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AdvertisingSpecial Report

Roy Haddad

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

JWT MENA works with powerhouse clients such as Nokia, HSBC, Unilever and Nestle. A founding father of the regional industry, JWT Chairman Roy Haddad sat down with Executive to tell us which sectors he will be looking to for future profits.

  • Which sectors will be upping their spending in 2011?

It’s not about upping or downing. It’s about market dynamics. We all live by the market dynamics. Take the car industry, which was doing very badly in 2008, 2009 and 2010. If there is a recovery the car industry will go up again. There isn’t a formula for that. The financial services sector is growing because it was quite immature before and now it is reaching maturity. Telecoms will continue because it is still a competitive environment, but you can never predetermine.

  • The spend per capita in the region is lower than in other markets. Why is that? Do you think there is any sign that this is changing?

Volatility might be one reason; it is still quite a volatile region. In the [Gulf Cooperation Council], the spend is at the right level. It is the rest [of the region] that brings it down. When you do the [Middle East and North Africa] average it goes down. But the [United Arab Emirates] spend is very high. Kuwait is very high per capita.

Marketing works best in the long-term. You invest to buy 10 years down the road. In the Arab world, very few will dare to have an outlook 10 years down the road, Egypt being a perfect example of that.

  • Do you think that the idea of advertising and brand building as an investment is well understood?

It is picking up a lot. I think there is a belief in that more and more now and I think it will continue. Markets live through maturity stages. We all forget that the Middle East as we know it today came to be in the 1970s. We have 60 years of catching up to do. There is a lot of catching up to do [regarding] the maturity of people appreciating advertising and how they can use it for their own business interests and use it as an investment. From my point of view, we have caught up quite quickly.

  • Do you think the Middle East is considered a growth market right now for multinational companies?

Let’s define the Middle East. If you talk about the MENA region, there are 350 million consumers in this region. There is no doubt that the [gross domestic product] growth is around 4 to 4.5 percent year-on-year, which means that these markets are growing. There are very few markets around the world that grow at this healthy rate. Europe is coming into the recovery, but very slowly, so the Middle East is of interest to anyone who is looking for growth — but, against that interest there is always this volatility factor.

  • What happened to the local clientele in the UAE, many of whom dropped their entire advertising budgets at the onset of the crisis?

We didn’t witness this kind of phenomenon ourselves, even though I would say that our portfolio is split 60 percent local, 40 percent multinational. Any serious player will understand that it’s not a haphazard kind of activity. Successful marketing has to be sustainable. And serious players will sustain their presence.

  • What reaction to the crisis did you see?

The whole investment level dropped between 80 and 90 percent, which started slowly but surely to pick up in 2010. 2011 looked good, until the Tunisian and the Egyptian crises came in. But I think in the long term we have a young population that is coming to the consumer market. [The region is] growing in wealth and there is no reason why the ad industry should not follow.

“The Middle East is of interest to anyone who is looking for growth”

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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AdvertisingSpecial Report

It’s Time to Toe The Line

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

There is a special bathtub in Dubai. You find it in a place that could compete for the honor of being the spiffiest office in the Arab world’s most posh business quarter — but this plain bathtub’s absolute simplicity is antithetical to any luxury. Its host is visibly proud of it, because it is, of course, a symbol.

Its belongs to Ramzi Raad, chairman and chief executive officer of the agency TBWA Raad. Being one of the Middle East’s advertising fathers and a steward for 43 years of the regional industry’s narrative, he fondly explains the bathtub’s raison d’être as a reminder that creativity, even when under monumental pressures, sometimes requires one to step out and relax. As a gift of TBWA Worldwide, the tub also has other implications. Here on the sixth floor of this Dubai advertising hub it is a reminder of how the regional advertising agencies are anchored to global corporations.

This question of ownership is on a lot of industry minds these days, following the onset of a global takeover through which the big multinational advertising groups are cementing control of regional agencies.

As Raad tells it, ownership of the regional agencies follows a straightforward logic. “Today, most of us have become majority-owned by the multinationals,” long-established agencies that command the rules of the game, he says. “They allow you the privilege of having majority at the beginning but then the roles are reversed because it is part of their global policy. They own the work that they want you to develop. It is their brand that you are operating under and so on. It’s a fair deal at the end of the day.”

Fair as it may be, Raad has misgivings regarding multinationals’ record in the slow delivering of, and low investment in, nurturing local talent. For the future, however, he and other heads of regional agencies share much optimism on the rise of regional talent, as evidenced by the industry accolades won in recent years outside the region.  

As Chuck Brymer, president and CEO of DDB Worldwide Communications, tells Executive, “the creative product here in the Middle East is good but I think it’s going to get a lot better. We’re investing in our people, in cross-pollination and in training.”

