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GCC

A global network in the making: Nokia and Siemens teaming up for mobile web of data

by Executive Contributor May 13, 2007
written by Executive Contributor

In the ever expanding telecommunications industry, rife with new acquisitions, joint ventures and mergers, the recently formed Nokia Siemens Network has ventured into the fray to connect a projected 5 billion people by 2015.

The Nokia Siemens Network (NSN), a 50-50 joint venture (JV) between the two European  telecommunications’ powerhouses that was pending agreement since last June, has a top three global position in the industry, valued at $31.6 billion.

The network was only launched in April this year, delayed due to Nokia’s concerns over bribery investigations at Siemens that had led to the arrest of several former Siemens employees, including Thomas Ganswindt, former head of the German company’s telecommunications equipment division.

Based in Helsinki, Finland, NSN’s chairman for the Middle East and Africa, Dr. Walid Moneimne, said the motivation behind the JV was to consolidate the two companies’ research and development teams, and become the world’s No.1 communications enabler.

The merger of Siemens’ networks business group and Nokia’s carrier-related operations is also aimed at cutting costs to make the companies more effective in the global market. Expecting to slash annual costs by an estimated $2 billion by 2010, most of the savings will come from restructuring and a 10-15 percent reduction in the network’s 60,000-employee work force. Annual sales are projected at $20.2 billion.

Big future looming

“We see the telecommunications market by 2015 at five billion customers either connected by fixed line or broadband—about 70% of the world’s population. Bandwidth will grow a hundred fold, so that gives you an idea of the future—a 50% increase in requirement,” said Moneimne.

The Middle East and Africa (MEA) will be a major focus of NSN’s rollout worldwide, in addition to the rapidly emerging markets of India and China.

With only 300 million people connected out of the MEA’s combined population of 1.3 billion, that figure is expected to double to 600 million by 2010 as penetration rates increase and access to networks expand. “We are talking of a huge opportunity and demand to deploy these networks in the MEA region,” said Moneimne.

The network’s entry into the region is opportune, coming at a time when major regional operators such as MTN, MTC, Etisalat and Qtel are expanding and increasingly operating in new markets. The growth of regional operators, particularly Kuwait’s MTC through its acquisition of pan-African mobile operator CelTel in 2005, gaining access to 14 African markets and investing billions of dollars to bring infrastructure up to scratch, will also be a boon for NSN’s regional strategy.

Region presents challenges to growth

NSN recognizes that the growth of the telecommunications sector in many markets in the MEA, particularly Africa, are being hindered by insufficient infrastructure and low incomes.

“There is a level of income that determines what people can do. Our goal is to work with operators to bring the best technology at the lowest price. On the other side of the spectrum are countries where there is a 100% penetration and handset replacement is high, so we will implement 3G networks and a major technology refresh as content (music, video) becomes more important,” said Moneimne.

In more advanced markets in the region, NSN are carrying out pilot tests on WiMax technology in certain cities, although Moneimne declined to say which ones.

“Our objective is really to see what the market needs, to put fixed and mobile together, 2G, 3G and WiMax solutions. All present a big investment for our customers,” he said.

The internet is also a major driving force for the network.

“When we look at 5 billion connected, the internet is at the center of that as all content is on the internet. Internet companies have a vested interest in this market,” Moneimne said.

However, expanding the network in Africa and the Middle East is not without its challenges,

Moneimne conceded. “Human resources are limited and it is a problem to deploy networks, particularly for issues of a high technicality,” he said. Lebanon was resultantly chosen as a platform for the region due to the high number of qualified and skilled employees and graduates.

Getting around the issue of inadequate electricity supplies in parts of Africa and the Middle East, NSN have been pioneering solar panels for sites, said Moneimne. “There is a lot of variation in how to use technology. Networks are not huge users of electricity, but will cause electricity generation expansion in certain countries,” he added.

But despite certain drawbacks, the relatively virgin markets of the MEA do present major opportunities compared to other markets worldwide.

“Despite the MEA having some of the highest penetration rates, it also has the least penetrated regions in the world and growing the fastest. Most developed countries are now just seeing mobile subscribers exceed fixed line subscribers, but in the MEA it’s already 75 million mobile subscribers,” added Moneimne.

The network has five product business units—Radio Access, Broadband Access, Service Core and Applications, IP/Transport, and Operations Support Systems—for fixed, mobile and converged networks.

“NSN has the size and resources to compete, but we also recognize that true competitiveness goes well beyond scale,” said Moneimne. The network’s competitiveness will draw on both companies’ research and development teams. Last year a R&D team that is now part of the network demonstrated the world’s first Long Term Evolution (LTE) radio access solution, transmitting data at a rate of 10 gigabits per second via an optical access network four times faster than rates achieved in the past.

Moneimne also said that there will be “major developments” in mobile phone handsets within the next two to three years. “Nokia calls them multimedia computers, so 3G networks are a must, but not just for 3G itself but the follow up, High-Speed Downlink Packet Access (HSDPA). The difference is in bandwidth speed: 2G dial up is roughly 100 bits, then the 3G at 384 kb/second and HSDPA 14 megabits a second. So clearly what all this brings is a HSDPA phone and network that will provide better customer experience and more available services,” explained Moneimne.

Although annual sales are projected at over $20 billion, the network announced in April that it only expects “slight” growth this year due to a “narrowing of visibility” and signs of a slowdown in spending by communications service providers in certain regions. As of April, the financial results of the network have been consolidated into Nokia.

May 13, 2007 0 comments
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GCC

Fake or Real? Counterfeits major issue

by Executive Contributor May 13, 2007
written by Executive Contributor

Curbing the counterfeiting and smuggling of goods has become such a pressing concern for international businesses that last year 19 companies teamed together to create a Brand Owners’ Protection Group (BPG) in the Middle East to tackle the region’s part in the $500 billion global counterfeit trade.

According to the Dubai Economic Department between 2000 and 2004 the GCC authorities seized fake products worth $50 million, of which $35 million was confiscated in Saudi Arabia alone. In a raid on a warehouse in October last year, the Saudi authorities seized 90 tons of copycat Unilever products, worth $1 million.

Along with Saudi Arabia, the UAE has become a focus point for the BPG as the Emirates’ main port, in Dubai, is a major regional export hub.

“More than 7 million containers pass through Dubai with 20% annual growth according to Dubai Ports, so it is very important for brand owners to be protected,” said Omar Shteiwi, chairman of the BPG and regional intellectual property advisor for Nestlé Middle East in Dubai.

The BPG has been working closely with Dubai Customs, which has established an Intellectual Property Unit (IPU) and been on the offensive, seizing counterfeit goods estimated at $3.9 million between February and June last year. The IPU has the right to seize and destroy goods that are entering or in transit.

By comparison to Dubai’s IPU, set up in December 2005, seizing goods in other countries is not as easy said Shteiwi, despite trade, patent and customs laws in the GCC area.

To improve seizures at the point of entry, the BPG is providing educational workshops to inform customs what to look for in shipments. “Hopefully we will have a kind of engagement with the customs to train inspectors to differentiate between genuine and real products,” he said.

Robert Taylor-Hughes, CEO of Beiersdorf Middle East, said finding the source of the fake goods was the best chance of nipping the problem in the bud, but added that the judiciary system in the UAE lacked appropriate penalties.

