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Regional outlook

Stock markets ending year down across region

by Executive Contributor December 17, 2006
written by Executive Contributor

Instead of the post-Ramadan surge which many of the region’s financial analysts and traders had augured during the slow days of summer, important Middle Eastern stock markets converged to a measly November diet in the bear’s kitchen. Over the coming months, these markets will have to deal with the poor investor confidence of which the selling mood speaks volumes—all the more so since corporate results and macro indicators may be much friendlier than the share price performance toward the end of 2006.

Downturns across the region
The Cairo and Alexandria Exchanges retained their ground with continued sideways trading, but the Tadawul Index of the Saudi Stock Exchange moved south by about 2,000 points, or 20%, between Eid Al Fitr and November 26. The Dubai Financial Market was not far behind with a drop of 17%, the Doha Securities Market lost 15%, and the Abu Dhabi Securities Market retreated by about 12% over the period.
The Bahrain Stock Exchange shed the gains it had made between mid-August and late-September and dropped back to levels in the 2,100 points range. The Kuwait bourse similarly weakened more than 5% and receded below 10,000 points in late November.
In Amman, the market gave up over 8% and in Beirut, the BLOM Index fell 7%—but that was its closing before the country received another blow through the assassination of Industry Minister Pierre Gemayel, after which the Beirut Stock Exchange shut its doors for several days, along with most of the country’s businesses.
This means that with exception of the smallish North African bourses in Tunisia and Morocco, Arab stock markets had nothing to boast of in the period immediately following the fasting month of Ramadan, a period which many experts had assumed would lead the markets to new consolidation or signal growth impulses after the correction phase that hit GCC and Levant capital markets in the first half of 2006, with some variations in terms of exact timing and severity of the respective share price drops.
While the danger of a crash in regional stock markets was thought distant by a substantial share of market protagonists in 2005, by the spring of 2006, capital market experts had noted that the downturn could no longer be considered a brief interlude. Many still expected the second half of the year to bring new promise, however.
With the year-end in sight, that optimism seemed increasingly premature, even as analysts said that the valuations of GCC equities are reasonable and offer good new potential—also given that the burst of the bubble in 2006 was fairly predictable because the region’s capital markets rally was driven by the oil boom and toward the peak of the rally, the ratios between oil prices and GCC equity market valuations had become excessive.
“At the market peaks, a significant disconnect developed between oil and regional equity pricing,” said Dubai-based investment firm Gulf Capital Group in a recent report, while concluding nonetheless that the markets are poised for future growth.

Harvest of oil revenues will continue
The broad consensus of international and regional financial institutions and banks is that oil will be the major force behind Arab economic and capital market trends for years to come, which also means that the region’s influence in the current account triangle of Western consumers, Asian manufacturers/new consumers and Middle Eastern oil suppliers is likely to increase.
In long-term perspectives, the global thirst for oil will not relent and oil-producing economies are bound to harvest the benefits. Within this outlook, the region’s economies and sectors will have further development opportunities, and various methods of share price modeling show that there are plenty of Middle Eastern companies with attractive upsides to their current share prices.
This is true even as 2006 results of listed companies suffered on the whole, due to shortfalls in their investment-related income and because some companies incurred losses that depressed the picture. As the National Bank of Kuwait pointed out in an analysis of earnings by UAE companies in the first nine months of 2006, one group of 14 companies with sound core earnings and accounting for over 60% of market capitalization achieved 27% growth in their net profit to a total of over $5 billion.
That was a much better performance than suggested by the modest 5% profit growth for 66 listed companies with published results, due to the fact that 23 companies reported declines in earnings and 11 incurred losses.
Thus, by global and local reasoning, investors will be well-advised to review the performance of Middle Eastern equities in the first nine months of 2006 and the entire year neither in search of short-term profit nor obsessing over the year-on-year slowing of earnings growth by many companies—which already a year ago seemed hardly avoidable for the 2006 earnings season, when corporation after corporation in the third and fourth quarters of 2005 had announced stellar growth rates in profits.
However, quick and speculative gains may not be easy to come by in the coming months and analysts now tend to see the consolidation phase of Arab stock markets as bound to take more time than expected earlier in 2006, which implies that rallies and bull runs in the near term will be the exception rather than the rule. But by measuring price to earnings as well as price to earnings to growth ratios, researchers such as Gulf Capital say that Middle East equity markets—with the exception of Saudi Arabia—are priced attractively in the long run.
Another matter of importance for the development of Arab equities is the regulatory environment and market culture. In this regard, several GCC countries moved to implement strict regulations and standards in order to purge violators of corporate disclosures and transparency issues.
UAE, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia tried hard to implement these rules and presented several companies to trials for lack of transparency and insider trading.
Additionally, the GCC countries realized that trading awareness and diversification are key aspects of sound capital markets. Governments encouraged education of market participants and supported the creation of increased awareness in the minds of inexperienced investors who were following the market trends and buying stocks without conducting fundamental analysis.
IPOs
The stock market correction did not prevent GCC investors from looking for quick profits through subscription in initial public offerings by Gulf companies in 2006.
IPOs of large companies such as Emaar the Economic City in Saudi Arabia, Al Babtain Power and Telecommunications, Advanced Polypropylene Co., Saudi Research and Marketing Group, Qatar’s Al Rayyan Bank, Bahrain’s Al Baraka Banking Group, the UAE’s Emirates Integrated Telecommunications (DU) and Kingdom Hotels Investment were oversubscribed several times.
The IPO trend is expected to continue in 2007, with 65 planned or rumored IPOs currently included in the IPO Monitor of regional business information provider, Zawya.
More than half of these IPOs are scheduled for Saudi Arabia and another 20% for the UAE, clearly indicating that the GCC markets will again dominate the regional IPO scene in 2007 as they did in 2005 and 2006. In Egypt, privatization and sales of already listed but state-owned companies will continue to appeal to investors.
Some of the high profile companies planning to go public or be privatized in the GCC are Saudi Development Bank (Inmaa) with $2.8 billion IPO, Saudi Arabian Mining Company ($1.06 billion), Saudi Aramco with $1.01 billion, Bahraini United International Bank ($800 million) and the privatization of UAE’s International Petroleum Investment Co. for between $540 million and $810 million.
Syria, where plans to launch the Damascus Stock Exchange are more likely to be implemented in the latter portion of 2007 than early on, could bring a boon to local investors through public offerings of new joint venture banks even ahead of the formation of the bourse. Later on, when the bourse’s rules have been tested and the playing field is open, the country has strong potential for its own IPO wave.
In Lebanon, where a number of IPOs scheduled for 2006 have been postponed until 2007 because of the summer conflict, the new year’s IPO prospects may have become open questions as long as the country’s political struggles preclude a clear investment picture.
To secure the interest of investors in future IPOs where political risk is not the problem, observers say that markets need to free themselves from overpricing issues through excessive issue premiums. One such example was the August 2006 IPO of Red Sea Housing Services in Saudi Arabia. The company’s asking price of 58 Saudi riyals ($15.5) per share represented a premium of SAR48 added to the share’s par value of SAR10. Analysts said that the SAR48 premium was 35% above the stock’s fair value.

Quick and speculative gains
may not be easy to come by
in the coming months


On the other hand, investors are also likely to stay alert to the unfulfilled promises that marred some IPOs such as the flotation for 20% of the Hariri family’s Oger Telecom on the London Stock Exchange and the Dubai International Financial Exchange, which was called off in the last minute in November because of “adverse market conditions.”
Integration of markets or expansion of corporate networks?

Other than tunisia and morocco, Arab stock markets had nothing to boast of
following Ramadan


One aspiration of Arab capital markets is convergence into larger trading realms. As a herald of greater integration of Arab capital markets into globalized trade, the DIFX was overall off to a slower start than its promoters had announced at its launch in September 2005. Similarly, rapid integration and eventual mergers of other Middle Eastern stock markets are not to be counted on with certainty for 2007.


