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Business

Winners at growing their business

by Maya Sioufi August 6, 2012
written by Maya Sioufi

What do recycled electronics, olive oil and an online game have in common? They are the products behind the three companies that won the “Grow My Business” competition, a joint initiative between the Beirut Traders Association, the MIT Enterprise Forum for the Pan Arab Region and Bank Audi. The competition’s aim is to encourage entrepreneurship in Lebanon and support the development of the private sector. After 30 teams presented detailed business plans in front of a high-profile jury, three teams were granted awards. The first prize of LL50 million ($33,200) went to AD Tech, the second prize of LL20 million ($13,300) went to Olive Trade and the third prize of LL10 million ($6,600) went to Wixel Studios. Executive sat with the owners of each company to discuss their business model and expansion plans.

AD Tech – Recycling electronics 

When you renew your laptop or your smartphone, you have three options in Lebanon for disposing your used electronic device: toss it, sell it or give it away. AD Tech aimed to change that when it launched last year. The company started out importing high quality used electronics from the United States and selling them to several resellers in Lebanon. AD Tech sold more than 2,000 units in Lebanon last year and generated revenues of $200,000. “After one year of experience, we saw a huge market for used IT electronics,” says AD Tech founder Joseph Massih.

This observation led the team of four to develop an expansion plan into a new line of business: a waste management program. The plan, for which they won the competition, involves acquiring used electronics from end users in Lebanon, both corporations and individuals, and then either dismantling these products if they are obsolete or selling them to specific resellers in Lebanon and abroad. “We are going to encourage electronic recycling,” adds Massih. He expects that this expansion plan will cost between $200,000 and $300,000 in a first phase, as they will need to upgrade their current warehouse based in Amchit. Massih expects the plan to launch in six months and increase revenues by 40 percent within the first five years. While the prize money from the competition will be used towards this purpose, it covers only a minimal share of the total cost and AD Tech is currently looking to complete the financing of the project.

The long-term target of AD Tech is to raise awareness about the benefits of recycling and eventually develop a recycling plant in Lebanon, which could become a hub for the Arab world. “Awareness of recycling does not exist in Arab countries,” says Massih. “We hope to start it here and go with it abroad.”

Zejd – the Olive trade

Under the brand “Zejd”, meaning olive oil in the language of the Phoenicians, who are said to have been the first people to grow olive trees, Youssef Fares started selling products derived from Lebanese olives in 2004 through his company Olive Trade. It now sells products such as soaps, flavored oils, green and black olives and stuffed olives (with around 15 different types on offer) and brought in $300,000 in revenues last year. The olive trees used for the products come from land Fares owns in his native village in the Akkar region, as well as from lands managed for farmers in villages surrounding Akkar. The products are sold in high-end specialized stores in Lebanon such as Aziz, to high-end hotels and restaurants such as Le Grey, while also being exported to the US, France, Switzerland and Japan. Olive Trade, made up of four team members, entered the MIT competition to expand and open a retail shop in Ashrafieh called “House of Zejd” within the next month, according to Fares.

The retail store is expected to raise sales by $100,000 in the first year. The LL20 million won at the competition will only cover 15 percent of the cost of the shop. The remaining will be secured from self-financing and from a bank loan “which I have already received approval for,” says Fares. “There will be also be an olive bar for people to come and taste the olive oil before buying it as well as events explaining olive oil. It’s a shop but it is also an awareness about the oil product.”

Wixel Studios – Online Arabic applications

Do you want to choose between Hassan Nasrallah, Saad Hariri, Samir Geagea, Michel Aoun and other prominent Lebanese political figures and pitch them against each other in a street fight? That’s what the online game “Duma” at Wixel Studios allows players to do. Initiated in 2008 by Karim Abi Saleh, Rein Abbas and Ziad Feghali, all three former employees of Redmond- based Digipen, a leader in game development education, the company has so far been focused on “advergames” (games for advertising purposes) such as the ones done for Kit Kat and Almaza and “edugames” (games for education purposes), such as “The Civil Guardians”, a game initiated by the Lebanese Civil Defense Department and the European Union with 125,000 copies distributed to Lebanese schools. Covering the Middle East and North Africa region, Wixel Studios generated $120,000 in revenues last year.

The model of Wixel is now shifting as the team of four — with plans to grow to seven by the end of the year — will no longer provide games for advertising and educational purposes, and will start developing mobile games for the Arab consumer available through the iTunes store and Android market. “There is only a little amount of applications in Arabic,” says Ziad Feghali, one of the founders. “Our plan is to create valuable Arabic mobile content.”

With funds raised this year — an amount the company refused to disclose — from venture capitalists Berytech and Middle East Venture Partners, Wixel Studios will launch its first game, Abou Ahmad el Arabi, at the end of October. The description of the game would not be discussed at this point as “there is fierce competition,” says Feghali. He expects the launch of the first consumer mobile game to allow Wixel to generate $300,000 in revenues this year. “We intend to be the company leading mobile games in region," adds Feghali.

August 6, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyTourism

No rockin’ around the clock

by Nabila Rahhal August 3, 2012
written by Nabila Rahhal

White Beirut’s website features a video which begins with news reporters announcing the various negative political events of this summer and Gulf country travel warnings for Lebanon. It then rolls on to the song “War, What is it Good For?” and shows photos of people clubbing at White and ends with the statement “This is Beirut. We Are Waiting For You.” Indeed, in his last stint in Beirut on June 2012, the comedian Maz Jobrani once again poked fun at the Lebanese’s love of partying despite any circumstances. Will this be enough to make up for the geopolitical situation of the summer?

Rooftop venues have become a staple of Beirut nightlife, despite the heat and humidity, and there are several several high-end rooftop clubs and bars to choose from. “One of the causes for the decrease in our business in summers is the wide choice of rooftop venues that Lebanese opt for,” says Olivier Du Parc, partner in Behind the Green Door club in Mar Mkhayel. Yet, it seems that rooftop venues were also planning for a dismal season.

This summer, Skybar is only operating four days a week (Thursday and the weekend) when last year it was open all week long. According to Abraham Helal, Media Manager at Sky Management, they adopted this strategy in anticipation of an imperfect season, but are actually “fuller than last year” and are doing well compared to the local market. He attributes this increase to less operating nights, which created a situation of scarcity and condensed their clients into four days, instead of having them spread over the week.

Skybar fans have noted, to their delight, that it is much easier to book a table this year and say calling around two weeks in advance is enough, as compared to last year when it seemed like tables were booked months in advance.

