Executive Magazine

Seeking a fourth estate

by Line Tabet, Zeina Loutfi & Ramsay G. Najjar May 1, 2013

written by Line Tabet, Zeina Loutfi & Ramsay G. Najjar

Whether the Parliamentary elections do take place on time or in several months, we are most certainly entering “election season”. This will mean an even bigger flurry of political programming with politicians vying for airtime and media exposure. After all, it is through media that they can reach out to their constituencies and state their case.

This would normally mean that politicians would revere journalists or at least show them some respect, as media figures and reporters can play a huge role in helping these politicians come across in a favorable light, convey their messages, showcase their actions and appeal to voters.

Instead, it is has now become common in the Lebanese political landscape to see an MP insulting accredited journalists on live TV when asking for a clarification, or a political leader to hold a press conference without allocating time for reporters to ask questions. We can go on forever lambasting politicians for their blatant disregard not only for media’s important role but also for the public who looks to the media to get the answers they need to judge those who represent them.

All of their conduct is reproachable, be it the propaganda, attempts at influencing and bribing the media, lack of transparency, flip-flopping, etcetera However, the sad part is that these politicians would have never been able to get away with any of that had the media been properly fulfilling its role as a true fourth estate.

How it’s supposed to be…

Through freedom of expression, the media should be serving as the guarantee to the sound performance of democracy, whereby its role is to observe, question, report and demand accountability from government, thus exposing misdeeds against the people or democracy.

A recent illustration of the media as the fourth estate is the Cahuzac scandal which made the headlines last month in France and beyond. The French Minister of Budget Jérôme Cahuzac was accused of tax fraud over a secret bank account in Switzerland. However, the interesting part of the story is that a minister fell following a journalistic investigation, whereby Mediapart, a left-wing media outlet, attacked a personality from the same political affiliation and revealed the fraud. For many, this story echoes at its best the authentic mission of the media to investigate, to reveal and to denounce injustices.

And how it actually is…

Going back to Lebanon, any objective observer would spot the abnormalities and irregularities that are affecting the media profession. Historically the country’s press has served as the benchmark and role model in the region, largely thanks to the quality of its media professionals and the relative freedom of expression they enjoyed, which meant Lebanon was a regional platform for media.

Though a lot can be said about the factors that have led to the current dire situation and who or what is to blame, many would agree that the most prominent among them remains the lack of independent and transparent media revenues that could preserve the media’s integrity and objectivity.
Turning matters around thus requires transforming the media to fulfill its original and intended noble cause. This can only happen with the creation of the media’s own compass, a professional code of ethics that consists of regulations and restrictions that provide orientation, prevent misdeeds and punish transgressors. For this, we list seven elements that can go a long way in developing such a code and helping Lebanese media become a true fourth estate.

1. Empowering professional regulatory bodies: Their importance lies in their self-regulatory role — in their capacity to keep a check on the performance of media professionals and enhance the sense of responsibility inherent to belonging to the profession.

2. Widely disseminating the Media Code of Ethics: Advancing citizen knowledge of the ethical dimensions and professional rules that regulate the role of every journalist will in turn heighten the journalist’s sense of professional responsibility and limit any urge to exploit society’s ignorance of the requirements and standards of the profession.

3. Fostering institutionalization in media organizations and among professionals: This can be done through increasing training sessions and workshops and infusing the workplace with rules and rituals that serve as institutional reminders that media professionals’ mission is similar to other vocations that are entrusted with people’s lives, safety and well-being.

4. Developing “media education” at elementary and university levels: This aims at habilitating every citizen in the same way we approach civic education. When social media and networks have evolved and spread to such a degree, one cannot deny the need to prepare citizens to write and publish information and photos responsibly and within a culture of ethical restraint.

5. Imposing a professional oath: An oath to be taken by all media professionals in public, before an authoritative body by which they swear to abide by the profession’s regulations and adhere to its code of ethics. This would serve as a deterrent and an incentive at once: it places journalists under the spotlight of accountability and compels them to exercise discipline, inasmuch as it elevates their sense of responsibility and pride in belonging to a noble profession with such values and requirements.

6. Creating a new position of “ethics officer” within every media organization: The officer would be tasked with ensuring that the media complies with the code of ethics. Very far from a censoring role, he or she would have more of a consultative one tied to the media regulatory authority and the legal department to address any violation within the appropriate legal framework.

