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The Buzz

Beautiful video shows all the Gulf’s flights in one day

by Executive Staff April 7, 2014
written by Executive Staff

The rise of Dubai International Airport has been rather remarkable. Initially opened in the 1960s, it remained something of a relative backwater until the turn of the century.

Yet in the 16 years since the launching of the second terminal in 1998, the airport’s growth – like the United Arab Emirates’ in general – has been astronomical. Back in 2000, it had little over 12 million passengers a year, but by 2013 that number had reached 66 million, with plans to hit 90 million in the coming years. For the first time, this year Dubai’s airport has so far overtaken London Heathrow as the world’s busiest airport by passenger numbers.

Other Gulf airports have also continued to grow but, as a newly released video shows, Dubai is a long way ahead. The video, made by the UK Air Traffic Management Service Provider Nats, tracks the approximately three thousand flights that take off and arrive in the Arabian Gulf every day. The video, based on one day’s flights between 28 and 29 November 2013, shows Dubai as the leading source of traffic with others, including Abu Dhabi and Doha, also busy.

April 7, 2014 0 comments
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Lebanese chefs displaying their dishes
Society

Horeca 2014: The best of Lebanese hospitality

by Greg Demarque & Nabila Rahhal April 7, 2014
written by Greg Demarque & Nabila Rahhal

The halls and parking lots of Beirut’s BIEL exhibition center were buzzing with activity from April 1-4 as professionals in the hospitality and food and beverage sectors networked with the latest and greatest in their field.

 

Horeca 2014, Lebanon's largest food and drinks conference, took place last week in Beirut
Horeca 2014, Lebanon's largest food and beverage conference, took place last week in Beirut
Among the attendees were Tourism Minister Michel Pharaon (second left)
Among the attendees were Tourism Minister Michel Pharaon (second from left)
One of the participants in the cooking competition
One of the participants in a cooking competition
Lebanese chefs displaying their dishes
Artistic presentation can be as important as taste
Small details make for a good visual display
Small details make for an appealing visual display
A proud chef displays his skills as a mini-sandwich artist
A proud chef displays his skills as a mini-sandwich artist
Alcohol companies were also in attendance, displaying their goods
Alcohol companies were also in attendance, displaying their goods
There was even live pottery making
There was even live pottery making
The best chef's were awarded prizes
The best chefs were awarded prizes

 

The 21st edition of Horeca, the annual hospitality and food and beverage services trade show organized by Hospitality Services, received around 12,000 trade visitors from hospitality industries including, hotels, restaurants, supermarket and retail chains.

The 300 exhibitors – categorized into either food, beverages or services, and suppliers industries – were mainly from Lebanon but included some from Europe (Italy, France, Spain), the Middle East (Oman, Jordan, UAE) and beyond (Thailand, USA).

Aside from the networking opportunities, the four-day event featured competitions for both professional experts and students. The most popular competition was the Live Cooking Competition, in which more than 30 chefs and junior chefs participated.

Other competitions included the Art of Service Competition which judged table setting, decoration and presentation abilities, the Bartender’s Competition for the best cocktail and for the first time the Barista Competition for the best coffee.

April 7, 2014 0 comments
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Comment

Entrepreneurship: Eight ways to boost your productivity

by Tara Nehme April 7, 2014
written by Tara Nehme

“How did it get so late so soon? It’s night before it’s afternoon. December is here before it’s June. My goodness how the time has flewn.” As I was reading out the Dr. Seuss lines to my little niece, I couldn’t help but relate. I remember those days — sitting in my cubicle for what consisted of most of my planetary existence, getting home and questioning whether I was as productive as I should have been. Then, I became an entrepreneur and the self-doubt entered a new dimension.

For the average business builder, mastering time management is nothing more than an elusive ideal. I sometimes get asked what skill I think entrepreneurs require most — I always respond “self-discipline.” Especially during the early stages, before the looming responsibility towards investors and a team, anyone planning to become an entrepreneur needs to realize something: you have no boss, there are no working hours and nobody is watching you but yourself.