The global aspirations of Middle East and North African firms, while in deference to the obligations toward the holding companies, actually seem to exceed what is easily granted by the multinationals.

“I want this whole network to feel as part of one family, and I’d like to build collaboration between our agency and [our international partner] agencies,” exclaims Tarek Miknas, CEO of creative agency Fortune Promoseven. In his perception of the work in the Middle East, “I think that the state of the entire industry right now is a level playing field and we could come up with the greatest innovation, greatest work, and we could challenge the rest of the globe by doing greater things than they can do.”

One area in which the presence of the multinationals has contributed to improvements in the region is in transparency.

Many industry representatives (off the record, naturally) have told Executive that “grey” areas of financial misconduct — read ‘forgetting’ to tell clients about discounts the agencies received from media as volume rebates, faking invoices, fraudulent accounting, illicit kickbacks and bribery, etc. — persisted in the darker annals of MENA advertising. Several agency leaders who sat down with Executive openly compared the industry with prostitution, if only in jest.  

But this wickedness is on the way out, they say, in large part due to the global stakeholders who are pushing transparency into the system because of financial and reputational risk.

Still, transparency is a term that a high number of industry leaders tell Executive is overused and has been abused. “I had to smile when you used this word,” was the comment of more than one agency manager during our research.

In terms of the perception of the industry, transparency is required in any agency-client relationship and profits the enterprise in its interaction with market partners. You cannot own 100 percent of the market, says Pierre Choueiri, CEO of Choueiri Group. “That doesn’t exist. You gain whatever you deserve by how serious you are, how transparent you are and how devoted to your media. This is how you gain your market share.”

Given that these monumental improvements were made essentially under pressure from the parent companies, it begs the question of whether such reforms and progress could be made on a local level. For this to occur, strong and disciplined leadership is a must. Especially so in an industry that values its own integrity, sophistication and creativity as its prime assets — but whose reputation is at the same time tarnished by perceptions of being a primal trade of cheap favors.

Mohan Nambiar, CEO of MEC MENA, says, “We should not be blaming the industry if we cannot add any value into it. The only way you can blame it is if you don’t want to lead it. People who want to lead it have to make it change.”

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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AdvertisingSpecial Report

Ramzi Raad

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Executive talked with Ramzi Raad, group chairman and chief executive officer of TBWA Raad, about stake holding by multinational groups, succession and new creative hubs.

  • What does the acquisition by global agencies mean for Lebanese advertising entrepreneurs in this region?

When I went into partnership with TBWA in 2000 they were very clear and said ‘we want to run agencies that we have majority stake in. If we don’t agree to that at this stage, it has to be gradual.’ [Eventually], Omnicom [majority owners of TBWA] wants full ownership wherever they go.

They allow you the privilege of having majority at the beginning but then the roles are reversed because it is part of their global policy. They own the work that they want you to develop. It is their brand that you are operating under and so on. It’s a fair deal at the end of the day.

  • What is the trade-off for you? What is the down and upside of giving up ownership?

It is a global game and these are the rules… Multinationals now own the whole communications industry. It is not only advertising — it is PR, relationship marketing, everything. You have options to remain independent. Independents are brilliant and growing but even the independents are catching a price and they are happy to sell.

  • What is in it for you?

It all depends on your age and what your aspirations in life are. From the beginning I said, even if I sell, by the totality of my stay I would like to have reached an active role in the management of TBWA Global and I keep striving toward that goal. If I don’t [achieve] it myself, I hope that one of my people will be able to do that. Because I know that we have enough talent, I know that we can play a valuable, active role.

  • As multinationals are increasing their stakes in the Middle East’s advertising industry, what will happen to its founders?

We did not see any of the multinationals send in an expat to manage a Middle Eastern group in the top position yet. Sooner or later this might happen. I answer the question in relation to myself. I know that I sooner or later will have to retire to let the younger generation take over. They need to do that. [However,] I don’t want to rest at this stage.

  • Does it keep you young to be in the fast-changing industry of advertising?

Surely. My wealth is not the success story; it is the campaigns that I have done. I love to talk about them and overhear the clients talking about all the successes and the campaigns that [I] have done. 

  • [The company’s new motto is ‘Disruption’.] How good is disruption and how disruptive is good?

It has worked. We adapted that concept here and tried to make a difference in the Middle East. We are being successful in that. You can’t say that all you need is disruption but we are very convinced that disruption is helping. You can’t be rigid in a world of communication like ours, where everything is changing, you have to continue changing.

  • How will your new creative hub in Abu Dhabi fit with this?

Four years ago, the government of Abu Dhabi made a commitment that it wanted to modernize and started launching a lot of projects. Those projects needed support. We had Etihad [Airlines] as a client; they were a door opener to the government departments and we picked up a lot of business. With a surge in business in Abu Dhabi, we felt that [it] deserves to have high-caliber creative talent. The fact that we had super-creative directors managing the Etihad business for the past four or five years, proved that it is worth the investment.