“One seizure took place over a 10 month period where we found a ring that had been taking in goods from China. We allowed them to enter the Dubai Free Zone, leave and enter the warehouses of counterfeit traders to trace the distribution network. The downside was the judiciary system. Our legal and investigative costs were about 80,000 euro but when he appeared in court was fined $817. The threat of the deterrent is simply not large enough,” he added.

To try and improve legislation, the BPG has organized a one-day seminar with the UAE Ministry of Economy and Trademark Office to exchange information, come up with recommendations, and involve the enforcement agencies.

Although the UAE still has a way to go in handing out tougher sentences, some countries’ judiciaries are taking the issues more seriously, such as in Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Saudi Arabia carried out 100,831 inspections last year at stores selling foods and fast moving consumer goods (FMCGs) that resulted in the seize of 798 tons and 943,231 small pieces of food unfit for human consumption, according to the Saudi Ministry of Economy and Trade.

Iran has a massive problem with counterfeit goods entering the country, largely from China and Central Asia.

Taylor-Hughes said that last year, the Iranian authorities worked closely with Beiersdorf investigators to seize fake goods. “They not only work quickly but are very severe. Both violators were fined $50,000, the message got out, and (illicit activity) quietened down for a year,” he said.

Cosmetics and toiletries firms such as Beiersdorf have been particularly affected by the counterfeit trade, estimated as high as $210 million in the GCC last year—which could be as much as 10% of the overall Gulf market for cosmetics and toiletries.

In Egypt, the company had to pull its whole line of sun-creams following email complaints from customers that got badly sunburned in Sharm El Sheikh after using counterfeit lotions.

“We removed all goods from the market and are now holo-spotting in Egypt—you need a special eye glass to read the code, and counterfeiters can’t duplicate this new technology so far,” said Taylor-Hughes.

The holo-spot, which costs half a euro per spot, is solely being used in areas where the company has had problems, such as Egypt and in Russia, where Beiersdorf found counterfeit shampoos on sale.

A further issue brand owners face is the lack of statistics and data about the extent of the counterfeit trade in the region. To address this the BPG has commissioned international auditing firm KPMG to carry out an economic study on the counterfeit trade in the UAE that will focus on FMCGs, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and automotive spare parts.

“The added value of this study will be a roadmap for us and the government as to whether to adopt new intellectual property laws, improve existing laws, give more authority to customs, and enable brand owners to carry out investigations,” said Shteiwi.

The size of the Saudi market is a strong selling point and local banks will in any case make it a matter of their pride to be present and very visible in KAFD and later on in KAEC financial center. That will widen the Saudi financial scene and elevate its profile but it will not by itself fulfill the vision for the two huge projects. Then again, it must be true for new financial districts what is true for the whole world of finance: without risk, no profit.

May 13, 2007 0 comments
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GCC

Time to invest in Arabia Felix?

by Executive Contributor May 13, 2007
written by Executive Contributor

last month’s Investment Opportunities in Yemen conference was the first of its kind to be held in the country. It highlighted some of the striking challenges and opportunities in the Arab world’s poorest and most undeveloped state, which despite myriad difficulties now faces a period of transformation.

Long considered the backward underbelly of Arabia, one of the world’s poorest countries and certainly one with the highest number of weapons per capita, Yemen is stepping up efforts to entice investors into what is virtually a pristine economy.

A daunting host of political, social and economic problems currently lay siege to the country’s development, however, including a frighteningly high population growth, water shortages, weak government control, over-reliance on oil revenues and endemic corruption.

Nevertheless, Yemen’s investment authorities are doing all they can to attract a new influx of foreign capital—especially from the GCC—and reverse the economic misfortunes of recent times.

Getting it together

The Investment Opportunities in Yemen conference, which, after being postponed twice, eventually took place late last month in the capital, Sanaa, was largely designed as a private-sector follow-up to an international donors’ conference held for Yemen in London last November.

That event raised some $4.7 billion in pledges to support Yemen’s development, about half of which came from the GCC, to which Yemen wants—perhaps ambitiously—to accede within the next decade.

This time around, though, the focus of the conference was firmly on private investment. A packed house of some 650 delegates and 70 ministers from across the region gathered for a two-day series of speeches and debates on Yemen’s prospects, whilst a trade exhibition showed off some of the country’s key investment opportunities, mostly in the construction, manufacturing, real estate, tourism and energy sectors.

“Yemen is witnessing a significant transformation marked by a will and determination to create a prosperous future full of welfare and peace,” said President Ali Abdullah Saleh, the strongman who has managed to hold the country together through long decades of civil strife.

“We realize that today’s world is one of economic blocs, a world marked by heated competitiveness and rapid transformation in all economic aspects where there is no room for those who think traditionally,” he told the conference.

But although Yemen may lie in the same geographical zone as some of the world’s richest states, in most other respects it has more in common with Ethiopia than the Emirates—something which might not change too much in the near future.

Towards the edge

Crippling problems face Yemen as it looks to develop and diversify its economy. Amongst the most worrying of these is spiralling population growth, which at a rate of over 3% puts Yemen amongst the fastest-growing nations in the world, and will levy a even greater toll on some resources, especially water, which are already close to breaking point.

This population, whilst large in size, is small in purchasing power. About 45% of Yemenis live under the poverty line, according to the UN, and almost three-quarters reside in rural areas. Unemployment is unofficially over 40%, and a sizable chunk of the average male income (and waking hours) is dedicated to qat, a natural stimulant which is the country’s most lucrative cash crop and which occupies the majority of fertile land.

GDP growth, meanwhile, is barely keeping up with population growth, whilst inflation is equally onerous, reaching a peak of 18.4% in 2006 according to the World Bank.

As part of the aid deals and donor grants negotiated with external benefactors, a halting program of reforms has nevertheless been gathering pace over the past 18 months, although some measures may prove unpalatable to the local population.

“The government finds itself in a difficult position between keeping its promises to donors on one hand, and treading carefully with the local population on the other,” says Dr. Ali al Abdulrazzaq, Senior Economist with the World Bank in Sanaa.

 “They need to be very careful with measures that may have an effect on income levels, such as cutting fuel subsidies or raising taxes,” he told Executive.

And whilst the investment authorities have enacted specific reforms to attract capital, such as introducing a new investment law in 2003, modernizing real estate legislation and opening a “one-stop shop” for interested parties, Yemen is still an opaque place to do business.

Corruption is considered to be endemic and the entrenched tribal power in most parts of the country mean that it is often more valuable to have the backing of the local tribal power than that of the central government. 

Energy levels

Underlying all these issues is a fundamental over-reliance on oil, which constitutes 71% of government revenues and is already suffering from waning production as reserves dwindle.

Yemen presently pumps some 350,000 barrels of oil per day (bpd), and whilst the majority of the country’s exploration blocks have not yet been probed, analysts believe they are unlikely to wield any earth-shattering finds. Nevertheless, the Ministry of Oil and Minerals is about to launch a new bid round for interested parties, which include a number of big international names.

Yemen’s gas reserves have perhaps more to offer, with the country’s largest-ever single investment, the Yemen LNG project, currently under construction. A consortium made up of the Yemeni government, Total, Hunt Oil and two Korean companies is investing a total of $3.7 billion in the plant, which is set to come onstream in early 2009.

It will extract gas from an exploration block in the centre of the country, transport it by pipeline to a state-of-the-art plant on the Gulf of Aden and then convert it to LNG before shipping it on to clients.

“The plant will produce around 7 million tons of LNG per year, or about 180,000 barrels of oil equivalent [BOE]” said Joel Fourt, Chairman of the Yemen LNG Company. “In answer to the question: is it possible to build a world-class, world-scale project in Yemen, the answer is yes,” he told delegates at the conference.