7. Strict enforcement of transparency in media performance and ownership: Every media outlet should be obligated to declare the identity of its owners and boardmembers. Here the state’s role as arbitrator would be entrusted to the media professional authority, a “Higher Media Council”, which would act as an auto-regulator, exclusively empowered to examine any infractions and administer the appropriate penalty, thus ensuring full respect of freedom of expression.

Although these seven factors surely do not constitute the definitive list of catalysts for attaining optimal media practice, they represent the ideal prelude for the empowerment of media and its development into the fourth estate, the only assurer of democracy.

May 1, 2013 0 comments

Editorial

Where talent lies idle

by Yasser Akkaoui April 30, 2013

written by Yasser Akkaoui

Lebanon is a country of opposing forces, and those rare times when it has enjoyed stability and prospered have come when these forces have been balanced. Achieving this is far from a simple process — aggregate the shifting geopolitical realities of our neighborhood, the foreign influences at play in the country and the plethora of domestic political interests and sectarian affiliations, and you may understand the task at hand.

Najib Mikati sought this balance. In upholding such things as the funding for the United Nations Special Tribunal for Lebanon, he defended priorities of the March 14 political bloc in a cabinet of March 8 ministers. When the Cabinet refused to renew the term of Internal Security Forces chief Ashraf Rifi, however, Mikati’s position as prime minister did not offer him the tools he needed to keep this equilibrium; thus, he resigned.

The government failed to successfully reform virtually any aspect of public infrastructure whether it be electricity, water or telecommunications. Any gains were piecemeal. What is more, the tricky, but absolutely essential, task of administrative reform was sidestepped. The debate over the public sector wage scale offered an opportunity to take the bull by the horns. It was missed.

This government had its chance to show its commitment to Lebanon’s prosperity. The implementation of a properly functioning public transportation system would, for example, benefit everyone by cutting commute times, easing pollution and frustration levels, as well as increasing the productivity of working Lebanese.

What did the government do instead? Minister of Public Works and Transportation Ghazi Aridi announced the purchase of 250 buses, but without a plan that addresses any of the litany of challenges the caused previous efforts at mass transit to become costly failures, while also shrouding aspects of the deal in obscurity, raising the specter of corruption and kickbacks.

Imagine if the state were not such an impediment to its own people, how might the Lebanese succeed? One need only look to New York. The city maintains the necessary equilibrium between competing interests and creates systems that foster success and efficiency. It is an example of how Lebanon’s sons and daughters can thrive when placed in an environment that allows them to do so.

The good news is that, despite the odds, Lebanon still miraculously produces these people of talent, punching well above its weight in the birth of potential. One can only hope that one day, the full potential of these Lebanese can be realized at home.

April 30, 2013 0 comments

The Buzz

Morning briefing: 30 Apr 2013

by Executive Staff April 30, 2013

written by Executive Staff

Economics and Policy

Gold slipped back into negative territory on Tuesday after bargain hunting tapered off, while daily outflows from exchange-traded funds highlighted investors’ lack of confidence in the precious metal.

More from Reuters

Fuel provided to a Turkish electricity barge in Lebanon was up to standard, supplier Electricite du Liban said Monday, raising further questions over its recent shutdown.

More from The Daily Star

Qatar wants 5-percent interest on $3 billion in bonds it has offered to buy from Egypt, an Egyptian official involved in the talks said Monday, a price higher than expected yet one that Cairo may have to accept.

More from Reuters

Total revenues generated by Abu Dhabi hotels in the first quarter of 2013 rose 15 percent to $389.9m, according to new figures.

More from Arabian Business

Companies and Business

Kuwait’s Agility Public Warehousing reported a 46 per cent increase in net profit for the first quarter on Monday thanks to a rise in revenues driven by its logistics and infrastructure divisions.

More from Reuters

Jordan's Housing Bank for Trade and Finance achieved a 5.7 percent increase in first-quarter net profit to $36.5 million.

More from Reuters

Turkey's energy minister said Ankara will announce by the weekend which country will construct its second nuclear power station, a project expected to cost around $22 billion.

More from Reuters

April 30, 2013 0 comments

Finance

A beginner’s guide to Lebanon’s debt crisis

by Benjamin Redd April 30, 2013

written by Benjamin Redd

Hovering at around 140 percent of GDP, Lebanon’s public debt ratio is thought to be the fifth-highest in the world — making it a perennial problem for politicians and policymakers alike. Our interactive guide explains the causes and structure of Lebanon’s debt problem.