[pullquote]Deny it all you want and claim you are not a morning person — I’m not a morning person — but learn to become one.[/pullquote]

While that feeling of freedom is initially thrilling (you can secretly watch 10 seasons of anything you want in your room) it soon turns into overwhelming anxiety. You begin wondering how your less daring corporate friends are progressing and whether you simply made a big mistake.

To move forward from the latter feeling towards feelings of elation from creating your own startup, a lot of hard work is involved. To get through this initial hurdle, you will need good time management skills. In my last two years, I’ve experienced many ups and downs, discarded techniques I deemed useless and retained eight that I believe work:

1. List less, observe more. Instead of going straight for the to-do list which doesn’t accomplish much more than scaring you straight into procrastination, try writing something else down. For an entire week, jot down everything you do on a daily basis. Analyze that paper and decide which tasks actually accomplished something and which were an epic waste of your precious time. The next week, make sure more than half your days are spent only on activities you consider productive.

2. Give the day a little structure. When you’re an entrepreneur, and until you’ve reached a more significant stage of development, friends and family tend to assume you’re a free agent. “What do you mean you can’t meet me? I thought you were you own boss.” Ignore these requests: from Monday to Friday, from this hour to this hour, you’re working.

3. Discover your worth. This is the most valuable piece of advice I have ever received. Determining my worth has helped me make all kinds of valuable decisions within seconds. If your time is worth $100 per hour and a task makes you only a fraction of that, don’t waste time doing it.

4. Learn how to say “no”. This is the tip I found the most difficult to apply because I genuinely enjoy helping others, and learn a lot from doing it. However, you can’t always say yes to everything. Find the balance between being firm and being kind.

5. Categorize. Other than the obvious tip of prioritization, you should categorize your tasks. An entrepreneur is an everything person. Until you can afford hires, you are the accountant, HR manager and marketing guru. As an article recently published by Entrepreneur stated: “There are only three ways to spend time: thoughts, conversations and actions.”

6. Rise with the sun. Deny it all you want and claim you are not a morning person — I’m not a morning person — but learn to become one. Your productivity levels will shoot upwards, you’ll discover time for exercise, and you’ll see more of the sun, which is never a bad thing.

7. Make your space beautiful. Don’t work in a messy environment and try to avoid your bedroom. Place some fresh flowers on your desk or re-organize your workspace. Make sure it’s inspiring.

8. Don’t be a superhero. Surprised that you planned to do 1,000 things and only did 10? We all want to conquer the world but remember to do so one step at a time with a sprinkle of realism. Take breaks. Whatever it is you’re working on will still be there after you’ve inhaled some fresh air and finished pondering why on earth you decided to become an entrepreneur in the first place.

April 7, 2014 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyPresidential Election 2014

A beginner’s guide to Lebanon’s presidential election

by Domhnall O'Sullivan April 7, 2014
written by Domhnall O'Sullivan

The window is open. As evident from the increased political posturing and daily media coverage, the race to replace President Michel Sleiman has begun. In just under two months, Lebanon will – barring exceptional circumstances – see a new face swear the presidential oath, assume the presidential duties, and occupy the Presidential Palace at Baabda.

Conscious of the intricacies of the Lebanese political system – not to mention the frequent occurrence of “exceptional circumstances” – Executive has put together a primer to help readers understand the procedures and horse-trading that are likely to take place in the coming months. Neither predictive nor proscriptive, this guide offers four simple steps to getting to grips with the presidency.

Click on the sections below to start exploring.

 

1. Know thy constitution
2. Know thy politics
3. Know thy candidates
4. Know thy limits

The founding charter of the state, the 1926 Constitution of Lebanon, is at the same time clear and misleading in its stipulations for electing a President.

What is fundamental is that the Parliament – not a popular ballot – determines the head of state. Article 73 states that the Chamber must be convened for this purpose “one month at least and two months at most” before the end of the term of office of the incumbent president. That means May 25 of this year, when Sleiman’s six-year mandate comes to an end. If this date is missed, Parliament will meet “automatically” ten days before the expiration date.