The real question that many are asking, though, is how Yemen can diversify its economy away from this over-dependence on hydrocarbon revenues: LNG alone is not a long-term solution.

Milking the land of honey

One possible answer is tourism, a sector which the authorities seem particularly—and justifiably—eager to promote. Yemen’s rich cultural heritage, its old towns, unspoiled beaches, mountains and islands, theoretically put the country head and shoulders above regional tourist hotspots like the UAE in terms of natural attractions. 

Yet a consistently bad image, a lack of infrastructure and expertise, poor air connections and a meagre promotional budget mean that Yemen is light years behind its northern neighbors in terms of drawing in holidaymakers.

Speaking to Executive, Yemen’s Minister of Tourism, Nabil al-Faqeeh, says that the first priority is simply to build more infrastructure.

“In Yemen we have a lack of rooms, a lack of hotels, a lack of restaurants. We need to attract as many investors as possible for these kinds of projects,” he says.

“In 2006 we only had 382,000 tourists. We want to increase this by 20% in 2007 and we’re changing our strategy to try and attract more Arab tourists, especially from the GCC, where traditionally we have concentrated heavily on the European market.”

But finding the money for these projects is problematic. The state lacks the kind of disposable oil revenues which nearby countries like the UAE have been able to pour back into promoting tourism and real estate, whilst the local banking system in Yemen is too underdeveloped and illiquid to support start-up needs for new investors.

“Financing is the biggest problem for new tourist projects”, Alwan Saeed al-Shibani, Chairman of the Sanaa-based Universal Group, told the conference. “Our commercial banks don’t give out loans, and that needs to change. We have Gulf investors who want to start projects but they’re being held back by this.”

Yemen may also have to shrug off its image as a minor hotbed of kidnapping. Small groups of tourists travelling in rural Yemen, usually Europeans, are periodically spirited away by local tribes who treat their “prisoners” like guests whilst making modest demands on the government, such as building roads, hospitals or schools in their villages.

Island life

According to Al-Faqeeh, the government has no particular geographical priorities for tourist development, but one special area of opportunity is Yemen’s roughly 190 islands. Some have already caught the attention of regional powerhouses such as Orascom and the Mikati group, both of whom are reportedly finalizing agreements to develop islands in the Red Sea.

Yemen’s largest and best-known island is Soqotra, which lies in the Arabian Sea south-east of Aden and boasts a unique ecosystem which has evolved independently of the mainland. Potentially a tourist magnet, visitor numbers have been gradually on the up since an airport opened on the island several years ago, although the ministry are at pains to point out that no major developments will be allowed here: instead, they want to attract a classier breed of eco-tourists.

But although Soqotra looks as if it may thankfully be preserved from mass tourism, the mainland is already gearing up for some large-scale tourist and residential developments spearheaded by courageous investors.

The biggest and most ambitious of these is the Jenan Aden project, which will cover 14 km2 of pristine mountainside and beaches just outside of Aden. Phased over 10 years, the development is being led by a Saudi-Yemeni joint venture, Bin Farid and Baghlaf, and when complete will contain 4,000 residential units, four hotels, two marinas, a school and a university.

“There’s definitely an element of being pre-emptive in the market,” says Chris Orrell, Chief Operating Officer of the project. “But there’s also a belief that this is Yemen’s time. It is an exceptionally beautiful country with a great deal of potential.”

Most developers planning projects in the country say they are targeting a relatively small crust of high-income locals, but more importantly the Yemeni expatriate population, which is largest in Saudi Arabia, other Gulf states and also the UK.

Rise or fall?

No-one would argue that huge amounts need to be done in order to improve Yemen’s business climate, particularly, according to investors, in terms of the real estate registry and the commercial court system. But it seems that the government, at least, has realized the urgency of the need to diversify away from oil.

“I think many of the changes enacted over the past 18 months will really begin to bear fruit in 2008,” says the World Bank’s al-Abdulrazzaq. “The government is pushing for reforms, which is encouraging.”

Yemen is clearly only at the start of a long road to attract foreign capital, and it will need to create a positive track record that can earn the trust of investors, particularly those from outside of the GCC.

It is uncertain whether sufficient time remains to tackle critical issues like population growth and declining resources before it is too late, but there is enough excess cash available in the region, enough vested interest in keeping Yemen stable, and enough latent potential in the country itself to suggest that this could be the start of Yemen’s entry into the modern age.

Battling local tribesmen, Sanaa claims Iranian-backed militants wish to establish a Shia-run imamate

Yemenis are no strangers to unrest, having fought their way through a string of civil wars in the past half-century, but a longstanding dispute in the northern Sa’ada region of the country is now erupting into something approaching full-on warfare.

The conflict is the latest in a series of skirmishes between government forces and followers of the al-Houthi clan, who are based in the isolated mountains close to the Saudi border around the town of Sa’ada.

The sides have already crossed swords in two previous clashes, in 2004 and 2005, and the latest fracas has intensified rapidly since the start of 2007 to claim hundreds of lives on both sides.

Confusion surrounds the root cause of the fighting, which now appears to have spun completely out of control. The government claims that the Houthis, bankrolled by Iran and radicalized by the situation in Iraq, are attempting to establish a Shia-ruled Imamate in northern Yemen.

Others argue that the conflict has little to do with Sunni-Shia divides and is more related to the weakness of government power outside the main cities.

“It’s more a case of the government stepping on the toes of the local tribes and trying to extend its control in certain parts of the country,” said one western diplomat in Sanaa. “The system of power in Yemen means that these areas are largely autonomous, and they don’t like any outside interference—even from their own government.”

Beset by heavy losses and little progress, the army is pouring vast resources into Sa’ada. The local press reports that warplanes, tanks, artillery and thousands of soldiers are being dispatched northwards, although the region has been completely sealed off and it remains difficult to establish the reality on the ground.

“Even we can’t really understand what’s going on up there,” one civil servant in Sanaa told Executive. “Yemenis have never been religious extremists—both Sunnis and Shias in this country have traditionally been very moderate in their outlook.”

Whatever the case, the fighting has again shown up the fragility of a state in which allegiances are first and foremost tribal, not national, and in which the army is far from being the only significant military power.

May 13, 2007 0 comments
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Cover storyGCC

Regional trade for China awakens dragon

by Executive Contributor May 13, 2007
written by Executive Contributor

In what is being dubbed “the New Silk Road,” trade and political ties between China and the Arab Gulf are growing stronger as both regions take an increasingly prominent role on the financial world stage. Politics is playing its part, with Saudi Arabia’s newly appointed King Abdullah opting for Beijing over Washington for his first trip overseas last year, and Chinese President Hu Jintao repaying the visit with trips to Riyadh and Dubai.

Bilateral trade between the United Arab Emirates and China is soaring as Emirati companies look eastward for investment opportunities to diversify away from oil, while Beijing secures energy sources and new export markets to keep its burgeoning economy afloat.

Strictly business

“Arabs see China purely as business, at least for the moment,” said Glen Osmond, managing partner for Middle East Strategy Advisors, a leading strategy consultant and investment advisory firm in the GCC.

“The Chinese don’t have problems such as political baggage or externalities like protecting the region, and are not here for consumers—the GCC is not a major consumer of Chinese goods compared to the EU or US—but for raw materials,” he added.