Click here to see the interactive chart.

April 30, 2013 0 comments

Economics & Policy

The Car Seller of Kabul

by Raphael Thelen April 30, 2013

written by Raphael Thelen

The drive to Qasabah on the outskirts of Kabul is painstakingly slow. The shock absorbers of the cars shriek as drivers carefully maneuver through foot-deep potholes. The contours of the snowcapped summits of the Hindu Kush mountains slowly fray out against the darkening sky, with the hundreds of lamps and advertisement signs of Qasabah forming a dimly lit labyrinth of lights at the foot of the mountain.

Qasabah is Kabul’s biggest car bazaar and is home to Wahid Jamshady’s dealership. “It was good that the Americans came to Afghanistan,“ he says, echoing views commonly expressed among the business class in Kabul and the northern part of the country — areas which have benefited more from the occupation led by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces than the south. “The economy grew and we have had all these development projects.”

Seated behind his desk looking out onto rows of polished SUVs and sleek sedans, Jamshady has the aura of a man who has achieved his life goals. As a child he washed cars in other people’s shops during school holidays — with the money he earned he bought used bicycles and sold them on for a small profit. Later he moved on to motorcycles. Then two years ago, at the age of 41 and after years of saving, he finally bought a car dealership.

Related article: Afghanistan's opium from the arm to the farm

Now he faces the prospect of his life’s efforts falling apart. The reason, he explains, is the withdrawal of international troops next year — a topic that dominates collegial chats and sales talks across Kabul. “Everybody is afraid of 2014,” Jamshady says, with a glance at his teenage son sitting on a couch in the office, “many people are selling their cars to leave the country.”

Many Afghans expect a sharp increase in violence as the withdrawal of international troops inches closer. And the surge in car sales is an early indicator of a phenomenon Afghanistan knows only too well: migration. “My business is being badly affected,” Jamshady says. “Nobody is investing anymore, because they don’t know what is going to happen.”

After four decades of conflict, Afghans are the biggest refugee population worldwide. However, in the decade since the invasion, 5.7 million Afghans have returned, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Most of them came from Iran and Pakistan but some 2.7 million remain registered refugees in the two countries, while an estimated 2.4 to 3.4 million live there illegally.

But hopes of convincing more to return may be dashed as whole families pack their bags and leave Afghanistan daily, hoping to make a living in the neighboring countries or find a passage to Europe. And for many of them Qasabah is an essential step in their preparation as they sell off their cars for cash.

The increased supply can be seen in the automobile market. “The drop of car prices is making it more difficult for people who want to leave”, says Jamshady. Cars that he used to sell for $30,000 now go for $20,000 and he predicts they will fall further still as NATO forces sell off their superfluous vehicles on the cheap.

Officially, Afghanistan’s economy grew by an impressive twelve percent in 2012 and will continue to grow in 2013, according to the International Monetary Fund. Yet with more than a third of the country’s people still living below the poverty line, these figures sound like wishful thinking to most Afghans. And the post-2014 economy will take a serious hit with the decrease of international development spending. Despite billions of dollars in foreign aid, the international community has largely failed to build a sustainable economy — whole industries depend on the foreign subsidies, while widespread government corruption, a lack in professional education as well as foreign investment inhibit the growth of domestic industries. Most manufactured goods are imported from neighboring countries, as well as India and China.

Like so many of his customers, Jamshady also plans to leave the country as Western forces pull out. “If there is no money and the people have no jobs, crime and especially kidnapping will pick up,” Jamshady says. “Half a year ago an armed group tried to kidnap my son,” he says and nods to the skinny 14-year-old Elias, who tries to look brave. The car salesman found out beforehand of the plans and informed the police who arrested the kidnappers-to-be. “If they would have kidnapped him, I would have had to sell everything to get him back. It would have cost me $250,000”, he says.

Since then he has been planning his own departure from the country. He recently returned from the Netherlands where most of his family already lives — soon he wants to follow with his wife and son. “I have thought a lot about leaving. I will miss Afghanistan — it is my country,” he says.

Yet the fear of kidnapping and the prospect of a return to Taliban rule prevails over all other considerations, including the concerns of his son about their potential life in Europe. “I don’t want to go”, Elias says, his voice hardly audible. “I’m afraid that I won’t fit in [the] new country.”