White Beirut is also closed Mondays and Tuesdays, a plan they adopted from the start of the season this year. “We usually adopt this strategy of closing on two weekdays when Ramadan begins,” says Reem Beydoun, spokesperson for Add Mind, which owns White. “But since Ramadan now comes in the middle of the month, and we usually have less people on weekdays, we decided to start off the season by closing those two days.”

“We are relying mainly on the expats and the local market, and are fully booked on Thursdays and the weekend with a considerable waiting list,” she adds. Beydoun also speaks of Iris Cocktail Bar and Restaurant, owned by Add Mind as well, saying since their clientele are mainly Lebanese, the tourist warnings have not affected them.  A bartender at White says the decrease in Arab tourists this season has affected them as staff. “Arab tourists are our biggest tippers, and last year I used to make more than half my salary through their tips,” he says. This year, their absence is translated in a decrease in tips and less people than last year, especially on Wednesdays and Sundays, he adds.

Effects on the bar scene

A stroll in Hamra on a late Friday night can lead you to believe that all is normal on the street, yet reality is different. “We have a 40 percent decrease in sales and clientele compared to last summer,” says Danny Khoury, owner of Danny’s Bar in Hamra. “We are directly affected by the Arab tourist bans,” he explains, noting that while his establishment is not a large draw for Gulf Arabs, it attracts those who want to escape the venues that are. Khoury also cites the increased number of bars in Hamra as another reason for the decrease in percentages: “People have many bars to choose from but there are not enough people to go around, as the tourists and expats avoided Lebanon this summer.”

“The events in Syria and the internal political situation are also causing people to be scared to go out as much,” he says, attributing only 20 percent of the decrease in business to Ramadan, noting this was the percentage decrease during the holy month last year.

This situation is repeated in Mar Mkhayel area, where bar-culture has been fast developing. “In anticipation of a bad season, we took the strategic management decision to operate only on weekends this summer,” says Green Door’s Du Parc. “We open the bar one night, and on the other, we are organizing outdoor festivals in Sporting Club.” He attributes this situation to several factors, such as the local clientele frequenting rooftops in the summer and there being fewer tourists this season. “The festivals in Sporting are compensating for the losses we might have had this season,” says Du Parc.

Summer is the season for going out, and the Lebanese have developed the reputation of being die-hard party lovers, but this does not seem to be enough to save the nightlife industry this season. Still, the summer is not over yet, and with the Eid festivities coming up next month, there might still be time to salvage the situation.

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyTourism

Fewer people to play for

by Nabila Rahhal August 3, 2012
written by Nabila Rahhal

Every summer, people flock to the towns and remote areas of Lebanon for the festivals. Local residents anticipate those events for the publicity they bring to the area and for the obvious economic benefits to the restaurants and hotels there. This year, however, was not like the last. Ehdeniyat International Festival, Ehden’s annual summer festival, for example, was cancelled.

“We were forced to take this decision a month ago,” says the festival’s media representative Joelle Hage, “when our international artists cancelled their contracts due to their worries about the unstable situation in North Lebanon.”

Fortunately, since the festival was set for August no tickets were sold yet, but months of preparation went to waste. While some of the planned events like the Free Children’s Village will still take place, says Hage, the budget is now much lower and only local residents are expected to attend. Hage explains that Ehdeniyat is organized by the nongovernmental organization Al Midan — which focuses on health, rural development and environmental conservation — as a fundraiser, with all profits going to the NGO, while the event has also brought spinoff economic benefits to the hotels and restaurants of the area.

Lebanon’s unpredictable political situation might have also caused a decrease in attendance at festivals in South Lebanon. “I know of many who were reluctant to attend concerts in Beiteddine as they were worried the roads would be blocked on the way to, or back,” says Bernard Farah, onwer of Diwan Al Farah Restaurant, who annually operates a snack stand on the grounds of Beiteddine as he remarks on the more somber mood of this year compared to 2011’s high spirits and full houses.

Vacation hotspots cool down

The decrease in tourists this year also affected the festivals, with Abdo Hussein of Virgin’s ticketing office estimating that only 10 percent of the tickets they sold went to non-Lebanese. Hala Chahine, organizer of Beiteddine Art Festival, says it is the norm to have more Lebanese than foreigners attending the festival. “Annually, we usually have 20 percent Arab attendees,” said Chahine in early July, “but we have not felt their presence yet this year.”

While Elga Trad, a Baalbek International Festival Executive Committee member, admitted that Baalbek Festivals are not selling as well as last year, she refrained from attributing this to one specific reason.

“We are understandably affected by the political unrest of the region, but we are doing better than we expected considering the situation,” says Latifa Lakis, organizer of the Byblos International Festival. She reported in mid-July that they had sold more than half of the available tickets, with BB King, Kadem al-Sahir and Snow Patrol, all since selling out.

Surprisingly, according to Hussein, the Virgin ticket office — which handles most festivals and large events in Lebanon — has seen a 30 percent increase in ticket sales this year from last year. But, he adds, there were about twice as many performances last year.

“When you consider how many events people had to choose from compared to last year and how many tickets were brought, you see this is actually a bad year for festivals,” he points out. “Due to the wide range of choices and the economic and political situation, we noticed people were selective in their purchasing.” Some shows have sold out, says Hussein, while others were barely attended. That may not be surprising given that this year only 57,000 tickets were sold at the three largest festivals (Byblos, Baalbeck and Beitedine) compared to last year’s 104,000.

Trad points out that festivals were overlapping this summer, as most organizers wanted to finish before Ramadan, which forced people to pick between concerts.

Paying for playing

All organizers interviewed said that their budget comes from three sources: sponsors, ticket sales and the Ministry of Tourism’s aid. According to Chahine, 70 percent of the Beiteddine Festival’s budget comes from ticket sales, 29 percent from sponsors and 1 percent from the tourism ministry. Baalbek Festival’s main support comes from sponsors and partners, says Trad, adding that the cost of sponsorship spots start at $10,000 and can vary depending on whether the sponsor wants to be a partner, or sponsor only one performance. Lakis believes festivals have limited profitability and are done for more cultural value than monetary gain. She adds that after paying the numerous expenses, whatever festival profits exist are largely reinvested into planning the next year’s event.

To be eligible for ministry support, festival directors must apply to the Ministry of Tourism, which then decides the amount, explains Michel Habis, advisor to the Minister of Tourism. He adds that depending on the location, how well established the festival is and the caliber of performers, support can range between $2,333 for smaller events to $332,000 for highly reputable showcases. Habis says the ministry aims to support all festivals due to their touristic value, but that it would not be fair to give all festivals the same amount.