“My wealth is not the success story; it is the campaigns that I have done”

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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AdvertisingSpecial Report

Edmond Moutran

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Edmond Moutran is chairman and chief executive officer of Memac Ogilvy for the Middle East and North Africa. Considered one of the godfathers of the regional advertising industry, he sat down with Executive to discuss its future.

  • Are there any drawbacks to falling under the jurisdiction of international conglomerates such as WPP?

One example would be the situation where the international agency wants to run a world-wide campaign for a brand that will not be coherent with our market. It hasn’t happened with Ogilvy, but it has happened before with other agencies I have worked with; somebody in London or New York says ‘this is a worldwide campaign,’ you look at it and know that this is not going to work in the Arab world. I would not allow my client to waste money on a campaign that is not designed to succeed in this region because it’s not going to work. I have had some very heated arguments with some of the biggest, toughest agencies in the world because they tried to impose campaigns on the Middle East.

So yes, there are disadvantages. If you’re looking after a client and you have a great relationship and they take on a similar client somewhere else in the world — a big one — and you have to drop this small client because your head office has taken on a client with similar interests and they require exclusivity, that is a drawback.

But, to have an international name is vital for two reasons. First, clients like it. Second, young people like it. Young people coming out of universities want to work for the Leo Burnetts, the JWTs, the BBDOs. They don’t want to work for a small agency that’s not associated with an international one — it’s not sexy.

  • In the last 10 years we have seen an increased financial stake from the international names in the regional agencies. What do you say to people who don’t want to see you sell your shares?

This is a very interesting conversation — especially [given] the timing. I am on the verge of selling majority. It’s how you sell and it’s how involved you remain [that matters]. Today you have four giants in the world. Luckily for us, WPP is the biggest. That gives us clout. These companies will probably, within the next 10 years, own 90 percent of the [advertising] business in the world. These are huge companies that look after huge clients, which demand that these conglomerates have control. Why? The laws are changing. You have all sorts of regulations that these companies have to commit to the client that we will abide by worldwide. And then you come to a very important and vibrant place like the Middle East and these companies do not control the local companies. That is no longer acceptable to the international clients.

  • So now is the right time?

It’s not a matter of selling at the right time. [The international agencies] are under tremendous pressure. It is my understanding of that that made me accept to discuss giving Ogilvy the majority… I must allow my friends that I have served for 37 years to benefit from our success because without them I wouldn’t have had the success. Life is give and take. You can’t just take, take, take and then when your international friends need you you’re not there to give. This is not the Arab way of doing things.

This is why all of us — my generation — have discussed and agreed to sell majority.

There will be a lot more control. A lot more changes [will be] coming up, because all of a sudden it will be exactly the way [the international agencies] would like it, whether I like it or not… I honestly don’t think a network without an international name can survive, not against all the internationals.

“[Four] companies will probably, within the next 10 years, own 90 percent of the [advertising] business in the world”

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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AdvertisingSpecial Report

Selling up to the man

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

The global advertising industry had what public relations writers might call a “stellar year.”  Nothing astral or astrophysical was involved, but the industry leaders’ 2010 results broadly outperformed expectations, validating the ad sector’s recovery from the tough year of 2009, which saw global ad spend contract by about $50 billion.

WPP, Omnicom, Publicis and Interpublic, the quartet of holding companies with the leading stakes in advertising both globally and in the Middle East and North Africa, have all gained according to key performance parameters (see results box) as the global advertising market last year increased 4.9 percent to an adspend of $450 billion, according to estimates by media agency ZenithOptimedia.

ZenithOptimedia, which is part of the Publicis Group, predicts in its current Advertising Expenditures Forecast that global advertising will reach $470 billion this year and exceed $520 billion in 2013. A similar research report by WPP-member company, GroupM, predicted in December that measured advertising expenditure worldwide will break the $500 billion mark in 2011. Advertisers in the Middle East confirm that the sector has rebounded across the region from the beating it took following the economic crisis of 2008 — which came at a time when the regional advertising industry was actually at the tail end of an overheating phase of nearly three years, during which expanding client demand had been driving agencies to fill staff positions with minimal considerations of long-term viability.

“When you grow that fast, you tend to stumble a little bit and make a few mistakes,” explained Tarek Miknas, chief executive officer of agency Fortune Promoseven. “You hire very quickly, you fill gaps very quickly, you need to run off to the next big thing.”

Cleansed by the crisis

The pendulum swung the other way in 2009, as the fallout of the economic crisis was reflected in global and regional advertisers’ slashed budgets. adspend took a dive across the Gulf Cooperation Council as things deteriorated to the point of wiping out the spending power of some real estate developers in Dubai. Sources in the industry told Executive that several agencies are still waiting for settlement of their accounts by certain developers.