It is an open secret that, like Jamshady, a whole class of rich politicians and businessmen is preparing their departure. In the past decade they have sent their children to good universities and built lives in Dubai and elsewhere and now they are ready to leave if security deteriorates, with another brain drain a real possibility.

While the elite may leave, the majority of Afghans do not have this option. For them, selling their property will not take them much further than Iran or Pakistan. In the past Afghans were welcome as manual laborers in these countries but with Pakistan’s economic growth slowing and unemployment on the rise in Iran, both countries are less welcoming to foreigners. At the same time Europe is building ever-higher walls on its outer borders, forcing refugees to take increasingly dangerous routes. Scores of drowned Afghan refugees in the Mediterranean speak loudly of their desperate attempts.

Looking back at the past decade and the results of the US invasion of Afghanistan, Jamshady can’t avoid a grim smile at the irony of it all. “Everyone is after this country,” he says, “and all the Afghans want to leave.”

April 30, 2013 0 comments

Finance

Investment ideas: May 2013

by Maya Sioufi April 30, 2013

written by Maya Sioufi

The Standard and Poor’s 500 Index reached an all-time high last month, surging past its previous record reached in October 2007. It was up 11 percent as of April 25 as investors continue to deploy cash in risky asset classes. The key market concerns have not abated though: the European sovereign debt crisis is still making headlines and the United States’ debt continues to balloon unabated. This month Executive takes investment recommendations from Samer Kanafani, senior equity analyst at MedSecurities, a BankMed subsidiary, and Amin el-Kholy, head of asset management at Arqaam Capital.

Samer Kanafani

Recent rally overdone? While Kanafani is bullish in the long term on US equity markets, he anticipates a correction soon and expects the markets to end around the same level, or slightly higher, by year end. “The world is not yet a happy place,” says Kanafani, adding that the markets are being “injected with steroids”, mainly due to the US and Japanese central banks continuing to print money. Combined with a lack of fundamental economic growth, he remains cautious in the short term.

How should investors position themselves? Kanafani recommends switching out of US cyclical names — which he favored at the beginning of the year — into defensive American sectors such as utilities. He also favors US companies with exposure to emerging markets. His other theme would be to invest in dividend plays, mainly companies with growing yields and buyback programs. In the US, he flags investment bank JP Morgan, fast food restaurant company Yum! Brands and conglomerate General Electric. In the region, he recommends Saudi telecommunication company Etihad Etisalat.

Thoughts on Middle East markets? Kanafani recommends investing in Turkey and Saudi Arabia because of the relative liquidity and transparency of their equity markets. Given Turkey’s equity markets’ recent strong run — up 54 percent last year — he prefers Saudi Arabia, which has less volatility. As for Lebanese securities, he doesn’t see value in the current risk-reward environment due to a lack of liquidity and because “they are very much politicized.”

Top investment recommendations? In the US, he recommends Yum! Brands for their solid portfolio of eateries such as Pizza Hut, Kentucky Fried Chicken and Taco Bell, as well as for their emerging markets exposure contributing to around 50 percent of their sales. He also highlights utilities company Exelon for their defensive nature. As for the region, he favors Dubai-based real estate developer Emaar, given the ongoing recovery of the real estate market, and for its exposure to the retail sector, with more than 50 percent of revenues generated from hotels and mall rentals.

Amin el-Kholy

Confidence in the markets on the rise? Kholy sees confidence gradually returning in Middle East and North African markets — his area of focus — from both institutions in the region and foreign institutional investors, which are showing some early signs of interest.

Favorite asset class and countries in the MENA region? He expects equities to outperform fixed income in the future, given the recent solid performance of fixed income. As for his favorite countries in the MENA markets, he is bullish on Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. Despite the strong run in Turkish equity markets, he would also consider selective opportunities in this country. As for sectors, he recommends investing in the consumer sector for the increase in economic activity and government spending — which he expects to result in more disposable income — as well as for the level of innovation being seen at several of the publicly listed companies. He also recommends investing in reasonably priced banks that came off the financial crisis with repaired balance sheets and are growing again.

Interest in riskier markets such as Iraq and Egypt? Kholy is cautious when it comes to Egypt, as it is “still unclear when things will turn around.” He expects more bad economic news from there in the near future. Regarding Iraq, Kholy expects the country to present a “phenomenal investment opportunity in the next decade.” The only issue for now is that the equity markets are relatively small, but he expects that situation to change as more companies list on the exchange.