However, on the level of corporate expansion and investments, the region’s equity markets are set for further enhancements. Some of the strategic privatization investments in Egyptian companies are prone to originate from investment firms and other corporations in the Gulf, and there is a strong likelihood of expanded equity participation by Gulf companies in firms in Jordan, Syria, and, provided that political fundamentals improve, Lebanon.
In one example for infusing capital into regional firms, Dubai International Capital invested $272 million in the Amman-based Jordan Dubai Capital Investment Company.
Such involvements are less prominent but for regional economies no less meaningful than high profile international investments by the likes of Dubai International Capital, which in 2006 included the purchase of UK engineering firm Doncasters and assumption of a $1 billion stake in DaimlerChrysler.
A recent report by International Institute of Finance (IF) and Dubai-based Hawkama, a corporate governance institute, said that GCC companies acquired close to $26 billion worth of assets in UK, Europe and North America in the first eight months of 2006.
Despite the scrutiny of Arab investments in US-linked companies and the problems that marred Dubai Port World’s acquisition of P&O over the group’s US operations, the 2006 trend of international investments by regional corporations is bound to continue in 2007, while the importance of Arab investment firms grows in regional and global capital markets.

December 17, 2006 0 comments
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Regional outlook

One bank, two bids for monetary union

by Executive Contributor December 17, 2006
written by Executive Contributor

The race to host a central bank for the western Gulf region sees Bahrain and the UAE emerging as the top two candidate nations and, barring any more fanciers, one or the other is likely to be the location of a central financial institution for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). If the organization achieves its 2010 target of monetary union, the choice will probably be either Abu Dhabi or Manama. The two cities are bidding hard.
Late entries, however, cannot be ruled out, with Saudi Arabia also tipped to enter the lists. News of this came at a routine meeting of the region’s central bankers in Abu Dhabi at the end of October 2006. During a break at this event, GCC Secretary General Abdulrahman bin Hamad al-Attiyah said that Saudi Arabia had not yet submitted a bid to host the institution, but elsewhere Hamad al-Sayari, the governor of the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), said that this should not be taken as confirmation that his country would not throw its hat into the ring.

Saudis an expected entrant
Many had been expecting the Saudis to make the contest a three-horse race, with some analysts wondering if their current reluctance is tactical, as they awaited more details to emerge on the other two offers.
Others have pointed out that there is still plenty of time for the Saudis. Not only is 2010 some way off, but there are many in Gulf capitals who wonder at the likelihood of that target being reached. Skeptics argue that the GCC has not had a good track-record in working together on economic issues, as spats over Free Trade Agreements have illustrated.
Nonetheless, the “race” does give observers a chance to study the form. Abu Dhabi is certainly a strong contender, known as the economic and political powerhouse of the UAE and a key global player in energy and investment markets. This gives it a substantial financial and banking community and the resources to match.
UAE Central Bank governor Sultan bin Nasser Al-Suwaidi confirmed in late 2006 that the UAE bid was submitted well in advance of Bahrain’s recent counter-offer, an indicator of Abu Dhabi’s confidence that it will be the eventual winner.
Al-Suweidi also took the opportunity to propose that any single currency in the GCC should, in the longer term, lose its dollar-pegging. He argued that it would not make sense to have a single currency linked to a hard currency and that the currency should be free floating. He also dismissed an idea that it could be linked to a basket of currencies, arguing that within such a basket there would always be one dominant currency.
According to Steve Brice, senior economist at Standard Chartered Bank, in an ideal world, the Gulf Central Bank would be in a better position to set interest rates than the US Federal Reserve. He further said that there seems to be some acknowledgement of this within the region as long as central bank’s intentions were flagged in advance, so businesses can protect themselves against the different currency and interest rate exposures they might face.

Problems ahead for the union
One particular concern regarding the proposed union is the differing inflation levels in the various participating countries. The UAE has a much higher rate of inflation, for example, than Saudi Arabia. Of all the convergence criteria including public debt, currency reserves and interest rates, inflation will be the most difficult to meet before the single currency. Without it, the union will not work.
However, Muhammad al-Mazrouei, assistant secretary general for economic affairs at the GCC, is not worried. At a meeting of GCC central bank governors in Abu Dhabi in October 2006, he said that inflation is transitory and limited to certain sectors such as real estate. He further dismissed concerns over frailing to meet all the criteria, recalling that even the Europeans violated the criteria, and still launched a single currency.
But what about Bahrain? The island emirate also scores highly. While the kingdom lacks Abu Dhabi’s hydrocarbon clout, it has long been known as the Gulf’s financial and banking capital, with its lack of oil and gas obliging it to specialize in such sectors such as this. It has also emerged as the hub for Islamic finance in the region, while also possessing good economic transparency and a lack of excessive bureaucratic regulation. At the same time, the central bank of Bahrain’s stringent laws governing the local financial sector have also won praise internationally.
According to a new study conducted in the region by Dubai-based Fusion Marketing and Management in conjunction with a US company, SurveyMonkey, the organizers of the Leaders in Dubai Business Forum 2006, Bahrain ranks second only to Dubai for ease of doing business.

December 17, 2006 0 comments
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Regional outlook

Regional banks on the rise but challenges loom

by Executive Contributor December 17, 2006
written by Executive Contributor

Speaking at the MENA Economic Forum in Kuwait in November 2007, Ibrahim Dabdoub, CEO of the National Bank of Kuwait, declared that the “Arab banking landscape is being transformed” by the four horsemen of globalization, liberalization, technology and staggering regional growth. He noted that from now on, banks would have to prime themselves for competition and should seriously consider consolidation. “Success,” he said, would mean creating an ideal “economic, financial and institutional environment.” His words are as good a blueprint as any for the GCC banking sector in 2007.

Historically slow growth
Historically, conditions have stifled growth for Arab banks, but this is no longer the case. At the turn of 2007, the Arab banking sector finds itself, at last, in an environment conducive to sustained investment and strong economic activity that should persist until 2010. What has prompted this about-face? Among other factors are strong growth fundamentals, high liquidity and genuine moves to diversify and reform. And while oil prices remain high, there will be demand for lending as new and ambitious real estate developments are announced—and built—at a staggering rate. Both assets and revenues are set to increase, propelled by IPOs, bullish stock and property markets.
As profits boom, the new areas are emerging with strong growth potential. These break down into two categories: those that are already gaining momentum and those that show promise. In the former, there are new opportunities for corporate banking in an “energized” private sector and the financing of real estate projects, given the thriving commercial, office and residential markets. There’s also Islamic banking and brokerage and investment services as sectors to watch. In the “promising” category are on-shore private banking and wealth management services, as well as investment banking, which should accelerate as more family-owned businesses go public, new industries expand and private equity moves across borders. Finally, look for substantial prospects for financing oil, gas and infrastructure projects.
Nonetheless there are always challenges—maintaining bullish performance—and threats—bubbles and geopolitical risks in a region known for its turbulence. As local competition intensifies, weaker banks tend to move towards speculative lending without putting the necessary risk-reward structures in place. Capital markets are increasingly being used as alternative sources of financing; likewise, investment funds have begun to overtake low-cost deposits. Meanwhile, fiscal reforms and labor policies may actually have a negative impact on a low-cost sector that is already feeling the bite. Just as worrying is the threat that the technology sector, the WTO and market liberalization will open up profitable business segments to foreign banks that can, in turn, pick off local customers already looking for higher-quality service and better performance.
Attention should be paid to the underdeveloped regional operating environment, where the combined assets of all Arab banks are less than the total assets of Barclays Bank PLC. The environment is further limited by numerous structural weaknesses. A low spending capacity for development has held back innovation. Compared to their international counterparts, GCC banks invest relatively little in tech, and the regional human resources pool lacks real and sustainable talent. There is also an excessive dependence on interest income, while risk management and corporate governance remain weak.
Banks are employing a variety of strategies as they forge ahead, however. Some have sought out mergers with larger partners, while others have exploited niches such as Islamic and private banking to diversify revenue streams; as competitors seek to differentiate themselves, some banks have integrated strong IT platforms and process control. Furthermore, the culture and concept of corporate governance is slowly beginning to work its way into the banking consciousness.