China has been quietly taking advantage of its negligible political history in the Middle East and Africa over the last five years, investing billions of dollars in infrastructure projects, signing energy deals, and attracting Gulf money, estimated as high as $20 billion in the past year from the GCC countries alone.

Although Saudi Arabia, the Middle East’s largest economy, has attracted the lion’s share of Chinese investment to the region and been more active in entering the Chinese market, the UAE is slowly catching up.

Since 2001, trade has grown by 30% per annum and the UAE is now China’s top export market in Western Asia and North Africa, according to Global Sources, with exports reaching $14.2 billion in 2006, up from $8.7 billion in 2005. Trade is likely to double by 2010 if targets projected by the Chinese government prove correct. Based on past trade growth, surging 45.5% in 2004 alone, this figure doesn’t seem to be overly optimistic.

“The UAE is a trading centre for the Middle East, so I think this year, or next, trade will grow at high speed,” said Han Xi, Vice Commercial Consul at the Consulate General of China in Dubai.

Dubai’s rulers are certainly aware of the potential.  “We want to be number one, and not second. If we join forces together (China and the UAE), we will be number one,” the UAE’s Vice President and Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Makhtoum said at a recent press conference.

But Dubai’s ruler is also aware that China is not the only game in town. Trade between the UAE and Malaysia soared 20.7% last year to $3.4 billion while UAE-India trade not far behind China at an estimated $11 billion in 2006. India has emerged as Dubai’s largest export destination ahead of Pakistan, Iran and Kuwait, Indian investment in the UAE has doubled in the past four years and trade is expected to surge to $20 billion by 2010.

Indeed, in a seeming about face on the growing UAE-China relationship, Sheikh Mohammed also called for raising India-UAE bilateral trade to the ‘number one’ spot in the region.

But Sheikh Mohammed’s statement is perhaps more about pragmatism, realizing the UAE’s need to have its fingers in many pies. As Osmond pointed out, “the more buyers the better. It’s a souk mentality, and they have a huge machine and it needs to be fed.”

India certainly has a more established connection with the UAE, bolstered by approximately 1.4 million expatriate Indians working in the Emirates versus an estimated 50,000 Chinese expatriates.

India however lacks the political and military position of China on the world stage (China is widely seen as a potential counterbalance to the US that Middle Eastern states are keen to develop), and is not a manufacturing powerhouse on par with China. Indeed, in terms of trade with Dubai the statistics speak for themselves: 36.6% of textile imports, 40.7% of furniture, toys and sports products, and 48% of all footwear, headgear, umbrellas and flowers came from China in 2005. And according to the Dubai’s Department of Ports and Customs, 17% of all of Dubai’s imports came from China in 2005, making China Dubai’s top supplier of imported goods.

“Dubai is the third largest re-export market in the world, after Hong Kong and Singapore—that is a very impressive statement,” said Bill Janeri, the Middle East general manager of Global Sources, a Hong Kong-based publisher and trade show organizer.

Enter the Dragon

There are now more than 1,000 Chinese companies operating in the UAE, according to Standard Chartered, and that figure is expected to grow as investment floods in.

“China’s first export markets have traditionally been the US or Europe, but everyone wants to sell to these established markets,” said Janeri. “So over the years Chinese companies have either sold to there or been creative and looked for new markets when demand is equally strong—markets where they can be the number 1, 2, 3 player in their segment. Dubai has shown that it is a good location where these companies can ‘plant their flag,’ win new customers, and build market share where demand is strong.”

Global Sources will hold its first trade fair in the region, the China Source Fair, in Dubai in June—with over 500 exhibitor booths, it will be the largest ever exhibition of Chinese products in the Emirate, according to the Dubai Trade Center.

Although only $200 million was invested by private Chinese companies in the UAE in 2005, that figure surged to $800 million last year and UAE financial institutions are scrambling to procure a slice of the growing trade between the UAE and China.

Standard Chartered have recently rolled out a UAE-China ‘trade corridor’ to cater to small and medium-sized enterprises (SME’s) in the UAE and China.

“We felt this need as China kept the heat turned up on its Gulf marketing blitz to overtake such industrial giants as the US and Japan to become the top exporter to the UAE since 2004,” said Sandeep Bose, Regional Head of SME Banking at Standard Chartered in Dubai. “This is expected to continue as the most populous nation on earth is stepping up its export offensive, aided by the fact that its products are more competitive than the products of most other industrial nations.”

But the investment deals and joint ventures the Chinese government is most interested in are Abu Dhabi’s gas, petrochemicals, and aluminum nuggets.

 “I wouldn’t be surprised if China makes strategic investments in the region to develop the relationship in all the energy rich countries… Britain has been in the UAE for how long? China wants a piece of that,” said Osmond. 

Non-energy imports from the UAE are steadily growing however, up from $2 billion in 2005 to $2.8 billion last year. Investment in China’s booming economy, the fourth largest in the world, is also increasing, spurred on by high liquidity in the UAE and Gulf markets.

“Because oil prices are high there is more interest by UAE businessmen in worthwhile markets, and China has the economic and social elements for attracting such business,” said Han.

Dubai’s mammoth construction companies Emaar and Dubai Holdings, both responsible for tens of billions of dollars in real estate projects throughout the MENA region, have also opened offices in Shanghai. DP World, the world’s fourth largest port operator, also has a corporate division in the North-Eastern Chinese city of Tsingtao.

“I think this is the beginning of Dubai real estate coming to China,” said Han.

But it is not just real estate that is attracting Arab businessmen.

“I went to a trade show in Yiwu recently and part of the town is all Middle Eastern restaurants and businesses,” recalled Janeri. “It doesn’t surprise me that other markets are looking to invest in China. There is gaping wide demand for certain products—in fact, everything you can imagine,” he added.

Interest in China is certainly growing, with the consulate in Dubai China’s busiest worldwide. 

“Everyday we receive more than 300 visa applications—you can see more people want to go to China,” said Han.

An increase in airline flights is also indicative of the growing links, with China Southern Airlines opening an additional route between Dubai and Guangzhou at the end of last month.

Lost in Translation

Dealing with Chinese companies is not always easy—a common complaint voiced by businessmen ever since China opened its doors to the outside world in the 1980s, citing cultural differences and transparency in business practice.

“You hear stories of Chinese signing deals with companies and then reneging on the deal, saying it didn’t comply with their legal definitions or simply disappearing,” said a source at a real estate firm.

“There have also been cases of the Emirati authorities closing down construction sites as in the heat the Chinese workers strip down to their underwear and only wear hardhats, which is against UAE law—they have to cover up,” he added.

Han acknowledged that the consulate had received complaints, largely about wording and English terminology, but said the language issue and business transparency were being addressed.

“Both languages are difficult to learn, so it’s not a deep relationship but a growing one between the Arabs and the Chinese,” said Han.

The relationship is in fact an ancient one that is being gradually rejuvenated.

According to historical texts, some 1,400 years ago there were an estimated 10,000 Arab and Persian traders in Guangzhou (Canton) plying the waters between China and the Middle East. Evidence of the ancient link is also present at Dubai’s Ibn Battuta Mall, where one section is devoted to the famous Tangerine’s travels in the 14th century to China—the exterior a partial replica of the Forbidden City and the interior painted red and offset with traditional Chinese woodwork.

The dark side of the relationship

But it is the Chinese Ministry of Commerce-supported Dragon Mart in Dubai that is the Emirates’ real China Town.

