut as a location for investment in high-end real estate. Demand for luxury apartments is still strong despite Lebanon’s turbulent year. “We aim for ‘class A clients,’ the top of Lebanese society and Arab investors,” said a Beirut Trade Spokesman.

Sales started on October 1 and construction will begin at the end of this year to be completed by mid 2008. “Solidere is currently asking some $1,300 per square meter of BUA and often offers some discount,” said Raja Makarem of Ramco Real Estate Advisers, “so I think a price of $1,200 is likely. As far as sales are concerned, I don’t think anything in Wadi Abu Jamil is sold for less than $3,500 m/2.”

Last June, an honorary exhibition in Rome on Di Carlo’s life and work already included the Beirut Village as one of masterpieces of the 86-year-old architect, who in 1993 was the winner of the Gold Medal of the Royal Institute of British Architects.

June 10, 2005 0 comments
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Storage Space

by Executive Editors June 10, 2005
written by Executive Editors

Filovault, a business to business venture created last year to cater to those companies, institutions and foundations to outsource their records management due to space and resource constraints, hopes to cash in on the growing need for better corporate governance.

 “As companies and institutions become more compliant with document retention periods and abide by international standards, their volume of stored documents will tend to swell,” said managing director Nael Zantout. “Since managing archives properly involves a great deal of resources, fire prevention, 24 hour security, software, and manpower, most international companies are looking to outsource this function to a specialized company, which can ensure two key things: safety and availability of files when needed.  Loss of files can mean litigation/audit risks”

The archiving business model, already popular in the West and more recently in Egypt and the UAE, rests on the concept that non-core activities such as record keeping /archiving are being outsourced for cost savings and removal of strains on internal resources.  Filovault has rehabilitated a warehouse facility just 15 minutes from BCD, employing climate control, security and fire detection and prevention. Filovault also has a strategic software partnership with US based O’Neil, arguably the global leader in the field.

According to Zantout, a large percentage of multinational companies worldwide use outsourcing for their archiving and this process is viewed favorably by auditors and compliance heads as it lessens the risks and costs especially since most accounting and administration documents need to be maintained for ten years or more. Clients who sign up, get a number of bar coded boxes along with a cd-rom to catalogue the contents of each box, enabling file searches at a later point.  Filovault allows clients to consult their inventory or order boxes at any time using their online feature.

“The whole system operates solely on barcodes ensuring confidentiality at all times,” said Zantout, who cites a large US multinational as well as top insurance and financial institutions as clients, along with several smaller foundations, law firms and schools. “We guarantee rapid retrieval of documents when needed along with an array of services such as digitization, destruction, and an onsite audit/conference room.”

June 10, 2005 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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