New problems arise
However, these developments have spawned a new set of structural problems. They include speculative lending by smaller banks and an excessive number of new banks emerging that are liquidity-driven, rather than predicated on a real business plan or strategy. Meanwhile, effective asset and liability matching and large dividends in an era of rising capital requirements are also a concern. Also, in banking, at least, size does matter: smaller banks quite simply cannot compete with their larger, often foreign, counterparts. These competitors are financially stronger, better-equipped to absorb and diversify risk and technologically sophisticated, with a greater ability to innovate. They can also hire better bankers, often importing professionals from abroad—and raiding the best employees from local banks. In addition, several niches may prove vulnerable, such as private banking and wealth management, areas that offer new options to businesses that previously kept their wealth onshore.
With an ever-broader array of choices and products, customer loyalties in the Arab banking sector are set to be tested. Technological advances now offer customers greater options—and flexibility—in where they bank, and foreign banks tend to provide better access to capital markets, as well as strong experience in wealth management. These factors, especially in conjunction with generational transfers of wealth, could lead many customers to abandon longstanding family ties with local banks and move their business to more competitive foreign branches.
So what must Arab banks do to compete? First of all, they must recruit and train better-quality staff—from abroad if necessary—and improve their tech infrastructure. They also must be able to offer objective, comprehensive assessment of risks and rewards while coming in line with internationally accepted standards of corporate governance.

Banks must improve in order to compete
Success will also hinge upon improving core banking business, offering broader product lines, better advising services for clients, and strengthening their brands, in addition to improvements in the three most basic determinants for customer satisfaction: lower prices, better service and a higher level of convenience (both through wider branch networks and online banking services). Local banks should also play to their strengths, and highlight the value-added they can bring to the table, such as local market and customer knowledge and offering tailored services and products.
Much like the consolidation trend among Western banks in the 1990s, which saw the formation of “mega-banks,” Arab banks must also expand geographically, buying or merging with other banks in the region. To do this, governments and regulators should play an active role in ensuring the vitality of Arab banks by supporting the consolidation process across the region. However, they must be equally vigilant in preventing mergers that would create banks with too a large market share, threatening the stability of the sector, as well as those that could give foreign banks control over domestic sectors. They should introduce supervisory methods that suit new, larger banks, update local legislation on mergers and reform labor policies regarding layoffs as merged banks seek to maximize efficiency and productivity. Banks should also change their attitudes: acquisition targets have become limited due to the undervaluing of shareholders, paired with the tendency of controlling shareholders to overvalue their independence. Misplaced national pride and even tribalism present further challenges to expansion.


In addition, more basic issues also need to be addressed as banks eye the regional market. The Arab banking sector needs a degree of homogenity, especially in terms of labor, management, corporate governance, accounting standards and tax laws.
Yes, as Dabdoub said, the future competitiveness of Arab banks ultimately depends on the achieving the optimum economic, financial and institutional environment. This must be coupled with macroeconomic stability, bringing fiscal reform, privatization and market liberalization drives. In addition, more vigorous financial regulation and supervision must be implemented, to foster the kind of enabling institutional atmosphere banks need to operate effectively: a legal framework, a culture of corporate governance, genuine transparency and disclosure as well as greater emphasis on education and labor market reform.
Time will tell … but the clock is ticking.

December 17, 2006 0 comments
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Regional outlook

Economic outlook for region

by Executive Contributor December 17, 2006
written by Executive Contributor

looks good for 2007

Simply put, the economic outlook for the Middle East in 2007 is good. Investment flows, GDP projections, and international demand forecasts for the region’s export commodities, oil and gas, point to a year of growth for the Middle East-North Africa (MENA) region.
Within the forecast-happy pages of the World Economic Outlook (WEO, a product of the International Monetary Fund) the outlook for the Middle East region “generally remains favorable, given that oil prices are expected to remain high, and regional GDP growth is projected at close to 6% in 2006. With continued prudent financial politics and little growth in oil production, GDP growth is expected to moderate slightly to about 5.5% in 2007.”
These growth forecasts position the region well ahead of global averages for GDP developments in 2006 and 2007, which the IMF projects as 5.1% and 4.9% respectively. However, this big picture view easily crumbles into divergent and contradictory country details.
A look into country-specific assessments, such as the latest country risk summaries by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) issued in November 2006, reveals assessments that are far apart. Oman gets solid “A”s for sovereignty, currency, banking, and economic structure risks. Iraq, however, receives straight “D”s in all these criteria.
Kuwait scores high in the finance-related risk categories, Egypt received risk assessments in the “B” range, Jordan was given a negative outlook on currency risk because of energy cost pressures, Syria got no more than a “CC” in political risk because of “Western antipathy to the regime” and potential sanctions over the Hariri investigation.
When examining Middle Eastern economic and socioeconomic prospects, it simply must be taken into account that this is not a region with so-called natural boundaries, but instead features plenty of unnatural boundaries, political and otherwise.
In consequence of this reality, even definitions of the region vary—implying from the start a less coherent picture of the Middle East as a world region than, say, North America, Oceania or Latin America.
These divergences make it more complicated to evaluate information such as the region’s position in global flows of foreign direct investments. The UNCTAD 2006 World Investment Report (WIR) credited Western Asia with having achieved the largest increase in FDI inflows worldwide with an 85% gain to a total of $34 billion. However, when breaking down the numbers, the WIR listed Turkey as one of the region’s major destinations for inward FDI flows, ranking it second after the UAE as the region’s top country for FDI inflows with $12 billion in 2005.
In all economic views on the however-defined region, oil features as the Middle East’s economic platform, unavoidably so because of its global importance as commodity and its dominant role as revenue source for the region’s most powerful economies. This means that oil economies traditionally have received a large share of analytical attention, even as large parts of the Middle Eastern population have historically been unable to benefit significantly from the oil economy.
The WEO, which groups the western Maghreb countries with Africa but Egypt and Libya with the Middle East, allocates a little under three pages to the Middle East in its 34-page chapter on country and regional trends.
Much of that space is dedicated to discussing how growing oil revenues have impacted and are likely to further impact producer countries, from reduction of government debt and improvements of the fiscal balance to inflationary pressures and risks of overheating of property prices and financial markets.
As the cherry on top of the cake, the WEO projects that the Middle East’s current account surplus will rise further to 23% of GDP in 2006—to around $280 billion—before starting to decline in 2007.
The region is indeed well positioned to do well in achieving return on its blessings, especially as the WEO asserts that the management of the oil-generated wealth has improved and “most countries have appropriately begun to use the opportunity provided by higher revenues to increase spending to address long-standing structural problems.”
The report expects that the Levant countries and Egypt will benefit from a supportive environment on both the regional and global levels, but acknowledged that near-term economic prospects for the region’s oil exporters are “generally more propitious” than for the energy have-nots.