Top investment ideas? He recommends sticking to stable, high-dividend paying equities in the MENA region. Outside of the region, keep an eye on African markets: “They are somewhat risky and small but offer potentially attractive returns for people who have an appetite for risk,” says Kholy.

April 30, 2013 0 comments

The Buzz

Morning briefing: 29 Apr 2013

by Executive Staff April 29, 2013

written by Executive Staff

Economics and Policy

Gold rose more than one per cent on Monday and held near its highest level in more than a week as a rebound in prices from multi-year lows failed to curb investor appetite for the precious metal, leading to a shortage in physical supply.

More from Reuters

The oil-rich emirate of Abu Dhabi is putting finishing touches to plans to establish a financial free zone that could resemble, and therefore compete with, the Dubai International Financial Centre.

More from Reuters

The Association of Banks in Lebanon has reaffirmed its commitment to complying with any sanctions imposed by the U.S. Treasury after two Lebanese money exchange houses were designated as a primary money-laundering concern.

Jordan’s electric problems

by Riad Al-Khouri April 29, 2013

written by Riad Al-Khouri

Jordanian Prime Minister Abdullah Ensour's incoming government last week won a vote of confidence in Parliament, securing the approval of 82 out of the Lower House’s 150 deputies. To most observers, the outcome was never in doubt, but, as an ally of the United States, Jordan’s political process must be presented in fairly glowing terms to convince foreign donors that all is well in such a model Arab state. As such, the supposed travails in the new cabinet’s advent were sold to onlookers as an expression of popular will, without the drama of elections elsewhere in the region.

Ensour lost little sleep between his designation in March and last week’s confirmation vote. Yet, the process of seeking confidence was this time presented in better terms than other cabinets’ recent efforts.

In Jordan’s stunted political culture, there may be little room for overt sarcasm, but one catchy expression has entered the local political vocabulary: “one-eleven.” This refers to the 111 deputies — out of an even smaller Lower House than the present body — that voted to grant confidence to the last Jordanian government formed before the “Arab Spring” began in December 2010. The term is one of approbation for kowtowing parliamentarians much more in line with the King’s wishes than that of their citizens. Interestingly, however, Ensour wasn’t part of that 111, having voted as an MP at the time that he had no-confidence in the government, as well as opposing subsequent governments.

Even so, those hoping for change may be disappointed. Ensour does not claim to be ushering in revolution, and while he has an element of independence, he is to all intents and purposes a regime stalwart. Formerly a cabinet member and vice-premier, he has, especially since 2010, also been part of the loyal opposition — before becoming prime minister himself last year for the first time (this is his second stint in the top job).

An electric problem

Nevertheless, Ensour talks of major reforms and there is certainly a lot to do. Apart from anything else, an acute problem currently worrying many in the country concerns electricity prices: state-run power operations suffer an annual loss of close to $1.8 billion due to subsidized rates. If this deficit is not addressed, “we will find ourselves forced to take harsh measures including scheduled power cuts, a stage we do not want to reach,” Ensour told parliamentarians last week. However, he pledged to consult with deputies before deciding to take the potentially unpopular decision to increase electricity prices, saying that his cabinet "will not make such a move unless we have exhausted all other options."

Although he promised to postpone any such measures till the early summer, this particular question must be settled to pull Jordan back from a potential fiscal cliff. Ensour’s record on such matters is better than most in Amman: he recently pushed through an increase in fuel prices — now absorbed and forgotten by the public, especially as the global oil price has since fallen.

The way out of the electricity pricing issue may involve Ensour making some deft political maneuvers. In particular, he indicated that a cabinet shuffle will come soon — an odd statement during a parliamentary confidence debate on a new government. Ensour went so far as to declare that a shuffled cabinet team with more parliamentarians on board is "inevitable”, noting that he would add deputies to his more-or-less technocratic team before too long.

To be able to achieve reform without facing prolonged street protests, Ensour needs as broad a coalition as possible and there are indications that he may try co-opt those who currently oppose him. The current 18-member government is the smallest in decades, with merged ministries and joint portfolios appearing to signal efficient streamlining and austerity amid the country’s current financial woes.

Later in the year, however, several rebellious MPs could be brought into the government, being granted parts of currently doubled-up ministries in return for loyalty to Ensour on vital issues, including electricity.