The China connection is not only bolstering official trade ties. As has been the case for most rapidly growing markets, organized crime is on the rise in Dubai. Russian and Indian money launderers are considered the main perpetrators in the financial line, taking advantage of Dubai’s construction boom and real estate speculation to launder money without paying out large commissions to “clean” the cash. But in terms of counterfeit goods, China is the bad guy.

One source likened China to a “massive Xerox machine,” ready to copy any product a buyer might want. China is indeed the No. 1 manufacturer of counterfeit goods, which are estimated at $500 billion worldwide.

Dubai has become the conduit for that illicit trade in the Middle East, with Dubai ports handling some seven million containers a year. Although most of the illicit trade transactions are between Chinese suppliers and Middle Eastern buyers, Dragon Mart, a mall and business center established three years ago, has become the hub for Chinese organized crime, according to a source in the real estate sector.

Earlier this year an undercover Dubai cop was sent to the Dragon Mart to investigate organized crime links at some of the center’s businesses. Told to call in on the hour, every hour, the cop suddenly disappeared. The Dubai police made a raid on the Dragon Mart and after kicking down a few doors, found the policeman dead in a freezer.

Such gruesome incidents are not the only illicit activity connected with China.

According to the real estate source, construction companies linked to the People’s Liberation Army—China’s largest business owner—were exporting convicts to work on sites in the UAE to cut overheads.

The issue has reportedly become so acute that the UAE government has recently banned Chinese construction workers. “It has become too much of a headache for both contractors and the government to regulate,” said the source.

China denies it is involved in such activity, however.

“It’s not true. China is now free, so if a construction company wants to go elsewhere, workers must have passports and visas,” said Han.

China is also reportedly trying to curb counterfeits. “China has a special department to regulate products, especially for exporting products as too many people want to do forgeries and sell low quality products to our friends—this is not good for business,” he added.

Even if this developing friendship will bring with it certain negativities, both economies are experiencing double-digit growth so bolstering such a relationship can only be prudent business for all concerned parties.

But as Han points out, the increasingly strong trade ties require political and economic stability in the Middle East for the relationship to warm any further.

“I think growth all depends on the regional situation, particularly over Iran. If Dubai keeps silent, like the present situation, China will pay more attention.”

May 13, 2007 0 comments
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Capitalist Culture

Like everywhere, Money talks in Lebanon

by Michael Young May 1, 2007
written by Michael Young

Four months into the opposition’s descent on the Soliderearea in protest, it is increasingly plain that the effortwas a remarkable success. No, the Seniora government is notabout to fall, nor has the Hariri tribunal been permanentlyderailed; rather, the opposition has scored a dazzlingvictory against businesses in the downtown area. Most havebeen knocked out cold financially, while the rest arepreparing to throw in the towel.

This may seem a tendentious reading. Opposition supporterswould respond that neither Hizbullah nor the Aounistmovement ever really intended to push the Solidere merchantsand restaurants into the street. Most businesses are indeedthe victims of a political confrontation that shows no signsof abating. However, one thing is undeniable: oppositionparties have a much tougher climb than the majority does inproving that they are truly concerned about Lebanon’seconomic well-being; or even that they have a cohesive planto address the country’s financial woes. Three episodes inparticular illustrate the opposition’s problems.

In one episode, Solidere businesses not long ago askedMichel Aoun to take measures to lower the pressure on theirlivelihoods. This would have involved removing tents fromsome parts of the downtown area, to free up access to theirbusinesses. Aoun did not reject the idea. However, severalweeks later nothing has been done. This has only showed thatthe opposition remains reluctant to lose face by reducingits presence in Solidere, even though it couldadvantageously sell a downgrading of its tent city as proofof its interest in the fate of those closing down.

The second episode was the opposition’s decision on January23 to block roads throughout Lebanon, but more particularlyto block the airport road and prevent Prime Minister Fuadal-Seniora from traveling to the Paris-III economicconference. While the opposition parties publicly declaredtheir support for what the conference was trying to achieve,they also understood it would give the government greatcredibility at a time when they were trying to force Senioraout of office. That’s why the expressions of support endedup sounding hollow, as opposition parties placed partisanpolitics before that of trying to create an impression ofunity at home that would have enhanced Lebanon’s chances ofgetting funds.

A third episode was the speech of Hizbullah’s secretarygeneral, Hassan Nasrallah, on April 8. In his address,Nasrallah wondered where the Paris-III pledges of some $7billion were, and lamented that donors had imposedconditions to loan Lebanon money. “Even the economy has beeninternationalized,” Nasrallah observed. He went on to pointout that Hizbullah would be willing to let the situationremain as is for another two years, until Parliament’smandate expired. While he admitted that the opposition wasnot happy with the situation, it was better than civil war.

Nasrallah, even if he is sincere in wanting to avoid a newwar between the Lebanese, will have hardly convinced anyonethat his strategy shows concern for economic realities. Twomore years of stalemate may not only devastate economicconfidence, it would make much more unlikely the release ofmoney pledged in Paris. The Hizbullah leader askedironically where the Paris money had gone, but he leftunmentioned that the dispute between the majority and theopposition—a dispute for which Hizbullah and the Aounistsare partly responsible—is the cause for the reluctance amongsome countries to pay up. Nor will Nasrallah have reassuredeconomists that his criticism was legitimate when hecomplained of the conditions set by foreign donors to helpthe Lebanese economy. Not all aid money can be delivered insuitcases, and for Lebanon to first meet internationalconditions in order to earn the right to receive foreignloans seems so obvious as to be a moot point.

Each of these examples was significant in that theopposition has failed to convincingly show it has aneconomic program that would allow it to take power alone,without March 14. The parliamentary majority, for all itsshortcoming, retains international financial confidence,while the opposition simply does not. Just as important, themajority seems more or less united around the Senioragovernment’s economic program (even if it is open tocriticism), while there are fundamental differences betweenthe economic preferences of the Aounists and those of Hizbullah.

Forgetting politics for the moment, the existential fightbeing waged by both sides in Lebanon today detracts from thefact that when it comes to economics, their continueddivisions can only lead to collective suicide. The majoritycannot pass its economic program without a dialogue with the opposition; but the opposition needs to clarify its own economic views before any sort of dialogue has a realistic chance of succeeding.

Michael Young

May 1, 2007 0 comments
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Banking & FinanceBy Invitation

GCC governments hope to boost stock listings

by Imad Ghandour May 1, 2007
written by Imad Ghandour

The number of listed securities in the GCC is a flaw that the local governments have been trying to correct. Hence, there is a general consensus amongst regulators that getting more companies into the public market is a “good thing.” Their end goal is creating deeper markets with more securities and better diversification, ensuring lower market volatility, decreasing valuations to more reasonable levels, and spreading the wealth generated from economic growth and privatization to the general population.

Thus, GCC regulators have allowed more than $16 billion worth of IPOs to take place since 2004, and are examining the applications of an additional 90 companies. Of course, timing has been an issue, and some regulators have opted to delay some IPOs so as not to exacerbate the downward pressures already in play.

However, GCC investors (both retail and institutional) are becoming more discerning. Today, the IPO story has to be solid, and has to be one of growth and strategic focus. Management track record is essential for investors to buy into the future. Size is also an issue, as small IPOs may have difficulty in registering on the radar screen of investors and regulators alike.

Initially, the role of private equity funds was limited to acquiring minority equity stakes in companies just before going public. As part of circumventing the legal restrictions in the outdated listing process, funds would finance the establishment of a green field company that will acquire the operating company at a price closer to its true value, thus evade using the book value approach adopted by many regulators.