Energy, money and blood
The sub-division of the Middle East into oil and non-oil based economies has been long standing and reveals sharp differences in areas such as GDP and current account surpluses.
But while it seems prudent to not entangle the regional identity issues into considerations of Middle Eastern economic growth prospects in 2007, it is necessary from an in-region perspective, to approach the outlook for the region’s diverse economies in the coming year not on a oil versus non-oil basis, but within a—perhaps somewhat provocative—triangle of the forces of energy, money and blood.
Energy is still the primary economic resource and export commodity of the region. Money reflects the productivity of the Middle Eastern economies in both their oil and non-oil segments. Blood, in a very figurative sense, represents the population development and human capital growth potential of these economies.
In another sense, however, the term blood can be used to symbolize the risks of intra-country, intra-regional and even extraneous armed conflicts targeting Middle Eastern countries—risks which have risen disturbingly in recent months.
The link between energy and money is very strong in the current period, much more so than in the final years of the last century when then Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia urged the kingdom’s people to increase their efforts towards economic diversification. Exploitation of the energy resources oil and gas for a rather long period translated nowhere as easily into cash flow as it did in 2005 and 2006 and will, according to forecasts, in 2007.
From the economic outlook perspective, today’s renewed strong earning prospects of oil and gas exploitation and processing mean that more of the region’s countries are currently engaging in energy sector developments. In particular, the North African countries are aggressively prospecting new exploration blocks for oil and gas. At the same time, countries from one end of the region to the other are engaging in new refinery projects, expanding processing and often also transportation capacities for oil, gas or both.
These investments imply that the ratio of energy exporting to non-energy exporting countries in the region over the coming years will shift towards more producers and a wider spread of energy wealth.
Egypt has opened exploration concessions near its southern border and on its northern coast. Jordan, one of the main energy import dependent countries, has initiated exploration of its large oil shale deposits. Even Lebanon, where proven offshore gas reserves have remained untapped for non-economic reasons, has at least theoretical potentials to develop its energy resources as well as refining capacities.
In this context it has to be noted that the longer-term prospects of oil export-based economies are of course laden with their own question marks. Research by Credit Suisse recently investigated the sensitivity of oil producing countries to oil price changes.
CS found that the OPEC member countries in the EMEA region (Europe, Middle East, and Africa) derive about 77.5% of their fiscal revenues and 44% of their GDP from the oil sector.
According to the report, the nine countries—Algeria, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE—face theoretical vulnerabilities to their fiscal and current account balances in 2007 if oil prices drop significantly, but the CS researchers considered the possibility as remote since the countries’ break-even prices for crude oil are significantly below the bank’s forecasted Brent oil price of $63 per barrel in 2007.
Excluding Iraq, Qatar would be most vulnerable to a decline in oil prices with a break-even price of about $47 per barrel in 2007, CS said, whereas Algeria, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Kuwait would not feel much pain before oil prices were to drop below $40, since their projected break-even prices range between $38.8 for Saudi Arabia and $22.4 for Kuwait.
In short, the energy exporters are not expected to run into any short-term danger of building new fiscal deficits. “Existing and potential fiscal reserves of the EMEA oil exporters suggest to us that the public sector’s debt-to-GDP ratio in these countries will likely continue to decline,” CS said.
On another note, however, a 10% decline in world oil prices would impact the current account balances of the regional energy exporters with some significance. In this regard, Saudi Arabia is the most sensitive, CS said, and 10% lower oil prices would impact its current account as percentage of GDP by -5.2%, followed closely by Qatar with a projected impact of -5.1%.
These pronounced potentials for direct influences of oil price fluctuations only underscore the importance of alternative money flows and investment strategies that are playing out in the region.
The annals of the developments funded with big money—new industrial cities in sectors such as petrochemicals and manufacturing, tourism-related real estate mega projects like Dubailand or the numerous new artificial islands along the Gulf, and entire new population centers such as the multi-billion dollar King Abdullah Economic City project in Saudi Arabia—are just writing in their forewords and first pages. In 2007 and the following years, these projects will start to unfold their economic performance, showing whether their strategies produce the expected returns.
In another manifestation of the liquidity impact on the entire region, intraregional flows of foreign direct investments in the sectors of real estate, tourism, finance, manufacturing, telecommunications, and services can be counted upon as development areas for channeling new or increasing flows of money, predominantly from the Gulf region to other parts of the Middle East.

Governance and structural improvements
According to the International Labor Organization, the unemployment rates for young people in the Middle East and North Africa are the highest in the world, with over one-fifth of the youth workforce having no jobs.
With so much new blood seeking to enter economic life every year, efforts to improve education, labor markets, business formation rates and social networks will have to be kept up and intensified.
The World Bank said in its Doing Business 2007 publication that 61% of countries in the MENA region implemented one or more positive reforms in 2005/06 that helped improve the business climate in the respective country.
MENA countries listed in the publication as achievers included Morocco, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Syria for improvements in business startup procedures; Kuwait and Morocco for registering property; Tunisia for protecting investors; Egypt, Morocco, and Yemen for paying taxes; and Jordan and Syria for improvements in cross-border trade facilitation.
However, with Saudi Arabia being the MENA country with the greatest ease of doing business—ranked 38 out of 175 in the worldwide charts—and Egypt as far down as rank 165, there is still more than enough room for Arab decisionmakers to improve productivity frameworks and business climates.
The same applies to the realm of national and corporate governance, where the September 2006 charts of the World Bank Institute show respectable performance values for GCC countries such as Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, the UAE and Bahrain, but still have many of the region’s other countries in the lower half (and Iraq in the bottom percentiles) of rankings by worldwide governance indicators such as the fight against corruption and the effectiveness of government, both of which are areas where performance improvements are proven economic growth boosters.
The final note of caution must belong to the security risk outlook. When Israel and Hizbullah entered into their open military confrontation in July of 2006, the capital markets in the Gulf region responded with substantial concern. Equally, as intraregional investments increase in size, the region’s big companies in the investment realm are becoming increasingly vulnerable to any deterioration of political stability in the MENA countries where they are investing.
The danger of new conflicts in any corner of the Middle East in the coming year is thus a major factor to consider. Whether it involves rumors of wars or civil wars, this risk, more than ever before, mandates policymakers and economic leaders in every country from Morocco to Kuwait to exert their maximum influence in working for regional stability as safeguard to realizing their countries’ economic and business growth.
If, however, the political risks are handled with efficiency, based on its GDP and investments outlook, the Middle East in 2007 will have high chances of private sector economic and business success for skilled individuals and smart companies, in areas reaching from education, tourism, hospitality and real estate to media and financial services.

December 17, 2006 0 comments
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Whither Iraq?

by Christopher Allbritton December 11, 2006
written by Christopher Allbritton

With the news from Iraq turning ever more savage, many in the Middle East were glad to see the Democrats take Congress from the GOP in November, delivering a well-placed rebuke to President George W. Bush. But make no mistake: the Democrats’ victory will not deliver any major policy shift, as the American Constitution grants Bush, for better or for worse, chief authority in matters related to foreign and military policy. So now, the discussion must turn to how the Democrats can influence or pressure Bush; they will not be making new policy on their own.
And that’s too bad, because Iraq needs a fundamental rethinking of American policy and goals. Staying the course has led to the destruction of a country, destabilization of the region and a massive human catastrophe with at least 150,000 Iraqis killed. Bush’s adventure in Iraq is a failure on an unprecedented scale.
One thing has already been rethought: Donald Rumfeld’s employment status. Robert Gates, the senior President Bush’s CIA director, is the new Secretary of Defense, but Rumfeld’s departure may be less a change of direction than an attempt to keep Rumsfeld from testifying before Congress when the Democrats take power in January.