Agencies had to restructure, said Dani Richa, CEO of Impact BBDO MENA, and agencies shifted staff to offices with growth, making 2009 “the rationalization and restructuring year.” During separate interviews at the MENA Cristal Festival in Lebanon in February, Richa and Miknas both confirmed that the industry saw layoffs and cost-cutting in 2009.

As Miknas described it, rationalization was a positive transformational step for the advertising sector. “You start thinking, how can I stretch my dollar the furthest? What is available for me to exploit and keep my margins healthy?” he said. Hiring decisions are today taken under less pressure, he added, “but we retain our best talent and are constantly trolling for the best you can get. Probably all agencies are.” According to Richa, the turnaround was swift, noting 2010 was a “good year.”

“We have gained new business and Dubai is bouncing back beautifully,” he said.

Dubai-based decision makers in the regional advertising industry share the view that the industry has experienced an important learning curve. Mohan Nambiar, CEO of MEC MENA, told Executive that managerial prudence suffered during the boom years but has returned. “I think we have all learned bitter lessons,” he said. “A lot of checks that were supposed to have been done were not done because we were all busy accumulating volume. There won’t be a repeat performance because we all learned from it.”

According to agency leaders and media rep companies, the rebound of 2010 has shown that advertising in the Middle East has become a resilient industry. 

However, the bottom line performance of the ad companies across the region cannot be easily gauged, at least not directly. Any local firm affiliated with one of the global advertising communications groups — and that is almost any firm of regional weight — is firmly committed to a “don’t-ask don’t-tell” approach with the public when it comes to actual advertising spend and industry performance in the region.

Global advertising industry growth projections by ZenithOptimedia say that the adspend in the Middle East over a five-year span will be part of a 24 percent increase across a collection of advertising markets. This respectable total increase, according to the research publication, will outperform increases of adspend in developed markets over the same period by between 14 and 19 percentage points.

Murky figures

One should note, however, that the adspend in the Middle East is based on gross estimates and not adjusted for inflation. Rather than being a Middle East and North Africa projection, the forecasted 24 percent spend increase is, moreover, for a potpourri of markets that include, beyond Arab MENA, Israel and 22 countries as socially diverse and as geographically distant as Luxembourg, Zimbabwe, Iceland and Myanmar.

From a local forecasting perspective for the MENA region, this grouping does not lend itself to what can be considered a meaningful frame of projections.

Regional forecasts for the Middle East — aside from having to be considered in light of economic and security risks related to the region’s latest experiences with popular political demands — are not as strong as ZenithOptimedia’s advertising growth forecasts for Latin America (26 percent), Central and Eastern Europe (31 percent) and Asia (36 percent — excluding Japan). By this projection, all regions other than developed markets are expected to best Middle Eastern growth in the next three years. 

But this does not mean the growth in Arab markets will be something to scoff at if companies here make things happen. Philip Jabbour, Starcom MediaVest MENA CEO, told Executive: “We are a service industry. Apart from always trying to invest in improving quality and getting more measurability, if we collectively focus on being able to drive value — offering a service and being remunerated for that — rather than making this a commodities business, then the industry will flourish.”

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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Feature

Mongi Boughzala

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Although Egypt, Bahrain and Libya largely pushed Tunisia out of the media spotlight in February, the story from the cradle of 2011’s wave of revolt remains unfinished. Executive asked Tunisian economist Mongi Boughzala of the University of Tunis El Manar about some of the outstanding issues facing Tunisia and the region after the fall of President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.

  • The poor economic situation facing many Tunisians was a driving force behind the revolution there. How do you see these conditions changing in the wake of the revolution?

The economic situation and the unemployment and all of those issues cannot be resolved in a few days or even a few months. They are the outcome of years of bad economic management. [But] if we stabilize the country politically and really achieve democratic transition then there is a very good future for Tunisia. 

  • Before the revolution, Tunisia had a reputation as being stable and a relatively good business environment. Are foreign investors leaving? Have any new ones come in?

New investors are not going to come in now. It’s obvious because even if they are happy with what happened they are going to have to wait and see because they want more stability. Luckily, so far there hasn’t been a massive outflow of capital — a few have left but not so many. It’s okay, I mean in terms of capital and investment and FDI [Foreign Direct Investment].  But some firms are not working as they used to because of the strikes and unrest. But massive investment? Not right now — the political situation needs to stabilize before we can reap the benefits.

  • After the fall of Ben Ali, protests have continued. When do you see things returning to normal?

It depends on how it is dealt with. The current government has been very clumsy in terms of communicating. It hasn’t had the mechanism and way of communicating with people — especially the youth. But I think we are coming to some sort of consensus, which is that maybe in five or six months there is going to be an election — not just for parliament, but also constitutional. This is something that a lot of people have been demanding, and it’s also something that most people agree on. My only fear is that people will not agree very quickly on which kind of transition government is now going to be put in place. We don’t have one voice; there are too many voices. 