The tourism ministry’s aid is consistent but late, agree Lakis and Chahine. Chahine explains that each year, they take loans from banks to cover for the delay in the government’s support, and that banks are used to this and know the support will eventually arrive, albeit some two years post-dated. Habis says he is aware of the delay and the loans the festival directors take, but says the issue lies with the Ministry of Finance, as the tourism ministry signs their support of approval at the right time and hands it over to them, after which delays are beyond their control.

The festival season is almost over, and as festival goers contemplate their favorite performers of the season, fair directors are busy balancing their books and wondering what talent they might be able to bring in next year. The available roster for 2013 may, however, have more to do with the geo-political situation swirling around Lebanon than the prestige of the event or the amount they can offer for artists to come, as the performers’ need, before anything else, a crowd to play for.

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyTourism

Pandering to the penny pinchers

by Zak Brophy August 3, 2012
written by Zak Brophy

The vitality of Lebanon’s economy is intrinsically linked to the annual influx of tourists laden with their foreign coin. It is little surprise then that the vagaries of this temperamental sector play a large role in determining the national mood. And yet while income from the tourism trade roughly constitutes a fifth to a third of the whole economy, depending on how you calculate it, the finance ministry’s 2012 budget proposal allocates the Ministry of Tourism’s $18.5 million in funding, one of the lowest within the government.

“Our budget is a catastrophe,” remarked Michel Habis, advisor to the Minister of Tourism Fadi Abboud.

There is also no coherent strategy for the sector in Lebanon. There are ideas, proposals and plans, but most have been swamped in the miasma of cabinet and parliamentary debates, and thus never see the light of day.

“The Ministry of Tourism is trying to apply a strategy but first you need political stability before any strategy can be implemented and there is no stability in Lebanon,” complains Paul Ariss, president of the Syndicate of Owners of Restaurants, Cafes, Nightclubs and Pastries. Indeed for years the ministry has been touting Lebanon as a high-end tourism destination. Yet when Arab Gulf countries issued travel warnings for Lebanon over concerns related to the ongoing crisis in Syria, Abboud began talking about having Egyptians come to Lebanon for $500, flight and hotel included.

Opening the skies

The unpredictability of Lebanese stability is but one hurdle towards getting a comprehensive tourism plan through Lebanon’s notoriously turgid political process. It may well be beyond the scope of the ministry but one policy Abboud is pursuing with vigor is to attract the low-cost budget airlines to Lebanon; a strategy that has him on a collision course with the government-owned national carrier, Middle East Airlines (MEA), and its allies in the cabinet.

“If we significantly reduce the cost of travel we can boost the numbers by 50 percent.  The country will profit so much more,” says Habis. Last month the Emirati-based Arabian Business published an interview with Abboud stating that the ministry was in talks with European low cost carriers Monarch Airlines, easyJet and Ryanair, and the minister accused the Lebanese Civil Aviation Authority of not allowing the airlines to land without first being given extra access to their markets.

“I have a complete plan that I want to introduce low-cost flights and chartered flights,” said Abboud to the news outlet. “The hotels are ready to give special prices. I don’t want to reinvent the wheel. I want to do what Dubai did a few years ago when they had a problem, or what Egypt or Tunisia is doing now. You know you can spend a whole week in Tunisia now for $400 in a hotel plus the ticket.”

Lebanon signed up to the open skies policy in 2000 and fully implemented it in 2002, which opened up the market to unrestricted competition from other airlines. However, MEA never fully accepted the agreement and now with Ghazi Aridi, the minister of transportation and public works, firmly ensconced in their corner the country is retreating from this liberalization policy. “Airlines that are already servicing Beirut are requesting flights but Minister Aridi and MEA are rejecting these and this is what is killing the market,” says Hamdi Chaouk, former director general of Civil Aviation complains. “This comes specifically from the Ministry of Transport and Public Works which is trying to protect MEA.”

Other tourist hotspots in the region such as Israel and Turkey already have frequent flights from around Europe on budget airlines and as such are, in general, much more affordable tourist destinations.

“Today if you want to buy a ticket from London to Beirut it could cost close to a $1000 whereas the same ticket to Tel Aviv could be closer to $500,” says Habis.

Prices warding off newcomers

However, attracting budget tourists to Lebanon may seem counter intuitive considering the fact that a beer in Beirut costs as much as it does in London, and it is a struggle to get a good meal for under $20 a head. However, while acknowledging that Lebanon is an expensive destination for backpackers, Habis argues that if the flights are affordable, backpackers could be a big boost for the outlying areas such as Tripoli, Sour and the Bekaa where the cost of accommodation, food and entertainment is considerably less than in the capital.

The inexorable rise in prices is having a large affect on another potential tourism market and that is the community of Lebanese expatriates living abroad. In early July at a conference in Beirut held specifically for this community, the Minister of Tourism failed to turn up to a discussion on the policy of the Lebanese government to improve and increase tourism of Lebanese immigrants, eliciting more than a little bit of ire from the attendees.

“The Lebanese living abroad should be the permanent and continuous tourist to Lebanon,” said Nassib Fawaz, president of the Lebanese International Business Council speaking on the sidelines of the conference. “We want to be the tourists in Lebanon but the cost is so high. The middle classes are getting priced out of their homeland.”

Ripe new traveler markets

Habis says there are expanding markets that Lebanon is failing to tap into. Russia and Turkey are two countries within a four-hours flight where the traveler market is expanding considerably. “The Russians are becoming big, big travelers and we are not attracting enough of them because we only have two flights a week. They are all going to Cyprus but we need more flights,” say Habis.

In order to brand and promote Lebanon, Pierre Achkar, president of the Lebanese Hotel Association, argues it is necessary to target specific market segments and to communicate with captive markets in their own language. “We need to have close cooperation and a coherent strategy with foreign travel agents, for example in Turkey,” he says. The problem is that the Ministry of Tourism has virtually no budget to do this. The Council of Ministers recently agreed, however, to create a ‘promotion board’ headed by Minister Abboud, who will be joined by a number of concerned actors including the head of the central bank, the chairman of MEA and the head of the Federation of Tourism Syndicates. While the board will “brainstorm ideas,” according to Habis, on how to develop tourism in Lebanon, he claims it will primarily focus on raising funds for the promotion and branding of Lebanon abroad. In developing this brand Habis says the ministry is keen to engage with niche profiles of tourists, such as those interested in environmental and heritage tourism. However, Joseph Haddad, founding member and secretary of the Association for the Protection of Lebanese Heritage, argues that Lebanon is failing miserably to protect both its heritage and its environment. “The government right now views tourism only from the point of restaurants and hotels and nightlife but they are too short sighted to look at long term solutions such as preserving architecture or archeological sights,” he says. “This builds long-term tourism markets. They are just trying to pursue fast revenue. It is a typical Lebanese mentality.”