So, what can we expect to see in the next year or so, both from Iraq and from the American presence there? It’s not pretty, because the president’s stubbornness has led the region into a cul-de-sac of bad choices that almost certainly will see either continued chaos and death or an empowered Iran and Syria. In either case, America’s grand plans for the region are finished.
The US will now leave Iraq with as much face as the Iranians and the Syrians will allow, which probably isn’t much. Indeed, the Iraq Study Group, headed by long-time Bush fixer, James Baker, and former Democratic congressman Lee Hamilton have already opened up backchannels to Damascus, as Syrian ambassador to Washington Imad Mustapha revealed in November. He told the study group “in detail what actual things we can do, and what are the things that we cannot do. We were very candid with each other.”
For the Americans, much depends on whether they are willing to meet their adversaries’ prices. For the Iranians, they will reign in the Shia militias if they can get a guarantee of supremacy in Iraq through the Shia-dominated government in Baghdad. Tehran has long sought to remove Iraq as a threat on its western flank, something allowing them dominance in the south and Baghdad will permit them to achieve. For Syria, they will halt their support for the Ba’athists financing and running the Sunni-insurgency in Iraq if they can have Lebanon back; it’s the economic ventilator for the wheezing Syrian economy.
In return, the United States gets to keep its army and take it home. Most of it, anyway.
But for the Iraqis, the future will be bloody. The Sunnis and their allies in the region will not be happy with Iraq being reduced to an Iranian client state. Indeed, in November, Adnan al-Dulaimi, head of the Iraqi Accord Front and one of the most powerful Sunni politicians in Iraq, called on the Sunni world to help their Iraqi co-religionists, “lest Baghdad become a capital for the Safavids,” he said. With such polarization, even if the US accedes to Tehran’s wishes, the sectarian civil war already raging will likely get worse when the Shia government doesn’t have US troops to attack Sunni insurgents. However, it will be brief; With Iranian support, the Iraqi Shia will show little mercy to their former tormentors.
As for Lebanon, well, the US will have its hands too full getting its army out of Iraq to support the March 14 forces in their attempts to face down Syrian machinations in the form of Hizbullah and Free Patriotic Movement putsches, although the slaying of Industry Minister Pierre Gemayel last month seems to have re-energized the movement. It may not be enough, however. Just as in 1990, the US will once again abandon Lebanon to the Syrians in exchange for the support of Damascus in Iraq, but this time Michel Aoun could be the beneficiary instead of the victim of America’s fickle affections.
And that is how Iraq likely ends, with both a bang and a gurgled whimper. Back in 2004, King Abdullah of Jordan warned of a “Shia Crescent” stretching from Tehran through Baghdad, Damascus and Beirut should the Shia win the elections in Iraq. They did, and the civil war in Iraq—along with the American public’s disgust at Bush’s handling of it—has grown so intense that in order to save the 140,000 American troops now stuck in the crossfire (and Republican electoral hopes in 2008) America now needs the help of the two countries it most hoped to pressure when it invaded in 2003. Iran will be the preeminent power in the Gulf, and the Sunni-dominated governments of Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia will have to respond. Instability, regional arms races and a loss of American influence will be the order of the day.
Welcome to the New Middle East.

December 11, 2006 0 comments
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Real estate

Q&A: Mounib Hamoud

by RabihIbrahim December 8, 2006
written by RabihIbrahim

After a four-year-delay, Solidere has finally obtained the necessary permits to complete construction of the much anticipated 100,000m2 Souks retail Project in the Beirut Central District. In an exclusive interview with Executive, Mounib Hamoub (SPELLING??), Solidere’s (INSERT TITLE) outlines the details of the mammoth project as well as Solidere’s vision of how it will add a new dynamic to the heart of the new Beirut.

The Souks Project is a quite misleading name. What is exactly meant by the term?

Contrary to what many people think, the Souks Project does not refer to the souks in the traditional sense of the word. It is a high street retail area that is going to blend into the Beirut Central District and complete the retail scene. It is like the last piece of the jigsaw puzzle that had been missing so far.

When exactly did Solidere obtain the permits? And when will construction start?

The Souks project consists of a northern and southern part. We obtained permits for the southern part, which is the retail area. Works will start in January. As all underground facilities, including the parking, have already been completed, we only need to build the superstructure. Delivery time is some 16 to 18 months, so we expect the project to be completed in the summer of 2006.

How come you did not obtain permits for the project’s northern part?

The northern part consists of a cinema and department store. The design for the cinema stems from 1996 and just needs updating. The trend has changed. Today, a cinema needs to be done like an arena with at least 1.10 meters of leg space, so people can pass without stepping on each other. That’s why the initial plans had to be revised. The updated design for the department store has been handed in and we’re waiting for the final permits.

What can we expect in the retail area?

It will be a self-sustained and complete retail area with underground parking facilities for some 2,500 cars. The complex will be covered, but not like a traditional souq. It will be a pedestrian area with some 250 shops both inside the complex, as well as outside along the streets. The whole structure has a very beautiful architecture and will offer a clean and secure environment for the whole family, both day and night. As the area is constantly guarded, shops do not need any shutters, so people can even visit at night to go window shopping.

What will be the main retail features?

The area will have four anchors. First of all, there will be the jewelers’ corner, where most Lebanese and international jewelers have taken an option on both retail and office space. There will be no specialized streets in the area, but for security reasons, all jewelers will be based in one area. Jewelers at the souq are a major magnet. Shoppers from the region who have a personal relationship with jewelers will come to shop and then use the rest of the Souks. The second anchor will be a gourmet supermarket, which will be based in what used to be the old French souq. Thirdly, there is the cinema complex and fourthly a department store.

Is there demand for such a large development in the downtown area? What would be your immediate catchment area?

First of all, in residential terms, there is the Saifi Village, which has been a highly successful project with some 240 apartments sold. Then there are the seafront apartments, many of which have already been bought by high-end individuals. Zeitouni Street will become a residential area, geared up for both medium and upper income individuals. The same is true for the Wadi Abu Jamil area, while Zoukak al Blatt is already fully occupied. Secondly, there are some 3,500 hotel rooms on the western end of the project, which will be increased to some 5,000 in the near future. Visitors can walk from their hotel into town to go for a meal or to go shopping. Then, there is the business and public sectors. All government institutions are based in downtown. If you need to be at the finance ministry, at the prime minister’s office or at customs, you have to come to downtown. Most foreign embassies are located in downtown. Most Lebanese and foreign banks have their head office in downtown. The same is true for insurance companies. And there are all the Lebanese and foreign companies which have their offices here.

But in terms of office space, the BCD has so far not experienced the success as expected?

That’s a misconception. There is a lot of demand. Starco is full. Azariah is almost full. Atrium is full. In fact, 95% of all smart office space is occupied. This is why [Joseph] Mouawad is building a second Atrium. And, contrary to what people think, some 85% of all old buildings has been booked. The thing is that a lot of clients own office space, but haven’t moved in yet. At the moment, I have only five or six offices for rent. That’s it. And so, the situation for offices is similar to the residential one, where 95% is occupied and 5% is natural recycling.

Are you not afraid of competition with malls such as ABC in Ashrafieh and the new Admic mall in Dora?

Only time can tell what will happen, but I think the Lebanese retail market is becoming more mature. I think each has its market and critical mass.

In 2001, Admic was considering taking the department store plot and opening an outlet of the Les Galeries Lafayette? Are they still interested?

We’re currently talking to a number of international players. I can’t say more than that. 

Can you tell us about the pricing strategy.

That is also too early to tell, as we only got the permits a month ago. As soon as the tenant strategy has been determined, we can decide on prices.

A lot of people in the country have been wondering why it took so long to obtain permits. Maybe you can give us the definitive answer. Was it a political issue?

I’m not the one to ask this question. All I can say is that this is an extremely complicated project, with both private and public spaces. What’s more, we’re not just talking about constructing a building here. We’re regenerating streets and recreating the heart of the city, which not only promotes Beirut but the whole country, and which has to compete on a regional level. That’s why it received a lot of political attention from all sides.

Did you lose business because of the delay?