  • How are Tunisians surviving economically right now with all of the disruptions?

Some are hurt. Especially those who have lost their jobs [because their] firms are not operating. A lot of people working in the informal sector are having trouble finding jobs because the economy has not returned to the normal level. Tourism is not functioning — certainly a lot of people are hurt and are losing their jobs because of that. Many economic activities are disrupted. But for the moment, it’s okay. It hasn’t been the main problem. The main problem is more on the political side — if we agree on a roadmap or agenda that has been accepted by the majority of the people, the people will start thinking of the future and building needed institutions. 

  • Do you think that Egypt — which overthrew its regime weeks after Tunisia did — is going to face similar problems in the near future?

Probably, yes. You know, there’s something good: it’s that the youth have awakened. They want change, they want a better country, they want a better situation, they want better governance and they require real change. This is a dilemma because it’s very hard to achieve the type of change they are asking for.  Something has to be done to convince them that it’s coming and they’re part of it. It’s up to them to do something about it – they shouldn’t just wait for the government to hand them what they want just like that. And I think Egyptians — the young ones — have started expressing this.

“We don’t have one voice; there are too many voices”

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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Feature

A revolution underfoot

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Revolutionaries had taken over much of Libya as February came to an end, stretching their control from the epicenter of the uprising in the eastern city of Benghazi to the outskirts of Tripoli in the west, with pro-government forces still holding the capital, several cities scattered around it and others in the south.

More than 2,000 people are thought to have been killed, many more wounded and tens-of-thousands have fled their homes in the first two weeks of the uprising against the 42-year reign of Colonel Muammar al-Qadhafi. The erratic and repressive ruler has been accused of deploying mercenaries, helicopter gunships and warplanes against mostly unarmed protesters.

Since the revolt began mid-February, scores of army personnel have also defected to the opposition, joining a growing armed insurrection in a confrontation that is ever more resembling a civil war. 

World leaders have called for Qadhafi to step down and threatened charges of crimes against humanity. The United Nations Security Council has imposed sanctions and many countries are freezing foreign assets associated with the regime and those of the Libyan Investment Authority, the country’s sovereign wealth fund, which alone are estimated at some $70 billion. Additionally, the regime-run Central Bank of Libya has $80 billion in foreign assets, according to the International Monetary Fund.

Though the United States and NATO allies were redeploying military assets to the area at the end of February and mulling the possibility of interceding, signs had appeared in Benghazi saying “No to foreign intervention — Libyan people can do it alone.” A consistent demand, however, of the Libyan opposition and human rights groups has been for the United Nations Security Council to impose a no-fly zone and deny Qadhafi the use of his air force to attack the anti-government side and resupply his troops — cited as key reasons why his forces have not been routed.

As foreign companies have been evacuating thousands of their workers, major oil companies were shutting down operations. Libya puts out 2.3 percent of the world’s oil and the country’s reserves — estimated at 44 billion barrels — are the largest in Africa. Libyan oil production was down 75 percent at the end of last month, according to the Wall Street Journal, and Brent crude pushed past $112 per barrel, rattling financial markets and threatening the global economic recovery.

For an on-the-ground perspective, Executive contacted Fatma Morayef, a researcher with Human Rights Watch who is normally based in Cairo but traveled to Libya to document the upheaval. She crossed the border on February 23 and spoke via telephone as she drove from Tobruk to Benghazi in the recently-liberated east of the country:

  • What’s the general situation in Tobruk now?

It’s very calm in Tobruk — there have been no problems with security for the past three days. Right now we can see the army patrolling and policing the street with people — when I say the army I mean individual members of the army who are working together with the informal [armed civilian] patrols. Everybody is really welcoming, especially when they realize we’re journalists and human rights people; everybody wants to talk about what happened. 

In Tobruk, [the uprising] started on the 15th and there were a lot of arrests [that day]. It didn’t see as much violence as Baida or Benghazi. People are still camped out in the main square downtown that used to be called Malik Aziz Square. They were saying ‘this is our Meydan Tahrir’ when they recognized my Egyptian accent. Everyone here is just saying ‘for the first time we feel free, we can talk to you and we just need for [Qadhafi] to go.’

  • How are supply levels holding up?

So far it’s okay, but the shops are still closed.  Today was the first day that some of the banks have opened so people can withdraw their salaries. But it’s all happening very informally. I was talking to some [people] who were very concerned going forward, talking about food supplies but also about the longer term because both Tobruk and Darna rely on desalination, which needs to be maintained for their farms. People are worried about how long this will last.

  • Are people optimistic about the situation?