Lebanon’s Minister of Tourism does not pack the punch in the cabinet commensurate to the value of his sector, but Fadi Abboud is no shrinking violet. It is fair to say nobody is holding his breath for a comprehensive tourism strategy getting passed anytime soon. However, Abboud’s success or failure of opening the gates to budget airlines servicing more routes more frequently to Beirut will be a big determining factor in his ability to inject a fresh lease of life into the tourism sector in Lebanon.

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyTourism

Where did everyone go?

by Peter Speetjens August 3, 2012
written by Peter Speetjens

With the electricity more off than on, it has been a hot, yet so far quiet summer. No waves of swaying black abayas in ABC and while Beirut’s hotels would normally be fully booked, a room these days is easy to find, often against bargain prices. A quick Internet search shows that a five-star Saturday night in mid-August costs $495 per room at the Movenpick Hotel and Resort, $240 at the Phoenicia Intercontinental, $135 at the Hilton Beirut Metropolitan Palace (down from $328!) and only $99 at the Commodore Hotel.

Now, Ramadan traditionally is a quiet time in terms of travel, yet a similar search for a Saturday in September again shows ample availability and only slightly higher prices. Surprisingly, the tourism sector’s main indicators at first sight do not seem all that bad. During the first five months of this year, 557,188 foreigners flocked to Lebanon, which represents only 6.5 percent decline compared to the same period last year. According to Ernst & Young’s survey of the Middle East hotel sector, the average occupancy rate at Beirut’s four and five-star hotels was 66 percent in the first five months of 2012, a 14 percent increase from the same period last year.

But these figures do not tell the full story. First, one should not forget that 2011 was already a precarious year. Only 1.65 million tourists visited Lebanon, a 23.7 percent decrease compared to 2010.

Secondly, the make-up of foreign visitors has changed. Most Arabs visiting Lebanon until June were Iraqis (48,125), Saudis (44,907) and Jordanians (39,744). Asian tourists recorded the sharpest decline, mainly due to the only 16,525 Iranians, an 80 percent drop compared to last year.

It illustrates the main issue at stake for Lebanon: Syria. Most Iranians normally visit Lebanon as part of a pilgrimage along the main Shiite sites in Syria. Yet, as Lebanon’s eastern neighbor has grown more and more dangerous, less and less Iranians go on holiday. The same is true for those Gulf Arabs and Jordanians — in 2010 the biggest group of foreign visitors — who tend to visit Lebanon by car.

In addition, following violent clashes in the streets of Tripoli and Beirut, the governments of Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates in May urged their citizens not to travel to Lebanon. In early June, Saudi Arabia issued a similar warning. Many Lebanese believe the warning is partly politically motivated, as the Gulf Cooperation Council supports the Syrian opposition, while Lebanon’s government remains on somewhat good terms with the Assad regime.

“Until May 21, we had a relatively good year, but after the warnings we immediately felt the impact,” said Roger Saad, Director of Sales at the Four Seasons Beirut. “In July, we had an occupancy rate of only 55 to 58 percent, which is still not too bad seeing the circumstances. August will be much quieter, although we expect a strong pick-up to up to 85 percent for Eid at the end of August. Of course, we will have to wait and see. One major incident and all reservations are cancelled again.”

Following the travel warnings, Lebanon’s Tourism Minister Fadi Abboud headed to the Gulf claiming the reports about unrest in Lebanon were “exaggerated.” In July, Lebanon’s President Michel Sleiman followed in his footsteps. The efforts should not come as a surprise, knowing that tourists from these countries represented only 13 percent of foreign arrivals in 2011, yet were by far the biggest spenders.

Even this year, despite the decline in numbers, Global Blue, which maps shopping trends by analyzing VAT Returns, concluded that the biggest spenders were still Saudis, Emiratis and Kuwaitis, with a combined 41 percent of the total. Some 85 percent of their purchases concerned clothing and jewelry. According to Lebanon’s Ministry of Tourism the sector in 2010 contributed some $8 billion to the economy, or 20 percent of Lebanon’s gross domestic product. This decreased to some $7 billion in 2011, and this year it is feared it may drop below $6 billion.

The tourism toll

One of the main sectors affected is the hospitality market. “On July 2, Beirut high-end hotels reported an average occupancy rate of 74.5 percent, while over the first 6 months of 2012 the average occupancy income went up by 35 percent,” said Pierre Achkar, president of the Lebanese Hotel Association (LHA), as well as chief executive of the Monroe Hotel in Beirut and the Printania Palace Hotel in Broumana.

“However, that is only in Beirut, not in the rest of the country,” he continued. “Beirut’s high-end hotels will always attract corporate clients. Outside Beirut, that is hardly the case. The situation is extremely bad. At the Printania, we often have occupancy rates of 10 percent, which may go up to 40 percent on a very good day.” Achkar cited the negative travel advice or “embargo” as one reason for the malaise. Another, especially for places such as Broumana, is the situation in Syria, as most tourists who travel to Lebanon by car tend to stay in homes and hotels outside the capital. “Since the uprising began, we may have lost some 350,000 to 400,000 visitors coming through Syria,” he said.

The LHA figures for last year confirm the trend. By the end of 2011, over a third of Lebanon’s 18,593 hotel rooms belonged to 58 high-end hotels. While Beirut’s 5-star hotels in 2011 posted an average room occupancy rate of 53.56 percent, occupancy rates in 5-star hotels outside Beirut varied from 21 percent to 34 percent. The same was true for the country’s 4-star hotels.

The knock-on effect

The absence of tourists is not the hotels’ only problem. “In Broumana we do not have electricity for 16 to 18 hours a day,” said Achkar. “Still, people want AC and as we have a central cooling system that costs us about $1,000 a day. Also, we normally employ some 52 seasonal workers in summer, mostly students. This year only 11, as we have to bring our costs down.” While business has not been as bad for Beirut’s high-end hotels, they too have taken measures. “Nothing dramatic, but we must limit our overhead,” said Saad of The Four Seasons Hotel. “We are keeping our expenses down and spend less on ads and business trips. No one has been laid off yet, but we are pushing employees to take their (paid) holiday now.”