The Souks were always supposed to be the driving force, the engine, of the refurbishing of downtown. Today, Solidere has succeeded without. Already we have some 30,000 to 40,000 visitors a day, and these are people not living within the project. Especially when downtown Beirut will be residentially mature, the Souks will only complement what already exists and only push Beirut further into being a regional magnet.

Will Beirut be able to compete with for example Dubai?

It is not about competition. Dubai has its market and we have we ours. However, apart from things like climate, geography and history, Beirut as a retail and entertainment center offers one big difference with Dubai. I was in Dubai recently and ended up eating in the hotel restaurant for three days in a row. Not only was I tired from work, but it would take about 20 minutes to go to the restaurant of my choice. In Beirut you leave the hotel, go for a walk, and you have an overwhelming choice.

December 8, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Lebanon’s insurance industry survives war intact

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Lebanon’s insurance companies passed through the 2006 war between Israel and Hizbullah without having to pay crippling amounts for war-related claims, because this type of coverage is not a usual purchase option. (In any country, a house caving in beneath the impact of a force majeure is not calculable, and ineligible for cover under a standard home owner’s policy.)

In fact, the latest global insurance industry research by reinsurance giant Swiss Re positions Lebanon at a total premium volume of $664 million, up from $580 million in 2004, and an insurance density—the amount per capita invested in premiums—of $185.6, distributed at a ratio of 70:30 between general insurance and life insurance.

This compares favorably with insurance density of $54.2 in Jordan, $57.1 in Saudi Arabia and $113.7 in Oman. Lebanon is on equal footing with Kuwait ($185.5) in terms of overall insurance density, however the distribution between general and life insurance in Kuwait leans significantly more towards general insurance. With $414.2 and $442.3, the UAE and Qatar showed far higher insurance density than Lebanon but in terms of life coverage, Lebanon is still stronger than Qatar, whose citizens spent just $22.2 last year on life products, most of which are shunned under Islamic religious law.

Insurance growing globally

On global scale, insurance premiums last year amounted to $3.426 trillion, an increase of 3.9% in real terms from the previous year. Industry profitability in the life segment improved compared with 2004 and general insurance remained very profitable, according to Swiss Re. The reinsurance company added that non-life premium growth in 2005 was slow and ranged below GDP growth in most countries.

Swiss Re computed an overall premium volume of $16.3 billion for the Middle East and Central Asia in 2005, up 5.8% on the previous year. The realm accounted for a measly half percent of the world insurance market, even though Swiss Re conjoined the two geographic areas in its statistics. With 1.45% insurance premiums as percentage of GDP, it was the tail runner of all regions listed in the report in terms of insurance penetration. Lebanon’s 2005 insurance penetration was quoted as 3.15%.

On the national level, the November 2005 research figures by Swiss Re assess Lebanon’s premium production at $577 million in 2004, comprised of $180 million in life and $397 million in non-life insurance. With an average of 15.5 % annual growth over the five years 1999 to 2004, the 9.3% inflation-adjusted increase between 2003 and 2004 represented a decent result for the year 2004, and expectations for 2005 had initially been for good continued development.

This performance is not bad by regional standards, but it means that the country’s insurance industry is still not on a growth trajectory that would put it in reach of an adequate net for protecting society and individuals against calculable risks.

It should be added here that Saudi Arabia has (albeit with a delay of about 30 months since the presentation of its advanced insurance law) recently issued several licenses for insurance companies to operate in the kingdom and can expect some real sector growth. Syria is another country where authorities moved ahead with licensing new insurance companies and three Sharia-compliant insurance firms are scheduled to go operational there early next year. All three have been established as joint venture companies between Gulf-based companies and Syrian shareholders.

As for the inactive side of the Lebanese insurance industry in 2006, it suffices to say that insurance industry association ACAL is still advertising Beirut Rendez-Vous, a regional gathering of industry members, as “upcoming” on its website: the event actually took place—and flopped badly—in the spring of 2005.

Sector survives political tumoil

But under Lebanon’s current political climate, it is admirable enough that a sector such as insurance can sustain its position, given the suppressed purchasing power of individuals and the cash flow situation of many businesses, whose cash reserves have been depleted by the summer war and the economic repercussions of the fourth-quarter political crisis, which many predict will lead to serious debt rescheduling issues and a wave of bankruptcies in the first quarter of 2007.

From a GCC vantage point, the Lebanese insurance industry appears advanced, well-regulated and overall more open and private sector-driven than insurance sectors in other Arab economies. However, not terribly much is known about the Lebanese insurance sector outside a narrow group of local and regional specialists. Information circulating regionally and internationally about the sector relies predictably on reports produced by these specialists and often contains dated and vague performance numbers, with unaudited 2004 results being cited. The sector also still requires internal development, in order to march forward into alignment with global best insurance practices.

Thus, when Kuwait-based Global Investment House issued a report on the Lebanese economy in November, it said, “We expect the insurance sector [in Lebanon] to grow in the future, provided we see political stability in the country and thriving economy; because we see a great scope in terms of market for the life insurance and until we have stability in country and generally well going economy, it’s hard to expect to have higher sales of insurance policies.”

It carries a very limited risk indeed to say that these issues will be as valid in 2007 as they were in 2006.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Lebanon’s media has tough year but confident of turnaround

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Last year, Lebanon’s media industry went on a proverbial rollercoaster ride far more thrilling and precarious than anything America’s major theme parks could possibly dream up. Next year looks to be equally action-packed, as the sector struggles to make up for $38.7 million in losses sustained during Israel’s month-long war on Lebanon, overcome low advertising revenues and face up to increased competition domestically and regionally.

In business terms, the summer war could not have come at a worse time for the media industry—as indeed for the whole economy—with certain Lebanese TV channels planning rebranding and new print publications launching that would have helped retain Lebanon’s position as a media hub in a region where media growth is amongst the highest in the world. Competition is increasingly cut-throat among the 200-plus channels vying for limited ad spending.

City TV, formerly NBN, had planned to revamp its broadcast schedule and New TV was looking for investors prior to the war. City TV, which sustained $1.25 million in damages, is now gradually implementing changes and is expected to relaunch in January, depending on funding, and New TV, which lost $2.65 million, is still in the same boat as it was in July. Murr TV’s (MTV) planned relaunch was also scuppered by the conflict and is slated to start next year.

Investors fleeing

Production houses saw investors and clients scurrying for the door during the war, and confidence in the lucrative sector—production houses generate more revenue than TV channels—has taken a beating, particularly in regard to foreign investors that had come to Lebanon in droves in recent years to take advantage of the country’s varied geography and educated populace.

Newly-launched magazines such as entertainment guide Time Out Beirut also ceased publication as the country’s reputation as a nightlife and beach hot spot slid off the map. Talks are still underway as to whether TOB will grace newsstands again, the publication having suffered considerable losses after bringing out only four editions. Other publications were also hit and the country’s sole English-language newspaper, The Daily Star, stopped publishing The International Herald Tribune (IHT) and slashed staff salaries by 30%. The IHT is rumored to return in January.

However, although all media outlets sustained financial losses and in certain cases severe damages—Al Manar TV’s studios were leveled by Israeli warplanes—viewing figures soared when the world’s eyes were directed on the July-August conflict. Al Manar’s popularity ranking, for instance, went from 83rd in the Middle East to the tenth slot between July 15-28 according to Israel’s Market Research. Likewise, newspapers have seen increases in readership as people focus on the country’s fractious politics in the months following the ceasefire.

The snag of course is that politics don’t generate advertising revenue. According to ArabAd there was a 40% drop in ad spending during the war; with the economy limping along on half empty, advertising, like consumer spending, is still down despite a tentative peace.