It became quickly apparent that funds can assume a bigger role in the preparation for the listing. Investors were more comfortable with a fund entering and ensuring that everything is in order and transparent. Funds would enter at a discount, and put their seal of approval that the company is ready for an IPO.

Nowadays, companies aspiring to be listed are faced with even a bigger challenge, and investors have raised the bar even further. In addition to ensuring proper corporate governance and proper financial accounting, private equity players are sought after as a strategic active investors that may propel the company to the next level by investing “smart” money. Strategic advise, business development, and financial restructuring are few of the services expected from the private equity funds. Top tier funds go as far as providing IT, HR, and operational consultancy. The latest research by KPMG has confirmed that “active” private equity funds have been rewarded with higher return on their investment.

As a result, PE-backed companies are proving to attract significant interest from investors. Maritime Industrial Services, the leading contractor for off-shore rigs, has been backed by Gulf Capital and two other PE funds, and is now preparing to go public on the Oslo Stock Exchange. The PE firms have brought institutionalization to MIS, and prepared its management to deal with the requirements for going public by first dealing with a limited number of active investors. Moreover, Gulf Capital has actively worked with MIS management on several strategic initiatives that have significantly improved the operation of the company.

This trend is set to continue as private equity increases its role in the M&A activity in the region. Whether it is the floatation of a privatized state utilities or a family business, the active involvement of PE funds pre-IPO will better prepare companies to deal with public equity market.

IMAD GHANDOUR, Principal-Gulf Capital. Head of Information & Statistics Committee-GVCA

May 1, 2007 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

Long in the shadow of Islamic banking, Islamic trade finance plan start to grow

by Executive Staff May 1, 2007
written by Executive Staff

Although still small in comparison to the conventional global banking sector, Islamic Banking (IB) has nevertheless grown so impressively in recent years that it now seems more like a critical driver for the industry as a whole than a niche market reserved only for a small slice of the map.


Indeed, as the General Council for Islamic Banks and Financial Institutions reported in early 2007, world-wide assets for IBs and Islamic Financial Institutions (IFI) now stand at over $260 billion, with financial investments totaling more than $400 billion. Year on year growth rates for the sector over the past seven years have averaged almost 15% helping to bring the total number of IBs and IFIs (IBFIs) to 267 in 2006, up from 176 in 1997. Islamic equity funds also now exceed $300 billion in value (growing an average of 25% annually over the past seven years), while Islamic sovereign and corporate sukuks (instruments similar to conventional bonds) have reached $50 billion.

One recent Standard & Poor’s (S&P) review, though, has provided particular fodder for market watchers eager to claim new markets: the overall sector could be worth as much as $4 trillion if it were fully exploited. In fact, according to one prominent IB, Al Baraka Bank, the Islamic share of banking activities specifically in the next decade is expected to rise to half of all bank activities in the Arab world. That’s largely because, according to one recent conference presentation by Nasser Saidi, chief economist of the Dubai International Financial Center, only about 20% of the Muslim population in the oil-rich Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries buy shariah-compliant financial products currently.

According to S&P, the figure is even less, just 10%, if one includes the banking practices of the entire worldwide Muslim population. Which is to say nothing of the percentage of companies and wealthy individuals in the Middle East and Southeast Asia who rely on conventional banking and finance instruments. Or the fact that two-thirds of all IB users in  Malaysia, the main hub of the sector, are not even Muslim.

Islamic Trade Finance

As far as Islamic Trade Finance (ITF) is concerned, its share of global Trade Finance activity and IBFI activity overall is of an even smaller order, although no consensus estimate exists.

In fact, partially because the major Western players have seen the boundary-pushing Islamic Project Finance (IPF) arena as both more profitable and higher-profile (involving the use of options and derivatives in several recent cases), some institutions which nevertheless engage in substantial ITF activity tend not to want to highlight such activities.

As one major German-based financial institution put it,“We only take a reactive approach to such [trade-based] transactions as opposed to a proactive one.”

In other words, if a trade deal comes, then we might just take it. But we don’t go out looking for them.

Do such responses mean that some of the majors might be missing the boat when it comes to the ITF market?

Perhaps. But for IBFIs that are through-and-through shariah-compliant—i.e., not just with an Islamic window or a segregated branch—ITF is critically important, and should be even more so in the future.

“There is a massive amount of short term liquidity in Islamic institutions that needs to be invested in something,” explained Michael Gassner, managing director of Michael Gassner Consultancy. “It is either trade or [project finance] in companies. Trade finance, by its short terms nature, meets this need perfectly. It involves real assets not nominal ones [one key for being shariah-compliant] so this can really be done well.”

ITF Instruments

Doing shariah-compliant trade finance well, however,

generally involves costs and operations above and beyond

traditional trade finance, which means that ITF is both more

complicated and potentially less profitable.

Thus, although many of the risk mitigation tools used in

both structured trade and project finance have strong

similarities with various tools that have evolved in Islamic

finance, the supply side, or the instruments made available

by IBFIs, tend to be supported more by a desire on the part

of institutions to propose Islamic financing to

clients—a move that can then translate into a

competitive edge overall.

On the demand side, according to one 2006 UN Trade and

Development report, “those that are able to tap into

Islamic financing markets can obtain relatively low-cost

capital.” Of course, this is not always true. But more

than a relative cost saving, a growing number of clients

simply want to ensure a shariah-compliant transaction.

In that case, several instruments are available for

structuring trade deals. All must, however, fall in line

with a number of basic Islamic precepts that fundamentally

revolve around the necessity of taking and sharing risk

through the possession of real assets.

Although interest taking is therefore prohibited first and

foremost in favor of asset-backed, partnership arrangements,

this particular element is not the only one that makes a

deal shariah-compliant.

Islam also prohibits trading excessive financial risk

(gharar), with such activities regarded as gambling.

Additionally shariah prohibits investing in businesses that

are considered haram—those that sell alcohol or pork,

or businesses that are engaged in gambling or produce

un-Islamic media.

As a result, it is generally accepted (generally, because

there is no single interpretation of what is permitted, and,

in any case, each IBFI has its own shariah board), that

deals are only undertaken with a business whose interest

income is less than 9% of total income and/or who holds a

ratio of debt to total assets lower than 33% of total

assets.

With these prohibitions and benchmarks as a basic

foundation, four instruments for financing trade are

employed in the Islamic market: murabaha, bai al salaam,

musharaka and istisna. According to the recent book,

“An Introduction to Islamic Finance: Theory and

Practice” by World Bank official Zamir Iqbal and IMF

Executive Director Abbas Mirakhor, close to 90% of all

Islamic trade financing is currently based on murabaha, with

more than half of the assets of some Islamic banks invested

in murabaha transactions.

Challenges and Horizons

All four instruments pose unique challenges to both IBFIs

as well as conventional BFIs who wish to enter the Islamic

Trade Finance marketplace. As Sayyed Alwi bin Mohamed

Sultan, senior financial analyst at the Accounting &

Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions,

said: “There are lots of risks. Market risks, credit

risks, operational risks. The same risks any conventional

bank or financial institution may face and over and above

that [you also face] shariah compliance which is another

risk that Islamic banks have to address.”

One particular problem native to all four instruments is

that the mere presence of sufficient collateral is not

sufficient for a transaction. In contrast, an extensive

evaluation of a borrower’s business is required,

which, as the UN report points out, “can slow down

financing decisions, and disqualify borrowers without much

of a track record, thereby stifling economic growth.”