They are feeling optimistic because they’re not scared. They’re feeling empowered. The welcoming of foreigners and journalists is partly due to the fact that they feel now that they can speak securely.

I’ve been on missions to Libya before and generally people who don’t know you will never speak to you because they’re freaked out by the reprisals of the state. I think the fact that internal security is no longer breathing down people’s necks here has changed the general mood and that has contributed to the sense of optimism.

People feel [here] that they have had a great victory and they liberated the east [of Libya], but everyone I’ve spoken to in Tripoli was very freaked out by what may come and also about the very strong security presence there.

  • When you crossed the border were Libyans fleeing the country along with foreigners?

There were some Libyan families but mostly just Egyptians. 

  • Is there a reason for that?  Do Libyans feel that eastern Libya is safe?

I think that’s part of it and some Libyans think ‘why would we leave? Our families are here.’ The Egyptians are leaving because they’re worried — they don’t know what’s going to come and all their families in Egypt are very worried.

It was quite endearing really because the Egyptian security — the people processing at the immigration point — when they heard my Egyptian accent they kept saying ‘be careful, it’s very dangerous’ because a lot of the Egyptians coming across the border have stories about having either witnessed or got caught up in violence.

Also, some of the Egyptians — not people I’ve spoken to, but I’ve heard this from other journalists and colleagues — have stories of being attacked themselves.

  • Is there cooperation between different opposition groups in different cities? Is there any leadership that is emerging?

No, I mean there is no formal opposition in Libya. All political parties are banned; it’s a crime to try to set up a political party. So right now it’s a very organic, popular uprising and rebellion.

  • What do people want going forward?

Right now they just want Qadhafi to leave because they’re still in the middle of the crisis.  People are happy but they’re still feeling insecure.

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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Feature

The cost of a heavy hand

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Bahrain is known more for its sleek steel and glass skyscrapers of high finance than the unpaved alleys of the disenfranchised tucked behind them. Indeed, the kingdom has worked hard to polish this veneer in recent years with a glossy international advertising campaign luring investors to “business friendly Bahrain.” But rosy adjectives were the first victims of the state security services’ repeated attempts to put down peaceful protests last month with truncheons, tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition, which left more than half a dozen dead and hundreds injured. 

While economic incentives such as the possibility of 100 percent foreign ownership of businesses, low taxes and easy access to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf markets are certainly draws for foreign investors, blood and tanks on the streets of Manama are not.

“If this [crisis] carries on, I’m sure it will have a more lasting effect,” said Salman Shaikh, the director of the Brookings Doha Center. “Right now, what I can say is that investor confidence is a little bit shaky.”

A diversification drive’s fender bender

Before the current turmoil, Bahrain had done an impressive job at putting out the right signals to foreign investors. In the 2011 Index of Economic Freedom published by the Heritage Foundation the country was ranked as the freest economy in the Middle East and 10th freest in the world. The International Finance Corporation ranked Bahrain as the 28th easiest place in the world to do business, putting the country behind only Saudi Arabia in the region and well ahead of the United Arab Emirates.

Bahrain’s rulers have long recognized that building a competitive business environment was necessary to diversify the government’s revenues away from hydrocarbon dependence and the economy away from relying on public spending. The public sector already employs some 25 percent of the workforce and is simply unable to absorb the 100,000 new jobseekers projected to enter the labor market over the next decade. This is coupled with the fact that at current extraction rates Bahrain’s oil reserves will be depleted in less than 20 years and oil production, refining and processing currently account for some 28 percent of gross domestic product.

The government has thus been actively promoting banking and finance as growth sectors and today they make up about a quarter of the economy. Unrest in Bahrain, however, creates doubt regarding the country’s stability; threatening its reputation and in turn its future as a destination for international capital and status as a financial center. As perhaps a worrying sign of things to come, the decision to cancel the annual Formula One season opener scheduled for March 13 is not just a blot on the country’s prestige; as major advertising and tourism draw its cancellation is anticipated to lose Bahrain $600 million in total revenue, according to the Abu Dhabi newspaper The National.

How blood makes markets queasy

The barbarism of Bahraini authorities seems to have directly contributed to the consternation the country is earning recently on international financial markets.

In the early hours of February 17, riot police descended on the Pearl roundabout where thousands of protesters were sleeping in a make-shift encampment; reports regarding the ensuing onslaught vary, but what is clear is that at least a handful were killed and hundreds were injured, with the authorities the next day again firing live ammunition into the funeral processions of those killed the night before, killing one and injuring more. Financial markets reacted swiftly: the cost of insuring Bahrain’s debt jumped 19 percent the day following the assault on the Pearl roundabout as the country’s five-year credit default swap spread hit an 18 month high of 310 basis points, according to Reuters. Three days later Standard and Poor’s (S&P) lowered its long and short-term credit ratings on Bahrain, its central bank, its Mumtalakat sovereign wealth fund, Ahli United Bank — Bahrain’s largest bank by market cap at $3.6 billion at end-February — and BMI Bank. S&P also issued a “CreditWatch negative” warning of a possible future downgrade for Bahrain’s Baraka Banking Group. Moody’s, which downgraded the kingdom’s sovereign rating last year, also announced it was concerned about the ongoing turmoil and was observing the situation closely. Fitch Ratings warned it may downgrade Bahrain’s credit ratings in the next few months if anti-government protests escalate.