“The best guy to predict the future is a tarot card dealer,” quips Dani Richa, Chief Creative Officer for Impact BBDO. “He’s probably more accurate than me in a country like Lebanon, as the future doesn’t depend on heads of industry, clients or consumers.”

In the absence of prophetic powers, the media is groping in the dark as to what next year will hold.

“The market is operating on a day-by-day basis and advertisers are acting cautiously,” confirms Roger Darouni, Executive Marketing Director for LBC.

But as Richa points out, “Everyone is so committed, over-invested and paid such dear prices that there is no choice but to continue.”

And continue the media and advertising sector must.

Crucially, major production houses have remained committed to Lebanon. Music TV powerhouse Rotana is still operating out of Lebanon and has just opened a Rotana Café in downtown Beirut, although the network moved two channels to Cairo before the war. Saudi Arabia’s MBC, however, said production had actually increased.

“We are staying here in Lebanon. Nothing has changed and we are increasing production with eight shows in Lebanon, two in Dubai and four in Cairo,” says Nadine Tarabay, Commercial PR Manager at MBC Lebanon.

Nevertheless, with foreign investors shying away from Lebanon, knock-on beneficiaries of the TV production business, like equipment rental companies, are feeling the pinch. “Rentals are down, and productions have been postponed. Maybe next year things will pick up,” says Elie Battah, General Manager of Audioland.

Going Orange

Despite a fairly gloomy outlook for the media in general and the instability caused by the political situation, one upcoming media outlet has decided to enter the fray in a rather unusual and daring way.

As can be seen on billboards throughout Beirut and the surrounding areas, Orange TV, or OTV, plans to raise funds through a joint stock company, Al Lubnaniah Lil I’lam, that is open to the public. Starting with a paid-up capital of $2 million, OTV plans to raise $40 million via four million $10 shares to establish a terrestrial and satellite channel, and a holding company that will include a production house that will be a joint venture with France’s Societe Francaise de Production (SFP) if negotiations are finalized.

To Lebanon observers, the colorful name of the channel will immediately be associated with a political party—former General Michel Aoun’s Free Patriot Movement (FPM). And true to form, Aoun came up with the idea of a channel “For the People, By the People” through collective ownership.

So will the channel be yet another addition to Lebanon’s highly politicized media landscape where every channel, radio and newspaper has a political connection of some form or another?

Roy Hachem, the CEO of OTV, says it will not be. “Aoun won’t influence the channel, and it will be independent of the party. I know it’s hard to prove, we need to start transmission and broadcast news,” he says.

What about the color though? “People may ask about the color, as orange, but it’s the only [political] link we have and a color the publicists wanted,” Hachem explains.

Media observers are not as convinced however. “I think the station is portraying a very specific political point, which is clear from the color and symbolic,” says Habib Battah, Managing Editor of Beirut-based Middle East Broadcasters Journal. “I think it will follow a pattern, of a political constituency for a station. There is no reason to believe it will be different, as when you open the first page of their brochure there is a photo of Aoun.”

Hachem assures it will be independent and objective in its delivery of news. “We want something like the BBC. I want to hear people saying—even if not good for the FPM—‘I heard it on OTV.’”

Hachem also points to the different categories of shareholders as a further example of how the channel is not being solely supported by FPM followers.

“Some are looking for a dream, others are serious investors. We have people buying $300,000 to $500,000 of shares,” he says. Supporters, on the other hand, tend to buy between 100 to 300 shares.

As money rolls in through the IPO—$10 million was raised by the end of November—the challenge for the channel will be to attract a broad array of viewers and generate advertising revenue when it launches in 2007. As Hachem points out, OTV already has a head start in terms of guaranteed viewers through shareholders and political supporters, something the advertising industry is equally aware of.

Power to the people

“Letting people own TV creates loyalty before the station even starts—a smart model,” advises Richa. “The challenge is to attract people that don’t agree politically but agree with entertainment.”

But for OTV to grab a 10% slice of the Arab advertising market, as their investment guide says the channel is aiming for, OTV will have to find a careful balance between Lebanon and regionally-orientated content.

“To live in Lebanon as a TV channel, you need half subsidized by a satellite arm, and although OTV might be successful here it’s a lot more trying to compete on a pan-Arab scene with budgets of tens of millions of dollars,” says Richa.

While Lebanese TV stations compete for just $35 million in TV ad spending, other Arab countries advertising revenues are skyrocketing, with Qatar, for example, soaring 60% in the first half of 2006 to $101.5 million for all ad spending. Lebanon only accounts for 5% of the region’s $2 billion ad market.

To remain commercially viable, OTV aims to acquire 30% of Lebanese viewers and, in the long-term, gain 20-25% of the advertising market. To do so, OTV will have to bite into the ad revenue of LBCI and Future TV, which control around 65% of the country’s advertising expenditure.

LBC, however, seems unphased by the prospective competition. “OTV will certainly capture viewership from different TV stations, but LBC’s market leadership won’t be affected,” said Darouni.

He thinks TV ad spending will increase if the political situation stabilizes, a factor all channels, and OTV in particular, will be banking on for 2007.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Obituary- Pierre Gemayel 1972-2006

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Pierre Gemayel, the 34-year old Minister of Industry, who was gunned down in broad daylight in Jedideh in East Beirut on November 21, was the fifth member of one of Lebanon’s most prominent Maronite dynasties to meet a violent, untimely death. Gemayel, who won a parliamentary seat in 2000 as a representative of the Phalange Party, the once dominant Christian faction established by his grandfather in the 1930s, became the youngest minister in the 2005 Siniora government. As the latest incident in a string of violent attacks targeting anti-Syrian figures in Lebanon over the past two years, the assassination will arguably have more influence on local politics than Gemayel had during his lifetime.

Nonetheless, during his short tenure as minister of industry in a country whose economy is driven by the service sector, he accomplished a great deal, and will be remembered equally for his commitment to the principles of sovereignty and freedom and Lebanon’s industrial development. In contrast to his predecessors, Gemayel believed that Lebanon could be industrially competitive at both the regional and global levels. At just 33-years old, he came to office with a clear-cut strategy to promote the local manufacturing sector. Before making any move in his new post, Gemayel drafted the “Industrial Outlook 2010 Strategy,” which included both a long-term and 100-day plan for the sector.

Strategy of increasing competitiveness

Along with an overview of the obstacles hindering Lebanon’s industrial growth and a vision for the sector in 2010, based on research and feasibility studies, the strategy focused on increasing the competitive advantage of local exports in the international market. The plan outlined a set of specific objectives involving the modernization of production techniques and the introduction of internationally recognized quality management standards, as well as the creation of strategic alliances with regional and European trading partners. Also, he included target dates for their completion.

Though the plan was endorsed by Fuad Siniora’s administration, Gemayel was not able to fully implement Industrial Outlook and its 100-day plan during his short lifetime. Under his leadership, the ministry did successfully lobby the government to introduce the first industrial safeguards since 2000, when the majority were abolished, to protect local tile manufacturers.

Gemayel was also instrumental to the growth of one of Lebanon’s most well-known exports, wine. He had signed a decree along with the Agricultural and Economy Ministers supporting the creation of a National Institute of Vines and Wines, a necessary prerequisite for six-year old legislation regulating wine production in Lebanon to be passed. The bill was finally going to be presented to cabinet ministers in November, but the resignation of the Shia ministers from Parliament and Gemayel’s subsequent assassination stalled the introduction of a modern wine law yet again.

Dogged champion of manufacturers

Though the July-August war and the ensuing political stalemate delayed many of Gemayel’s plans, he had been a dogged champion of manufacturers over the past three months. Immediately following the August 14, ceasefire, the ministry developed a three-point plan in to support the recovery of Lebanon’s industrial sector. The first step of the strategy, a comprehensive damage assessment, was completed in November, and the ministry had moved on to the second, interim solution phase, which sought to temporarily relocate production of destroyed factories to other facilities, and lobby the government to provide industrialists with tax relief.