If that all sound like the usual horse-trading in the country's divided political system, it’s because it is. But the state of the country's finances make meaningful reforms a necessity.

Riad al Khouri, a Jordanian economist who lives and works in the region, is principal of DEA Inc, Washington DC

April 29, 2013 0 comments

The Buzz

Morning briefing: 26 Apr 2013

by Executive Staff April 26, 2013

written by Executive Staff

Economics and Policy

Israel shot down a drone on Thursday as it approached the country's northern coast, the military said, with Lebanese group Hezbollah blamed.

Tunisia’s Salafis – behind the beards

by Eileen Byrne April 26, 2013

written by Eileen Byrne

Tunisia's Salafis, adherents of a stricter interpretation of Islam than the majority of the country’s Muslims, are increasingly familiar protagonists in news stories. Two years after the revolution that overthrew dictator Zine al-Abedine Ben Ali, Salafis are often portrayed as violent, intimidating, resisting official decisions or stopping practices they judge forbidden by Islam.

Overshadowing all the more minor incidents is the still unsolved assassination of the leftist politician Chokri Belaid in February. Belaid was a vocal critic of Salafi ideology, which he regarded as running counter to Tunisia's liberal values. Authorities have pointed the finger of blame at those from the shadowy world of Salafi groups.

Beyond the news headlines, however, Salafism is a complex social phenomenon among young Tunisians looking for a direction in life following the 2011 revolution. While only a very small minority of Tunisia's regard themselves as Salafis – a recent report suggested their total number at around 50,000 — the influence of their worldview is extending.

Tunisians drawn to Salafism often still live in their home neighborhoods alongside the peer group they grew up with — and with whom they have often shared the demoralizing experience of unemployment. Take the example of Hergla, a pretty coastal village north of Sousse. During the 2011 revolution, Hergla did not stir: “here it was just the birds tweeting as usual,” one young man explains. With a population of not much more than 6,000, crime is low and just four officers usually staff the local police station. Like many other places in Tunisia, the town now has a small group of local Salafis.

On April 11, a mob of Salafi sympathizers tried to storm the police station to free one of their number who had been arrested. Local police described the man as a known petty criminal who had converted to Salafism. Amid the tear gas, two policemen opened fire, killing 23-year-old Mahmoud Mrad and seriously injuring a child. When the clashes continued after the dead man's funeral the next day, those clashing with the police were not Salafis, but just young men who had grown up with Mrad – a studious type who was well liked locally. Some villagers blamed Salafis for having brought trouble to the town, but were, naturally, unhappy about the police shootings.

Elsewhere, young people have mobilized against intimidation by Salafis. High-school students in Menzel Bouzelfa, east of Tunis, that same week cheerfully organized a small demo in support of their head teacher and to face down local Salafis. In line with an education ministry directive, the head had prevented a girl from attending class in the full niqab, or face veil. Local Salafis appeared outside the school with megaphones and speeches aimed, unsuccessfully, at converting students to their cause. Three masked men then attacked the head teacher with sticks as he arrived for work on April 10.

But this image of fundamentalism lacks some nuance. Aware of an image problem, some Salafi groups have avoided confrontation. When football fans in the port town of Bizerte clashed with the police for three days last week — over a decision that had blocked the Bizerte team from going through to a cup final — the Salafis told local youths "we will not revolt with you," recounts one young man. Locals appealed to Salafis for help in protecting their businesses during the disorder, he said, as "here the Salafis are more respected than the police." The fundamentalists declined, but did have contacts with the provincial governor over how to calm the situation.

One of the best analyses of the many-layered context of Tunisian Salafism is a lucid report by the NGO International Crisis Group. It reviews the full spectrum of groups, from the quietist to the fundamentalists. Those involved in violence typically have low educational levels and sometimes previous criminal records. It cites an estimate of around 2,000 Tunisians engaged in armed jihad in Syria, and notes that by February there had been 14 Salafis killed in confrontations with the Tunisian state, including two men who died on hunger-strike alleging wrongful imprisonment.

Salafism in Tunisia is still a relatively new phenomena, with limited in-depth research. The challenge for sociologists and others, therefore, is to piece together a better understanding of this most radical of movements. Looking for grassroots stories beyond the headlines will provide rich material to nuance their narratives.

April 26, 2013 0 comments