Paul Ariss, president of the Syndicate of Owners of Restaurants, Cafes, Nightclubs and Pastries in Lebanon, emphasized the problem did not start this summer. According to him, the sector’s combined turnover since early 2011 has taken an estimated 40 percent hit. However, he also stressed that not all venues have been affected in similar fashion, as some in particular target tourists, while others mainly depend on a local clientele.

He estimated the number of tourists normally traveling by car through Syria at some 40,000 a month. “There have so far not been more closures than normal, but we have seen some take-overs,” he said. He did not know how many Lebanesee lost their jobs, but signaled that, for more than a year, bars and restaurants have employed more and more foreign laborers.

Both Ariss and Achkar remained positive, however. “We don’t care and just keep up,” said Ariss, while according to Achkar recovery in Lebanon is always rapid. “Arab nationals own some 35,000 to 40,000 homes in Lebanon, so they will come back sooner or later,” he said. “And look at 2006. As soon as the war was over, tourists were back. The same was true in 2008. Following the Doha Accord, we had a 100 percent occupancy rate within a week.”

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Society

A motley affair

by Kate Marris August 3, 2012
written by Kate Marris

"What do you get in an Italian restaurant in Beirut? Sashimi and a hamburger,” and perhaps some of the best Italian cooking outside Italy. This is how one member of the Arts Faculty at the American University of Beirut described the Beirut Art Fair 2012. In the aftermath of the third edition of Lebanon’s first art fair, Executive spoke to a wide range of participants: gallerists, critics, collectors, first-time buyers, sponsors, artists and the fair’s organizers Laure d’Hauteville and Pascal Odille. Each had something to say about an art fair exhibiting art of wildly varying calibre side by side. Yet for every word of criticism, of both the art itself and the conception of the fair, there has been levelheaded enthusiasm and support for the determination of Laure d’Hauteville and her tiny team — with its tiny budget — to put Beirut on the art world map.

The gamble

And it is in spite of everything. Imagine persuading galleries, particularly those outside of the region, to ship in millions of dollars worth of work to a country that is beginning to feel like a pressure cooker. There were huge questions facing local and international gallerists about insurance, how many big spending Gulf Arab tourists would come and whether people would buy art at a time when many Lebanese are considering an exit plan from a country increasingly under threat of a wide ranging regional conflict.

Gallerists’ fears were justified when only 12 of the 52 Gulf collectors invited showed up. Once again Lebanon felt the power of the media: “[It was] when I saw what’s happening in Tripoli,” explained a representative from ABK Gallery in Metz in France, which pulled out at the last moment because they deemed the risks greater than the rewards, and the fact that the artists simply wouldn’t allow their work to travel to Lebanon. And yet, the organizers still convinced 14 galleries to travel from abroad, among them Portugal’s Cordeiros Galeriad that showed, for the first time in the region, its Andy Warhol portrait of 1970s American starlet Barbara Molasky — a piece whose import to Beirut was felt to be a measure of the fair’s credibility.

“Convincing galleries and collectors to come was the biggest challenge,” said Odille, who also devised the fair’s three-day cultural program. Yet some came here not to make sales, at least not immediately. For Bruno Simpelaere, director of ChinaToday Gallery in Belgium, the object of exhibiting in Beirut was to develop a new Middle East client base and scout artists from the region. Why doesn’t he do this in Dubai? A big factor is cost: there is nowhere else in the region, or globally, where he said he can run an exhibition for just $10,000 to $12,000, including the hire of a 20-square meter booth for $7,200. Organizer d’Hauteville cites the size of Art Dubai, which hosted 75 exhibitors this year, as a reason relatively small Beirut appeals to some exhibitors who she says feel lost in the vastness of Dubai; an equivalent. 20-square-meter booth, depending on location and other marketing factors, costs double that of Beirut at approximately $15,000. A similarly small booth at an established fair like Art Basel can easily cost $30,000 and galleries have to sell hard to make back their costs.

Artful adolescence

But fair comparisons, says Simpelaere, only go so far. “Beirut Art Fair needs time. It is young, let the market evolve,” he said. “In the 90s no one paid attention to Hong Kong; now it’s been bought by Art Basel.” Incidentally, China Today no longer exhibits in Miami and other fairs in the United States, which Simpelaere says are an “organizational disaster”. On that front he had no complaints about Beirut, which he said provides attractive practical services available in a city where artists have been working for centuries: “Where else do you find a framer who turns around five to six works overnight and does an impeccable job?” asks Simpelaere, answering: “Not in Dubai.”

Corporate backing

Indeed, unlike the Gulf Cooperation Council states, Beirut’s own art community has grown organically over time; it is for this reason that local partners were lining up to support a commercial art fair that presents an opportunity for both the private and public sectors to cash in on spending from cultural tourism. While the three major international sponsors of the 2011 fair — Ferrari, luxury watch maker Girard Perregaux and Merrill Lynch — were feeling the pinch of declining budgets and withdrew their support, Mini Cooper Lebanon, Air France and major Lebanese banks and hotels provided significant financial and operational backup. For Rita Saad, public relations manager at Le Gray Hotel, the fair was an opportunity “to put Beirut in the limelight”. The downtown hotel opened its luxury suites to international visitors, threw a party and capitalized on an event which, said Saad, takes the city beyond its traditional tourist realms of “history, heritage and gastronomy."

BankMed was the biggest financial backer and hosted the opening party at the Phoenicia Hotel, while Byblos Bank launched its first event to support Lebanon’s young creative scene in conjunction with the art fair. In an award not unlike Deutsche Boerse’s annual photography prize (Lebanese photographer Walid Raad was the winner in 2007) Byblos short-listed 15 young Lebanese photographers who were given a collective exhibition space at the fair. Now the bank is giving the winner, Dora Younes, a student in Beirut, an exhibition, a catalogue and the kind of first break-through package every young artist looks for.

For Byblos Bank, the Beirut Art Fair “answered a specific CSR strategy in Lebanon,” said Nada Tawil, head of communications at Byblos, namely “a brand strategy to support contemporary art.” She said the bank perceives Lebanon as “an incubator of talent”, and wants to play an active part in that story.

So too does the public sector, even if funding is limited. For the first time since the fair’s inception, both the Ministry of Tourism and the Ministry of Culture were a visible part of the fair’s proceedings. When Executive spoke to Michel de Chedarevian, advisor to Culture Minister Gaby Layoun, he reiterated the sense that the public sector is waking up to the value of Lebanon’s artistic contribution in the international arena and there are plans to take Lebanon to next year’s Venice Biennale. (Last year the official Lebanese pavilion was withdrawn for reasons which are still unclear.) When asked what the ministry thought about the fair organizers flying in from France, de Chedarevian had no reservations: “Lebanon is a Francophone country — it’s not an issue.”