Yet it gets more complicated. The numbers needed for victory are at least precise: a two-thirds majority in the first round of voting, or failing this, a simple majority (65 out of 128 votes) in subsequent rounds. But, unlike with other parliamentary procedures, the Constitution does not stipulate the legal quorum necessary for the vote to be valid.

While it is not clear in the Constitution how many MPs must be in the chamber to render the vote valid, the precedent established by current Speaker Nabih Berri is that two-thirds of deputies must be present before a vote can be called.The process is guaranteed to be a show of constitutional wrangling, differing legal interpretations, and – of course – political bargaining.

The previous election in 2008 is a prime example of how political jousting can manipulate – or foil – the fundamental guidelines of the constitution.

Speaker of the House Nabih Berri called for session after session to elect a successor to Emile Lahoud, yet to no avail. At a time of acute political polarization between March 8 and March 14, and lacking a pre-arranged political agreement, deputies simply boycotted Parliament in order to prevent a quorum becoming possible. This scuttled any attempt to convene from November 2007 – when Lahoud stepped down – until May 2008, when a consensual agreement was finally reached to select Michel Sleiman.

The political climate is key to predicting the outcome of the presidential race. With the result often predetermined by extensive package deals and political concessions (especially in the case of a consensus cabinet without any clear majority) all major stakeholders – within and outside Lebanon – need to be satisfied. Intense consensus building is required for the process to work.

In 2014, most political parties and foreign powers have highlighted the necessity of electing a new president on time in order to avoid another executive vacuum. But recent government wrangling about the appointment of key senior officials, as well as the poor showing last week for Sleiman’s National Dialogue initiative, demonstrate that political differences could still hamper the process. In this case, as during the vacuum following the end of Lahoud’s term, the presidential powers would be co-opted temporarily by the cabinet.

The president of Lebanon must be a Maronite Christian. As with the designation of the other top political roles in the country, this sectarian prerequisite is part of the unwritten National Pact of 1943 and unquestioned. Candidates will only emerge from the Christian parties or communities.

Joining these traditions is a constitutional rule that it is “not possible to elect judges, grade one civil servants or their equivalents in all public institutions” unless they have resigned from this position two years before the election. This means the head of the armed forces, often seen as a potential savior in times of instability, cannot be directly thrown into the role of President. Unless, of course, the constitution is amended to allow it, which is what happened in 2008 and 1998 for Generals Sleiman and Lahoud respectively.

Politically, current potential candidates and previous office-holders offer a various bunch of résumés. Just as Christian parties occupy spaces across the political spectrum, presidents can hail from the March 8 or March 14 political camps or be independent and have had contrasting personalities. Michel Sleiman was a neutral, consensual, and arguably quiet figure. Before him, Emile Lahoud was widely seen as led by Syrian dictates, while his predecessor Elias Hrawi was a tough but pragmatic post-war leader. Strongmen such as Suleiman Frangieh Senior and statesmen such as Amine Gemayel have also held the top job in the past. If there is no obvious silver lining weaving through the list of presidential figures, the necessity in recent decades of installing consensual figures has meant that the past three presidents have been “independent” – at least in name.

Among those in the running for this year’s election are the leaders of the two largest Christian parties – the Free Patriotic Movement’s Michel Aoun and the Lebanese Forces head Samir Geagea, the only candidate to have officially declared. Aoun is allied to the March 8 camp, while Geagea is allied to March 14. As such, the potential for a ‘neutral’ candidate to emerge remains large – with potential candidates including Jean Kawagi, Commander General of the Lebanese Army, and Ziad Baroud, a prominent civil society activist and businessman.

“The President of the Republic is the head of the state and the symbol of the nation’s unity. He shall safeguard the constitution and Lebanon’s independence, unity, and territorial integrity.” These grand words from Article 49 of the Lebanese constitution testify to the importance of the President as the figurehead of the country, while the article also confers upon him the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces.