In response, Central Bank Governor Rasheed al-Maraj publicly offered words of reassurance: “All financial transactions are at the normal level and the dinar continues to trade at the same level,” he said, adding that the monetary authority would provide banks all necessary support to facilitate banking operations.

“It is normal following any political or economic development that the credit rating agencies would review the ratings,” Maraj said. “However, we believe that the economic fundamentals of the kingdom of Bahrain remain strong and that the short-term economic and political developments should not entirely reflect on the review.” The Bahraini stock exchange, for its part, seemed to mirror Maraj’s sentiment — the market took some relatively minor hits as the protests began but as Executive went to print it appeared to have stabilized.

Root of the unrest

The principal source of instability in Bahrain is rooted in the country’s sectarian and socio-economic makeup: in a population of some 500,000 Bahrainis (not including the more than 200,000 expat workers also residing in the country), roughly seven in 10 are Shia Muslim, yet Bahrain is ruled by the Sunni al-Khalifa family and Sunnis have much greater affluence and influence in the country.

“If you compare the Sunni villages and the Shia villages, you will see how Shia villages are ignored,” says Nazeeha Saeed, a Bahraini journalist working for France 24 and Radio Monte Carlo. 

Bahrain’s Shia community have long felt politically and economically marginalized, unable to play any significant role in governance and regularly denied opportunities for professional advancement in both the public and private sector. For the Shia, such inequalities bring up questions of racism, but, Saeed says “[the Shia] don’t hate the Sunnis for that, they hate the government for that.”

Supporters of the protest movement say that Bahrain’s wealth has not been spread around evenly and that disparities in income appear across the country. “The middle class has been disappearing in Bahrain and the gap between the poor and the rich has been increasing,” says Amal Jaffar, a marketing executive in Manama.

Attempting to assuage resentment over economic disparities and dissuade protesters from taking to the street, the Bahraini monarchy announced in the week leading up to the first protest, on February 14, that it would hand out $2,600 to every Bahraini family as a gift.

The Bahraini government has been accused by protesters and observers of fueling divisions along sectarian lines, by portraying the mostly Shia protesters as a fifth column, loyal not to Bahrain but to Iran. “This is what the government is trying to tell the whole world and [to] make it happen, actually,” says Saeed. After Bahraini forces stormed the Pearl roundabout on February 17, the government defended their actions by claiming that the protesters were armed supporters of Hezbollah. These allegations were not corroborated by any independent sources.

A different tomorrow?

Following the failure of the heavy-handed crackdown, the government seems to have softened its stance, committing to talks with opposition leaders, allowing protestors to encamp again at Pearl roundabout, releasing dozens of political prisoners and pardoning Hassan Mushaima, the exiled leader of the Shia Haq opposition movement. As Executive went to print, questions over whether the government would make a genuine effort to reach a compromise remained unanswered. To some, the unprecedented protests in themselves signify that Bahrain is a changed country. “We [Brookings] think that Bahrain has already changed,” says Shaikh. “The question will be how much will this change the nature of the entire culture and the role of the ruling family?”

However the socio-political situation is addressed, whether “business friendly” Bahrain can repair the damage to its reputation is perhaps of equal, if not greater concern in the long run. Protracted negotiations over constitutional reform and accompanying demonstrations would undoubtedly wear on investor confidence, leading to an exit of foreign capital. This in turn would send the government’s economic diversification successes into regression — meaning a contraction of the private sector and increased unemployment — and an increase in Bahrain’s dependence on its hydrocarbon resources which, barring new finds, will run dry within the foreseeable future.

Less revenue would limit the government’s ability to fund its generous welfare programs and employ its expansive public service, introducing new fuel to the public’s discontent. Though both the United States — which bases it navy’s Fifth Fleet in Bahrain — and neighboring Saudi Arabia would likely step in to cover any shortfall in state funding, the increased influence of either of these countries over this island kingdom would be unlikely to sit well with the majority of Bahrainis.  

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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Feature

The New Arab World

by Executive Editors March 21, 2011
written by Executive Editors

There is no going back. Recent months have severed the future from past precedent and brought about a fundamental shift in the Arab paradigm.