Too little Lebanese?

But for some it was. Local and foreign observers expressed dismay that this was not a locally conceived event. “But it is not my Beirut Art Fair,” repeats the French organizer d’Hauteville . In a country where debates surrounding national identity and power wielding inform every aspect of life, it should come as no surprise that an art fair in Lebanon is not immune from politics. But that is exactly the hope of Jean Doummar, a Lebanese businessman and collector whose views represent the many who are sick of Lebanon’s reputation for “cheap tourism and violence”.

“There is so much more,” he said, adding that he believed that whatever the shortcomings of some of the exhibits the organizers proved themselves first of all by managing to assemble 40-plus galleries, almost doubling the size of last year, and no less significantly by attracting wide coverage from the international press whose attention usually falls on political turmoil and Lebanon’s flailing economy.

At a time when the air was thick with the smell of burning tires, Paris Match, Le Figaro and art market publications such as Art Price cared more about revealing this new institution as a major success story for the country. But while galleries like Agial echoed this sentiment, achieving greater sales than expected (only five of the fair’s 43 galleries did not sell at all), and Mark Hachem’s works by autistic artists sold to both Christie’s and Sotheby’s on the back of the fair, many like Saleh Barakat, the director of Agial, were concerned about the quality of the art, the mixed-up souk effect of jewelry and design, and most of all, that this did not reflect the Lebanese art scene at its best.

“Its embarrassing,” said Kristine Khoury, an art writer based in Lebanon, who felt the overall “mishmash” impression and some of the embellishments of the fair overshadowed the stronger work represented in some of the booths.  Rafiz Majzoub, an artist who exhibited at the fair (his studio is based in Beirut’s Dora neighborhood) told Executive that the fair was “simply not art in Lebanon.” Some of Lebanon’s most prominent galleries, including Sfeir Semmler, also choose not to exhibit.

Looking ahead

Organizers, and many of those who care about this fledgling institution, want expansion. And not just in size. Art collector Doummar believes the regional MENASA criteria – Middle East North Africa South Asia – is limiting. “Why limit yourself when there are 10 million Lebanese living all over the world?” Real Diaspora figures aside, he’s got a point, and added that the fair has the potential to mobilize Lebanese populations in, say, South America, where artists relatively new to the international market are fetching high prices.

The touch-and-go regional political situation aside, many factors are at play in the search for institutional identity. Local audiences want to see what is being produced in the rest of the world, while international — specifically Western collectors — are often interested in artists responding to the political conditions of the MENASA region.

With the right consideration these demands are not necessarily incompatible — as the graffiti tour this year showed — and the organizer d’Hauteville stresses that Beirut Art Fair can be a commerical exchange as much as it is a cultural forum. If the fair can successfully incorporate the pluralism that defines this country it may have the potential to sell to a uniquely multifaceted audience. And yet however uncontrollable political insecurities may be, one thing is certain: the quality of the art will determine if this new institution flourishes or whether ultimately Beirut Art becomes synonymous with Beirut Art Supermarket and simply fades away.

The initial version of this article included factual errors. They have been amended as of 24 September 2012

 

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Society

Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil

by Executive Staff August 3, 2012
written by Executive Staff

The oil industry’s manipulation of governments and the economies of countries to secure and increase profits has been happening almost since there was an industry to speak of. In Timothy Mitchell’s book “Carbon Democracy,” he highlights how through much of the early 20th century big oil companies worked to contain supply — in particular by preventing the emergence of an oil industry in the Middle East — to keep oil prices up, and consequently bolster profit margins.

Last year, the profits of the Big Five international oil companies (IOCs) — BP, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil and Shell — were up 75 percent on 2010, at a record $137 billion, yet production was down by 4 percent. And rather than invest heavily in production or job creation, these companies sunk $38 billion, or 28 percent of annual net income, in repurchasing their own stock, therefore boosting investor returns.

However, a major difference from the first half of last century is that IOCs are not able to negotiate quite the same profitable agreements with oil producing countries, or delay development, as before. This is reflected in the 2011 oil export revenues earned by members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), which for the first time exceeded $1 trillion. At the same time the OPEC results were announced last month, the Fraser Institute’s 2012 Global Petroleum Survey indicated that Middle Eastern countries have higher barriers to investment in hydrocarbon exploration and production than anywhere else in the world. There is a clear correlation here, as OPEC members have had to learn the hard way about who takes what for the extraction of underground riches; the IOCs have responded to this through the modes they still have influence over to retain profits.

In Carbon Democracy, Mitchell’s focus is the relationship between hydrocarbons and political institutions, tracking the changes from the industrial revolution all the way up to the so-called “Arab Spring” and how revenues from hydrocarbons are connected to democracy and economic development. Without oil, Mitchell argues, the current economic model of unlimited growth would not be possible, while the management of economic growth provided modes of regulation to govern carbon democracy.

Controlling supply is clearly a way of influencing prices and means of governing. This is one reason why there is a distinct lack of refineries in some oil producing countries, as delaying refining can artificially restrict the amount of oil that flows to the markets. But another reason is to drive a wedge between production and transportation, which helps prevent strikes and disruptions to the flow of oil by not overly centralizing the value chain and thus not have large concentrations of workers. This is a crucial point in Mitchell’s revealing book, as it was a deliberate government policy in the West in the lead up to World War One to switch from coal to oil to nip-in-the-bud further strikes by miners that had brought economies to a standstill. After all, miners’ strikes had led to the adoption of better working hours and conditions, welfare, healthcare and more democratic rights.

The chapters on the Middle East are particularly revealing, along with his debunking of conventional historical accounts — namely the discovery of oil and delayed exploitation — and what is misleadingly called the “oil crisis” of 1973, which was a pivotal event in transforming international finance, national economies, flows of energy and in placing the weakened carbon democracy of the West into a new relationship with the oil states of the Middle East.

Rather than being a black and white textbook case of supply and demand at work, of OPEC members cutting oil supply to pressure the United States over its unequivocal support for Israel during the October 1973 war, Mitchell shows that it was difficult to know how much oil prices went up due to a cut in supply or even how much supply was actually cut. For while Saudi Arabia and Kuwait reduced exports, other countries increased production. Furthermore, unlike today, there was no ‘market price’ for crude oil, so no one could know what ‘the market’ actually was, while OPEC’s decision to raise tax on oil production by 70 percent at the time was somewhat coincidental, having been decided before the war broke out.