Despite Gemayel’s assassination, the industrial sector will still push ahead with the third and potentially most controversial aspect of the strategy, loosening existing legislation governing industrial production to allow manufacturers more room to maneuver during the recovery process.

For Lebanese manufacturers, the late-minister’s most lasting legacy may be his Industrial Outlook 2010, which will hopefully outlast its author and serve as a model for the sector’s development.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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Lebanon Outlook

Lebanon in the crosshairs – Outsiders meddle in Levant

by Executive Staff December 1, 2006
written by Executive Staff

Lebanon looks set to embark upon the new year in a state of greater unease and foreboding about the imminent future than at any time since the end of the 1975-1990 war.

The resignations in mid-November of six cabinet ministers—all five Shia and an ally of President Emile Lahoud—and the accompanying specter of street demonstrations have spurred earnest speculation whether the political impasse will lead to a revival of civil war. The slaying of industry minister Pierre Gemayel, no friend to Syria, has further increased tensions.

There appears little hope of a meaningful breakthrough in the crisis, as Lebanon’s domestic ailments cannot be separated from the Gordian knot of regional and international interests which lie beneath much of the country’s current troubles.

Historically, Lebanon has tended to play the unenviable role of battleground for competing regional and international powers struggling to subvert and dominate their rivals using local Lebanese factions as proxies. Today, the situation is no different, with an anti-Western grouping of Iran, Syria, Hizbullah, Hamas and various bit players challenging the influence of the US and its European allies, chiefly Britain and France, as well as regional allies such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan.

An anti-Western alliance takes shape

The anti-Western alliance began to coalesce in the wake of the election in August 2005 of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president of Iran. It was strengthened in the first half of 2006, with Tehran and Damascus inking several economic and trade agreements in February and a mutual defense pact in May. Iran views Syria as a useful bridge to its ally Hizbullah in Lebanon and has invested much political and economic effort in shoring up the regime in Damascus. Having faced the isolation of the West since the invasion of Iraq, Syria has come to rely increasingly on its powerful Persian ally, a strategic relationship which has strengthened the domestic standing of the regime at the expense of further alienating its Arab neighbors, many of whom remain deeply suspicious of Iran’s intentions in the Middle East.

A series of national dialogues on key issues held between March and June at the suggestion of Speaker Nabih Berri did little more than to defer the inevitable confrontation. Both sides agreed to disagree on the fate of Lahoud, and talks on Hizbullah’s weapons went nowhere. Even the one topic where consensus was reached—closing down Palestinian military bases outside the refugee camps within a six-month period—went unfulfilled.

The divisions in Lebanon were exacerbated by the devastating month-long war between Hizbullah and Israel in July and August. Hizbullah’s fighters waged a remarkably effective campaign against the Israeli army, the latter having clearly underestimated the capabilities of its foe. Although Hizbullah dubbed the war a “divine victory” and claimed it emerged stronger, it is too soon to say with any certainty who was the ultimate victor. Although the Israeli military fared poorly against Hizbullah, the resistance has emerged tactically weaker: for the time being, it is unable to resurrect its military infrastructure along the Lebanon-Israel border. The post-war deployment of 15,000 Lebanese troops and an expanded United Nations peacekeeping force in the South, UNIFIL II, present both political and practical obstacles to rebuilding their underground fortifications and border observations posts or conducting armed patrols, let alone resuming periodic attacks in the Shebaa Farms or elsewhere along the Blue Line.

The presence of troops from leading European nations such as France, Spain and Italy as well as UNIFIL’s naval component led by Germany, has alarmed Hizbullah. It sees the deployment as a new attempt by its enemies to neutralize its military capabilities against Israel, thwart Iran’s efforts to project itself directly into the Arab-Israeli conflict and check Syria’s ability to regain control of Lebanon.

Not power for its own sake

Thus, Hizbullah’s post-war political gambit to boost the opposition’s presence in the government at the expense of the March 14 block is borne of exigency rather than ambition. Rather than a naked grab for power to better the lot of its Shia constituents, the party’s actions are dictated by the broader strategic interests it shares with Syria and Iran. Overturning the Siniora government in favor of pro-Syrian Lebanese will weaken Washington’s influence over Lebanon and strengthen the roles of Iran and Syria. A national unity government would allow Hizbullah to block any legislation that is deemed to threaten it and its Iranian and Syrian allies. That could include holding up the investigation into the murder of Rafik Hariri and the future judicial proceedings, which remain Syria’s principal concern. Achieving a veto-wielding status in the cabinet would allow Hizbullah to block any move to increase UNIFIL II’s powers, such as granting the force the right to search and confiscate weapons or deployment along the Lebanon-Syria border.

Hizbullah’s allies in Lebanon, on the other hand, have their own generally parochial reasons for hitching their horses to the Shia bandwagon. For some traditional pro-Syrians, it is an opportunity to return to the center of power, having spent the past 18 months in the political wilderness. For Michel Aoun, aligning with Hizbullah is a tactical move to bring him closer to the presidency, although it is a relationship that some of the General’s Christian supporters are finding increasingly hard to stomach.

The opposition’s assertiveness comes at a time when the March 14 group is beginning to question the extent of Washington’s commitment to the Siniora government. The rapidity with which the Bush administration dumped the government in July to give whole-hearted endorsement for Israel’s onslaught against Lebanon demonstrated that Washington’s support for Siniora is tactical, rather than strategic, and finite.

The concerns of the March 14 group were heightened by expectations that the Iraq Study Group, headed by former US Secretary of State James Baker and former Democratic Congressman Lee Hamilton, would recommend that the Bush administration begin talks with Syria and Iran as a way of resolving the impasse in Iraq. At the time of writing, the findings of the Baker-Hamilton commission have yet to be released, although it been revealed that members of the commission have held talks with Iranian and Syrian officials.

Druze leader Walid Jumblatt’s trip to Washington in early November was partly to seek reassurances that the Bush administration will not abandon its Lebanese allies as part of a Mephistophelean bargain with Syria to ease US troubles in Iraq, a far more pressing concern for the White House than ensuring the continuity of the March 14-led government in Lebanon. After all, it was the current president’s father who sanctioned Syria’s dominion over Lebanon in 1990 as a reward for joining the US-led coalition to drive Iraqi forces from Kuwait.

Still, despite the Americans sending out feelers to Damascus, there is no indication yet that Bush will agree to re-engage with Syria and Iran. The rhetoric from Washington remains unchanged with the onus for resumed dialogue dependent on the “good behavior” of both countries.

Whither Lebanon?

The struggle between the government and opposition peaked as the cabinet was about to discuss and vote on draft statutes delivered by the UN on the formation of an international tribunal to try the killers of Rafik Hariri. The draft resolution was endorsed by a depleted government, but its credibility was weakened by the absence of the Shia ministers.

The formation of the international tribunal and the anticipated flurry of indictments could seriously complicate any effort by the West to re-engage with Syria. Damascus will have its own list of demands in exchange for cooperation in stabilizing Iraq, among them likely to be neutralizing the Hariri murder probe (or at least deflecting it away from Syria), the return of the Golan Heights from Israel and an increased role in Lebanese affairs. All three, for different reasons, would be hard for the US to accept.

Any long-lasting resolution to Lebanon’s political travails is unlikely to emerge from Lebanon’s leaders themselves, but will be a result of shifting fortunes of the main players—the US, Iran and Syria—in the regional powerplay. But as the second anniversary of Hariri’s death and the subsequent “independence intifada” draw near, Syria and its Lebanese allies appear better positioned today than at any time before to restore Lebanon to the anti-Western fold in the Middle East.

December 1, 2006 0 comments
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