This month Executive examines some of the numerous facets of the historic events sweeping the Middle East and North Africa. Among the roots of the populist revolts are the economic reforms many MENA countries undertook to produced headline-grabbing growth and vast fortunes for the well-connected elite, while the poor and middle classes, left exposed to inflation, became ever more familiar with layoffs as privatized state institutions streamlined [see comment Upheaval and institutional capital].

Tunisia, having been the first to fall, is the forerunner navigating the amorphous uncertainty that comes with rebuilding nations. A month and a half after the euphoria of ousting President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali from power, young Tunisians were returning to the streets demanding to see that the social inequities they rose up against are righted. 

“They want change, they want a better country, they want a better situation, they want better governance… it’s very hard to achieve the type of change they are asking for,” says Mongi Boughzala, an economist at the University of Tunis El Manar. “Something has to be done to convince them that it’s coming and they’re part of it.” [see interview Mongi Boughzala].

  Libya, at the other end of the revolutionary arc, had escalated into the most vicious and bloody of the uprisings yet by the end of February. With the situation fluid and developing by the moment, Executive asked how Libyans in the rebel-liberated east of the country were feeling out their first tastes of freedom [see interview A revolution underfoot]. 

In Egypt, the democracy movement, having toppled the heads of the regime, is now divided between combing through the remains of the state to piece back together a semblance of stability or remaking the country from its foundations up [see comment Changing of the guard]. Whichever they decide, it will be an absolute necessity to rebuild business confidence to spur private sector investment and create jobs. Weighing in Egypt’s favor going forward is its massive human capital; many regional business leaders see a market of more than 80 million potential customers as a fantastic expansion opportunity if the country develops — as Turkey has since the 1990s — into a stable, pro-business democracy that advances general living standards [see stories Excess Instability and Talkin’ ‘bout a Revolution].

Bahrain, by contrast, has a relatively tiny population base and has sought to diversify its economic future away from depleting oil reserves by developing itself into a regional financial hub with competitive advantages for investors. But the kingdom’s security forces effectively shot its moderate, “business friendly” reputation in the head in their savage attacks on peaceful protesters [see story The cost of a heavy hand]. This, coupled with the crackdown on political dissent — including mass arrests and torture allegations  — over the past year and more have left Bahrain looking like little more than a police state in a suit [see Last Word The pearl’s shine bloodied].

Across the Gulf, Iran has also been caught in the wake of the tidal wave that flowed from Tunisia, but here the two sides also battle for the narrative; the opposition Green Movement has found common cause with the pro-democracy Arab uprisings and been re-inspired into action, while at the same time Ayatollah Khamenei and supporters of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad have claimed recent events are an Islamic awakening, equating them with the 1979 Iranian revolution that ushered in the Islamic republic [see comment Spinning a revolution].

In Yemen as well, hundreds of thousands have rallied to the populist uprisings, along with tens of thousands of others in Morocco, Algeria, Iraq and Oman. And watching the rapid advance of revolutions tear through the regional status quo that had been the pillar of their security strategy — especially in regard to Egypt and Jordan — Israeli leaders have been left reeling. 

“In the Arab world, there is no room for democracy,” said Israeli Major General Amos Gilead at a conference near Tel Aviv last month [see comment Israel’s preference for Arab oppression].

But what was the status quo is now dead, trampled beneath the feet of millions marching through the streets. And while it is yet far from certain that the freedom and democracy for which they have fought so hard await them at the end of this road, what is assured is that where they are going is radically different from the place they left.

Welcome to the new Arab World.

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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Editorial

Revolt against flawed reform

by Yasser Akkaoui March 21, 2011
written by Yasser Akkaoui

Since the first revolts erupted in the region, economists in Executive’s research department have been busy number crunching, running regressions and trying to find correlations between raw economic data and current events.

In doing so, an interesting observation stood out: the first serious uprisings were in many ways a response to the recent economic liberalization measures undertaken in many parts of the Middle East and North Africa. Regimes across the region began introducing policy reforms in the last decade — some to try and save themselves from the winds of change that blew in following the Iraq and Afghanistan invasions, others to show that they were in line with global trends.

Although the reforms were welcome, their implementation was a reminder that everything we learned in “Economics in developing countries 101” was correct. The people in power and their nepotistic benefactors were already rich from milking the resources of their countries and monopolizing the main productive sectors; by the time the reforms were implemented, decades of bad policy prevented the people from benefiting from the new open systems. With the absence of human development programs and resources, they were shut out from the economic growth that followed.

But one good thing happened, and it has manifested itself in recent events; with more openness came more information, especially through the Internet. People became more aware of their social and economic situation. They caught the scent of what was preventing them from achieving their potential. Entrepreneurs empowered with ambition began to chip away at the barriers of red tape, bureaucracy and corruption standing in the way of their self-realization.

This year they saw an opportunity, and they seized it.

March 21, 2011 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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