Added to this is the problem of how to give the

flexibility of variable interest rates, since financing is

generally made on a basis equivalent to fixed interest

rates. As one industry report recently said: “It is

not clear whether borrowers can swap out of such a position,

but if not, fixed interest rates (in an environment where

most companies have the possibility to actively influence

the rates they are paying) may seem at times somewhat

unattractive.”

Nevertheless, “Islamic trade finance is our bread

and butter,” said Yakub Bobat, global head of

commercial banking at HSBC Amanah. “It is an efficient

contributor to our overall Islamic finance activities and it

is a key driver of the Islamic banking pie as a

whole.”

While that appears to be the general sentiment among those

involved in ITF, the truth is that the sector will only

become an indispensable driver of growth if it is matched up

with the far more ambitious tools now being pioneered by

Islamic project finance.

“Frankly, the industry needs to move away from

commodity murabaha,” added Bobat. “Historically

there has been a lack of a comprehensive product suite, but

this is fast developing [and now] you have rollouts across

markets.

“You will see,” he predicted, with apparent

enthusiasm. “The industry gaining critical

mass.”

May 1, 2007 0 comments
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The so-called ‘peace process’

by Lee Smith May 1, 2007
written by Lee Smith

Here in Washington, the winners of the 2006 mid-termelections had just started to enjoy their spoils when the2008 presidential campaign already started to heat up. Nosooner had Nancy Pelosi finished her tour of the Hamadeyasouq than the Clinton campaign decided to make Syria part ofthe campaign platform.

See, former President Bill Clinton used to say that themajor impediment he faced in solving the Israeli-Arabdispute was Yasser Arafat. But now with Hilary on thecampaign trail, that’s all in the past. Peace in the MiddleEast is easy, as long as you have the right person in theWhite House—and a proper knowledge of history. Clinton saysthe peace process was derailed for one reason alone—thebullet that killed Yitzhak Rabin.

“The assassination of Rabin killed the whole process,”Clinton told the London-based pan-Arab daily, Ash-SharqAl-Awsat. “This one bullet not only killed Yitzhak Rabin butthe whole process that we were working on.”

That’s right—it was a Jewish extremist who ruined Oslo.Never mind the second intifada and Hamas’s genocidalcampaign against Jews. And Chairman Arafat had nothing to dowith sabotaging the peace process. If it weren’t for thatone Jewish bullet we even would have had peace betweenIsrael and Syria. And we still can—“It will take 35 minutesto resolve the problem between Israel and Syria,” saysClinton. 35 minutes! Wow—I wonder which Americanpresidential candidate could pull that stunt off?

Ah, peace. It is true that the “P word” is certain to strikea Pavlovian chord among the Americans, who are particularlyprone to Middle Eastern fantasies, but it’s not just WhiteHouse hopefuls putting a tired Middle Eastern nag throughher pointless paces. Consider the curious case of Ibrahim“Abe” Suleiman, a Syrian-born naturalized American citizenfor close to half a century now. In April, Suleiman traveledto the Knesset to explain how an Israeli-Syrian peace dealwas possible within six months. Ok, that time frame isconsiderably longer than a half hour and change, but giventhat the Israelis and Syrians both think Suleiman’s talkingout of his hat, six months is nothing short of miraculous.

The US press has followed the case with interest, albeitconfusedly so. For instance, there’s the New York Times,which for well over half a year now has waged a relentlesscampaign demanding the Bush administration “engage”Damascus. The space they’ve devoted to l’affair Suleiman hasbeen for all practical purposes to explain that Syria’sspecial envoy seems to represent no official position inDamascus and has found no confidence in Jerusalem. In otherwords, it is a story about a non-story.

On the other hand, the anti-Syrian Kuwaiti daily al-Siyassahhas reported that Suleiman is the brother of former regimeaffiliate Bajhat Suleiman, once believed to be involved inthe assassination of Rafiq al-Hariri—a fact that wouldsuggest that “Abe” is indeed well connected in Damascus.

However, much more troubling than any genuine relationshipSuleiman may have to the Asad regime is the prospect thathis role as mediator will generate its own momentum andcause chaos throughout the region.

We have already discussed why Washington is apt to embraceeven the most dubious prophet of peace and concord, butother regional interests have their own reasons as well.

Israeli officials are no doubt looking a little more than ayear into the future and wondering whether a possibleDemocrat in the White House will demand concessions fromJerusalem that the Bush administration did not. In thatcase, it would be wise for Israel to keep an apparentlysincere fool like Suleiman close at hand rather than sufferthe vicious Arabist inanities of, say, Walid Moallem orFarouq al-Shara. And even if the new White House is asfriendly to Israel as the present one, the Jewish state hasits own internal politics to worry about. However improbablepeace may seem, Olmert or Netanyahu or whoever winds up inthe running for Prime Minister is going to need some sort ofroad map or peace process to keep voters interested. Whoknows but that the Syria track may seem more appealing thana deal with the Hamas-controlled PA.

Damascus of course would like nothing more than to be tiedup in a peace process—while it also threatens war againstIsrael to liberate the Golan, a prospect even more fantasticthan Clinton’s 35 minutes to peace. The Asad regime isterrified of the international tribunal charged with handingdown indictments in the Hariri murder. So far, Damascus hasallegedly assassinated Lebanese citizens and backed a waragainst Israel in its attempts to forestall the tribunal,but the train is steadily and surely approaching thestation. With so much riding on a “peace process,” no matterhow phony, who would dare punish Damascus for the blood ithas shed not just in Lebanon, but throughout the region? Andafter all, isn’t that how the regime has been selling itscase to the international community for some time now? See,we don’t really want to kill people. We want to be part ofthe rest of the world, we want to come in from the cold, wewant a deal. And isn’t it a shame that until we get what wewant we will have to keep killing people—and just so wedon’t have to keep killing people?

Lee Smith is a Hudson Institute visiting fellow and reporter on Middle East affairs.

 

May 1, 2007 0 comments
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Inter Arab Trade” no longer a joke

by Riad Al-Khouri May 1, 2007
written by Riad Al-Khouri

Arab political unity, from being a mantra in the 1950s,has turned into a joke, and today the Arab world’s 22″sister” countries regularly bicker in an endless politicaltragic-comedy. Politically, fragmentation of the Arab worldis clear, but what about economics? The same lack ofintegration had been true in the late 20th century of Arabeconomies as it was of states themselves, but couldintra-Arab business now be reversing that? It used to be thecase that Arab states traded little with each other, butthat is starting to change, thanks in part to the Arab FreeTrade Area (AFTA). AFTA was launched in 1997, and seventeencountries are now part of it (with Mauritania, Djibouti,Somalia, the Comoros, and Algeria still outside) accountingfor 96% of the total intra-Arab trade. The agreement aims toabolish tariffs and other barriers to intra-Arab commerce,and the goal of duty-free merchandise trade among members isnow close.

Partly thanks to AFTA, trade among Arab states has risen:in 2001, 7.2% of Arab merchandise exports went to other Arabstates; by 2005, the figure was 8.1%; with the comparablenumbers for imports moving from 10.2% to 12.4% over the sameperiod. This is not a spectacular jump, and is still farfrom the percentages for intra- EU or North Americancommerce; but the trend is clear, with partial figures for2006 indicating a further rise and the outlook for 2007 evenbetter. The same is true for non-merchandise trade, asbusiness in sectors such as banking, transport, and tourismbooms among Arab countries.