Mitchell’s book ends by considering the impact of supply constraints due to the rising demand for oil, and how climate change impacts market conditions in a post-oil world where alternative forms of energy will affect how people and economies are governed. How and when we might emerge into the post-oil world is, however, a question that remains to be answered.

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Real Estate

More Bling on the beach

by Jeff Neumann August 3, 2012
written by Jeff Neumann

To the more timid businessman, breaking ground on another exclusive beach club in Lebanon might not seem like a sound investment at the moment — given this summer’s grim tourism receipts and the grimmer questions over the civil war next door and how long that will go on. But the doom has done little to gloom the enthusiasm of another breed of developers who see so much long-term profit potential on Lebanon’s beaches that they won’t be deterred by a bit of war.

Among the new investment destinations is Nikki Beach, a project for a 46-villa seaside resort with hotel and club south of Beirut that is being developed as collaboration between local property company Zardman and Nikki Beach EMEA Hotels and Resorts, a unit of the Miami-based brand that specializes in glamour hospitality.

Forget your troubles in luxury
The chief underlying asset for the project is a 42,000-square meter seafront property in Damour and Zardman touts the location and accessibility from Beirut as selling points sure to attract investors when sales open later this month.

According to the developer, the project will entail a boutique hotel on the property, as well as amenities that five-star resort patrons would expect: spas, multiple swimming pools, restaurants, water sports, a fitness center and more.

However the resort's biggest asset, according to general manager of Zardman, Makram Zard, is its very limited capacity. “We are being very exclusive with sales,” he says, adding that, “If a client comes in with no background or familiarity with us we simply will not give them information. You will not see billboards advertising the sale [of our villas], we know who we want to attract.”

But another key selling point will be the Nikki Beach moniker aiming to brand the resort with global glitterati appeal. “We will operate the hotel and Zardman will sell villas. We will focus on quality of service and invest heavily in staff training,” Jihad Khoury, the chief executive of Nikki Beach EMEA Hotels and Resorts, tells Executive.

Set for delivery in 2014, the resort would be the third Nikki Beach in the Middle East and North Africa region, after resorts that are scheduled to open (with different partners) in Qatar this year and Cyprus in 2013. Plans for expansion of the Nikki Beach brand in the Middle East date back a few more years but did not pan out either in Lebanon or in Aqaba, Jordan.

Lebanon's 225-kilometers long coastline is dotted with many clubs and resorts in every price range and type, from the low-key bohemian to the techno-blasting beach party. Offering a glimpse on what Nikki Beach will use as lure for its clientele in Lebanon, the group eagerly flashes that it was once called the “Sexiest Place on Earth" in a British newspaper and voted the “World's #1 Sexiest Beach Bar” by international media outlets.

“When we met with the people from Nikki Beach we clicked right away,” says Zard. “We had the same vision for the project and knew this is something we would both benefit from.” Most of Zardman’s staff are in their 20s and early 30s — "a very young company,” according to Zard — and are tapped into what the mostly young and affluent clientele that Nikki Beach attracts worldwide are looking for in a beach destination.

Villas will start at around $320,000 and reach up to $600,000, and are offered in three sizes: 105, 125 and 155 square meters. Payment plans for the villas start at 15 percent down with the remaining balance to be paid over a four-year period. For the overall design, the Beirut office of US-based Soma Architects was tapped to lay out the villas, with Gatserelia Nawar & Associates handling the interiors. 

A sunny (and sandy) future
The Damour project will be Zardman’s first resort and while eager to disclose the price range for the villas the company would not disclose the cost of the entire planned development or the value of the assets it brings to the beach. Zardman holds a 27-year renewable lease on the land but would divulge in an interview with Executive only that the deed is held by its founder, and former Lebanese Canadian Bank chairman, Georges Zard Abou Jaoude.

According to Khoury, Nikki Beach EMEA Hotels and Resorts came aboard the project in 2011 after all licenses and planning for building structures had been completed. His rationale for getting involved is that Lebanon will remain a regional reference in hospitality and high-level entertainment and Nikki Beach would be seen as missing out if it did not open a branded resort here.

Khoury radiates confidence that the new project will be a winner even as the current wind is blowing tourism straight in the face. “It is an act of faith and as Lebanese, we have to have courage. The good years will more than make up for the bad ones," he says.

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Comment

Rebuilding Syria after revolution

by Jihad Yazigi August 3, 2012
written by Jihad Yazigi

Although now is apparently the time for destruction in Syria, hopefully, the time for reconstruction is not far off.

While it is difficult to estimate the actual cost of the damage inflicted to the country’s physical infrastructure by more than 16 months of a popular uprising — most of the destruction having actually occurred after the summer of 2011 — the Syrian National Council (SNC), which is considered by Western nations as their main interlocutor in the opposition, recently estimated that Syria would need some $12 billion in immediate financial support in the first six months after a potential fall of the regime.

While little of Syria’s large industrial concerns — such as power plants and refineries — have been hit, the urban landscape of many of the country’s cities is littered with flattened buildings, destroyed water, electricity and phone networks and crumbled roads and bridges. The cities of Homs — the country’s third-largest city — and Deir-ez-Zor have been particularly devastated, but so too have been dozens of smaller cities and towns across the country, in additional to the suburbs of Damascus and Aleppo. All-in-all, large parts of Syria will need to be entirely rebuilt.

It’s difficult to estimate what the $12 billion figure encompasses but if it were to cover only the first six months, this amount would exclude the cost of rebuilding most of the hard infrastructure, as this would obviously take much more than six months to carry out — in other words the total budget for rebuilding the country is likely to run much higher. In all cases, the question of how to source the money remains open.

Spokespersons from the SNC have said that they will seek support from “friends.” Knowing the financial turmoil the European Union and the United States are going through, they probably have in mind the deep-pocketed Gulf states, in particular Saudi Arabia and Qatar, which have been very active in supporting the opposition. Another issue to have in mind is the handling of any large disbursement of money. Indeed, contrary, for instance, to Libya or Iraq, which have vast reserves of oil and gas and therefore the means to reimburse almost any amount of debt they incur, Syrians will need to be very careful to efficiently use the money they will receive. Indeed, no one will lend money to Syria for free, and aside from the political cost that will come with such help there is also a financial cost, i.e. a debt burden that will be supported by the population for years if not decades to come.

Will any transitional government in Syria have the means to manage and spend $12 billion in financial support, let alone that it will have to be spent in only six months? From a political perspective, can a non-elected body — because any transitional authority is unlikely to be elected — legitimately spend such a large amount of money, an amount that will burden Syrians for years to come? How about the longer term and the larger amounts of money that will be associated with any reconstruction program that a future Syrian government will be in charge of? Can Syrians avoid the missteps and massive corruption that have come to be associated with the Iraqi reconstruction program?

The current and previous Syrian governments have shown a remarkable inability to handle large projects and to manage efficiently investments that carry significant costs. Indeed, very few of the large infrastructure projects announced by the Syrian authorities in the last two decades have taken off because of numerous bureaucratic and political constraints; and those that have been carried out have faced endless delays, cost overruns and suspicions of corruption.  It would be naïve to think that these obstacles will be bypassed easily. From what the opposition has shown in terms of (lack of) knowhow and capacity, and from what we know from the Iraqi experience, there is serious ground to worry.

Because of its political implications and future costs, any reconstruction program for Syria will have to make clear how it will be funded and repaid and what measures will be taken to limit corruption as much as possible; more importantly, however, it must be sanctioned by legitimate representatives of the people if it is to embody a meaningful new beginning for the country.

 

JIHAD YAZIGI is editor-in-chief of The Syrian Report

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

Oil and gas as a catalog for peace

by Roudi Baroudi August 3, 2012
written by Roudi Baroudi

The science is still in progress, but it now seems clear that the Eastern Mediterranean Basin holds oil and gas deposits that are truly mammoth. While the precise amount and locations of the resources in question are far from assured, the current estimates suggest there is likely to be some $170 billion worth of oil and almost $2 trillion worth of gas.

For Lebanon, simply achieving energy self-sufficiency would be an unprecedented game-changer, slashing costs for households and businesses, freeing up the funds for improved social welfare and enabling the government to service its gargantuan debts. Now consider that even under the most conservative estimates of the deposits and of Lebanon’s share thereof, developing the resources in question would enable the country to garner billions in annual export revenues for the next century or so.

Odds are that each of the principal entrants in this bonanza — Cyprus, Israel, Lebanon, Palestine, Syria, and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) — also stand to reap dramatic fiscal benefits. For some, at least, it would be no exaggeration to describe the income from oil and/or gas exports as a form of national salvation.

Yes, there is that much at stake. The gas alone may be worth more than the annual gross domestic product of Canada, Russia, or India.

The problem, however, is the relations within and between these players present severe obstacles to the successful extraction, sale and delivery of whatever deposits there are down there. Turkey and Cyprus do not have diplomatic relations; Lebanon and Syria are still at war with Israel; Israel at least partially occupies parts of Palestine, Lebanon and Syria; Turkey has not officially defined their Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), and although Israel has made a claim to this effect, it does not have legal legitimacy because Israel is not signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Syria is also preoccupied with what is for all intents and purposes a civil war that threatens to bring down the government; Lebanon is so badly divided internally that civil war is a perennial threat; and for good measure Palestine and the TRNC are not even fully fledged nation-states.

Who gets the rights?

The combined implications of these ‘inconvenient’ facts are that getting three or more of the various claimants to discuss — let alone agree on — anything is bound to be exceedingly difficult. If the result of this were simply a stalemate, it would be relatively easy to roll one’s eyes, express regret at the time being lost, and wait for the proverbial air to clear. But a stalemate is not how the situation is shaping up. Israel and Cyprus have already reached a bilateral agreement that could prejudice the rights of both Lebanon — which has vowed to defend its interests — and the TRNC, which is strongly backed by Turkey. The Turks and the Israelis have repeatedly traded harsh words over this issue, and their air forces have reportedly played cat-and-mouse off the coast of the TRNC, even if only a few years ago they were holding joint military operations. Now Israel’s navy has officially sought almost $1 billion to acquire new warships and sophisticated missile-defense systems.

No winner in war

There may be times when going to war seems necessary, but the gathering crisis described above is clearly not one of them. In fact, for each of the countries involved, the surest way to protect the national interest is to seek a compromise, however imperfect and/or temporary, that allows them to start collecting revenues in the shortest time possible. Even for Israel, the most powerful of the direct actors in military terms, defending the sensitive equipment required to exploit a disputed field might prove impossible, or too costly to be justified.

The potential for conflict here is clear, and if war does break out no one can claim they did not see it coming. The policies being followed by some of the major players may make the outcome all too predictable and even those not engaged in provocative actions or incendiary rhetoric will share some of the blame for not having done enough to stave off the impending — though not yet inevitable — clash(es). For both weak and strong alike, a peaceful solution is the optimal solution. The absence of a viable deal will be a deterrent to investment and hinder the potential economic benefits for all parties. Prospective companies will impose higher costs for drilling and seek more favorable contract terms when operating in potential conflict zones.

There can be no real victors in such a conflict, only various degrees of losers. If cooler heads prevail with dialogue and diplomacy, however, there can be winners all around the Eastern Mediterranean. A negotiated solution will require yeoman efforts and (almost certainly) outside mediation, but the rewards will be more than worth it.

Provided all sides refrain from gestures or acts that might inflame the situation, there is plenty of scope to design and implement an agreement. The first priority, though, has to be a moratorium on unilateral acts that threaten to scuttle negotiations before they begin. Lebanon and Israel, for instance, share the obvious option of initially restricting exploration and extraction to areas that are in no way under dispute. Cyprus and the TRNC would have a harder time on this score, but the same goal — conflict prevention — could be accomplished by mutually agreed observers, escrow accounts, and/or other mechanisms to ensure equal rights, all with the understanding that economic agreements would not prejudice the terms of any eventual political reconciliation between the two sides, especially during the Cypriot six-months presidency of the European Union, which started in July.

Likewise, the logistical hurdles of conducting negotiations between countries that have no ties with one another are imposing but not impossible. Proximity talks or other forms of indirect discussions would allow the claimants to protect their interests without sacrificing principle or breaking ranks. Third parties like the EU or the UN could act as guarantors to inspire confidence, and the International Court of Justice could adjudicate disputes that were not resolved by arbitration.

For a part of the world so accustomed to wars both hot and cold, there is a chance just now to move away from — if not entirely outside of — the cycle of enmity. Although needs are greater for some than for others, all those in question stand to reap huge economic, social and political benefits by exchanging crippling energy costs for lucrative energy revenues. First, though, their respective governments have to get their priorities in order by asking one simple question: is it more important to provide for one’s own or to deprive one’s neighbors? The answer being obvious — it is time to rein in the rabble rousers and send out the diplomats.

August 3, 2012 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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