Going beyond AFTA, Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, and Jordanentered in 2004 into the Agadir Agreement, which seeks toestablish an Arab-Mediterranean free trade zone by 2010.(Lebanon and Syria have also expressed interest in joiningAgadir, and other serious potential adherents are Algeria,Libya, Mauritania, and Palestine.) Encouraged by the highlysuccessful Israeli-Jordanian-American Qualifying IndustrialZone (QIZ) model, which has seen Jordan selling billions ofdollars worth of goods to America in the past decade, Agadirseeks to boost exports to Europe through accumulation ofvalue added among Arab and European producers. To do thisfirst requires unifying “rules of origin” (i.e. the way thatcountries determine where and how goods are transformed intofinished products) to allow member exports to benefit from duty-free entry into the EU market. The principle is simple: forthe manufactures of one country to enter another at a low orno tariff charge under a free trade agreement, a certainamount of local value added has to occur. Agadir aims to dosomething similar to QIZ, but vis-à-vis Europe, adding valuefrom there and from Arab signatories to export to theEuropeans duty-free.

While not a panacea for economic fragmentation, AFTA andthe more ambitious Agadir accord are quietly drawing Arabcountries closer. As the rest of the world integrateseconomically, the Arabs will have little choice but to dothe same. To help thing along, the likes of the Arab TradeFinancing Program (ATFP) is bankrolling intra-Arab tradedeals. One of several schemes of this type, the ATFP, aspecialized Arab financial institution with a mission tocontribute to development of regional trade, was started in1989 by Arab shareholders including regional funds, centralbanks, and a number of private financial institutions. Oneof its latest deals came this year when four Lebanese bankssigned agreement for USD82 m in lines of credit from theprogram. The money is part of a pledge made by the ATFP atthe January Paris III donor conference to give Lebanesebanks USD90 m in soft loans, and the program has nowprovided more than USD930 m to Lebanon since the ATFPstarted operations.

Finally, and related to this trend, intra-Arab investment isalso rising strongly, partly as a result of capitalrepatriation from the West after 911. Jordan is a case inpoint: investments recorded during the first quarter of thisyear by the state Jordan Investment Board (JIB) totaledUSD1.357 b, 212% higher than the USD435 m made during thefirst three months of 2006, with most of the non-Jordanianinflow from the Gulf region. (Actual investments are evenhigher, but these numbers are for projects benefiting fromJIB exemptions.) To spur this process, JIB investmentpromotion offices will open in Kuwait, Qatar and Abu Dhabithis year. You have only to remember the early 90s, whensuch a move would have been unthinkable, to realize how farArab economies have moved together in the past decade and ahalf. Driven increasingly by the private sector, this trendshould continue no.

Riad al Khouri is Director of MEBA wll, Amman andSenior Associate of BNI Inc, New York
 

May 1, 2007 0 comments
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Lessons of a hostage crisis

by Gareth Smith May 1, 2007
written by Gareth Smith

The United States’ cold war with Iran has taken aseries of sinister turns in recent weeks. Hopes of regionalco-operation over Iraq’s future are just one victim ofWashington’s drive to apply the thumbscrews.

The good news was Tehran’s release of 15 British sailors andmarines, and the freeing in Baghdad of Jalal Sharafi, secondsecretary in Iran’s embassy, after his kidnap two months agoapparently by Iraqi special forces.

But the bad news was weightier. Washington has now allegedTehran has supplied lethal weaponry not just to insurgentsin Iraq but to the resurgent Taliban in Afghanistan.

In turn, there is increasing anger in Tehran over thedetention since January of five Iranians seized by US forcesfrom a consulate building in Arbil, northern Iraq. The case,which began shortly after George Bush announced a ‘new Iraqstrategy’ that basically consisted of countering Iran, isfor Tehran a disturbing sign of hostile US intentions.

Rumors of tit-for-tat seizures were encouraged by thedisappearance of a former FBI agent, Robert Levinson, inIran’s Kish island in early March, with mystery surroundinghis motives for the trip and what happened to him after hemet a black American who fled to Iran in 1980 afterassassinating a former diplomat under the Shah.

Meanwhile, Ali-Reza Asgari, the former deputy Iraniandefense minister, is still missing after disappearing inTurkey either in December or February. Political opinion inTehran divides between thinking he defected and thinking hewas kidnapped by the US or Israelis.

While Iranian officials continue to emphasize their opennessto “serious” talks over their nuclear program, Tehran haspressed ahead with uranium enrichment at its Natanz plant,despite two UN security council resolutions demanding itsuspend all atomic activities barring the preparation of theRussian-built reactor at Bushehr.

The most tangible pressure on Iran is Washington’s militarybuild-up in the region’s waters, especially with the arrivalin early May of a additional aircraft carrier, the Nimitzalong with its strike fleet.

Given the wider picture, the case of the 15 Britons wasalmost light relief. The world watched a theatrical 13 daysof televised “confessions,” tub-thumping from British primeminister Tony Blair, and president Mahmoud Ahmadinejadannouncing their release as a gesture of Islamicmagnanimity.

Iran, Britain and the US all deny any links between the fateof the 15 and the ‘Arbil five’ or Sharafi. But many saw morethan coincidence in the timing of Sharafi’s release.

Nonetheless, the freeing of the 15 Britons did follow quietcontact between Blair’s office and Ali Larijani, Iran’s topsecurity official, who apparently co-ordinated Iran’shandling of the crisis. It is unclear what Britain promised,if anything, although Ahmadinejad said a letter [fromforeign secretary Margaret Beckett] has said there would be“no repetition” of the incident. Iran gave no indicationBritain has accepted its demand for an apology andAhmadinejad noted that “the British government was not evenbrave enough to tell their people the truth.”

The release also came only after London toned down itsrhetoric. Tehran-based diplomats, led by ambassador GeoffreyAdams, had argued from the beginning that a “softly, softly”approach was more likely to lead to an early release.

And despite all the speculation outside Iran about conflictswithin the political elite over the crisis, there was aremarkable level of agreement. Indeed, the crisis over theBritish sailors and marines encouraged a closing of ranksafter heated arguments in recent months over the economicmanagement of Mr Ahmadinejad and aspects of nuclear policy.

Both conservative and reformist newspapers, which act partlyas mouthpieces of political currents in the absence ofeffective parties, were united in their support for Iran’sposition in the stand-off over the detained Britons.

Etemad-e Melli, a reformist paper critical of Ahmadinejad,accused Britain of pushing a “crisis scenario” to preparewider confrontation with Iran and relieve the pressure on MrBlair over the situation in Iraq. Officials close to AkbarHashemi Rafsanjani, former president and still influentialconservative pragmatist, said they feared the crisis was apretext for a US and UK military attack.

However confusing the details, the direction is clear. TheUS administration believes that increasing pressure withthrough sanctions and a military build-up will lead to splitin Iran’s political elite and force the leadership toreverse nuclear policy and abandon Iran’s relationship withIraqi Shia groups, Hizbollah and Palestinian groups.

It is a dangerous strategy based on assumptions thatunderestimate Iranian nationalism and the commitment of itspolitical class. Iranian military commanders who as youngmen fought in the trenches of the 1980-88 war with Saddam’sIraq will not have been cowered by British forces makingtelevised confessions after a few days’ captivity and laterselling their spiced-up stories to the highest bidder.

But, at bottom, the Bush administration believes the 1979Revolution as boil that can still be lanced. And if onlyIran can be changed, then the wider region will belatedlyenter the new American century.

Gareth Smyth is The Financial Times Tehran correspondent

 

May 1, 2007 0 comments
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