With no explicit mechanism for presidential accountability, this created a position of considerable power, more akin to a presidential democracy than the parliamentary democracy that Lebanon was declared to be. “During the covenant period, strong presidentialism imprinted all aspects of Lebanese political life,” writes Imad Salamey in The Government and Politics of Lebanon.

But this has shifted somewhat, visibly and legally. The amendments of the 1989 Ta’if Agreement not only reduced the Christian representation in Parliament but also the influence of the president. The new formula aimed to transfer executive power from the president towards the Council of Ministers as a body, thus de facto strengthening the position of the prime minister. This led to the current so-called ‘troika’ system of leadership, whereby the president, prime minister and speaker coordinate – or clash – regarding their respective powers.

The president still plays an important role in the designation of the prime minister and cabinet, but he does not have the same day-to-day policymaking clout of his counterparts in countries such as the United States or France. Yet ultimately, politics is about maximizing the hand you have been dealt. Former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri once noted of the differences or conflicts within the troika that they are a matter of “different personal moods.” The president, although bound by written laws, nevertheless has scope to exercise his own constitutional vigor.

 

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Correction: A previous version of this article incorrectly stated that Lebanon’s Constitution requires that the president be male. While the official Arabic text does use the word “hua” (“he”) to refer to the president, this is simply the default pronoun, much like the English use of “he” in gender-neutral situations. By comparison, the United States Constitution also uses “he” to refer to its president; yet few would suggest that this rules out a female president.

April 7, 2014 0 comments
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Finance

Dubai, Qatar and Saudi exchanges hit new highs

by Thomas Schellen April 7, 2014
written by Thomas Schellen

As all Arab equity markets scaled the first quarter of 2014 with some index gains, optimistic share-buying secured a good start to the second quarter for Gulf equities, with new five-year highs in three of the seven securities markets in the Gulf Cooperation Council. Elsewhere, several other Arab markets also had a good week in index terms but the Egyptian and Omani markets suffered.

[pullquote] All GCC securities markets were in positive territory for the year to date [/pullquote]

The good performance of Arab markets coincided with relatively cheery news from developed and emerging stock markets, where the S&P 500 hitting a record high, the Dow Jones narrowly missing, while another global equities index reached a six-year high.

Gulf Markets

The Dubai Financial Market (DFM), Qatar Exchange (QX) and Saudi Tadawul all got up to their highest readings since the recession began in April 2009. Closing the trading week respectively at 4,618.28 points, 11,983.87 points and 9,558.46 points, the benchmark indices of the three, in the year to date, were up 39.25 percent, 20.13 percent and 13.16 percent respectively.

While all three markets moved higher in every single day of week 14, the DFM was the biggest gainer with 5.4 percent between market opening on March 30 and the close of the April 3 session. The markets in Doha and Riyadh saw gains of 4.1 and 1.4 percent, respectively.

Likewise, the Bahrain Bourse also had no single day of drops in week 14 and gained 2 percent on the week. When compared with the other performers, the Abu Dhabi Exchange was a tad sluggish in the second half of the trading week but also achieved a 1.4 percent gain for the period.

The Kuwait Stock Exchange (KSE) Index on the other hand stayed for a second week in sideways motion and dropped 0.2 percent. Only the Muscat Securities Market (MSM) went noticeably south among the GCC seven; its index lost 2.1 percent in five consecutive days of selling.

Despite this, all GCC securities markets were in positive territory for the year to date; the KSE and MSM indices were up 1.49 percent and 2.78 percent respectively. The index gains of the Bahrain Bourse and ADX, at 14.34 percent and 17.96 percent, were in the same pretty range as those of QX and Tadawul.

The Levant

While some Gulf equity market may be booming,the situation in the Levant is more subdued. Both Levant markets were also up for the year to date at the end of week 14, but their growth was less pronounced.

Lebanon’s BLOM Index, albeit in insignificant trading volumes, gained 0.1 percent translating into 5.98 percent year to date. Jordan started week 14 low after some pressure in the previous week but the Amman Stock Exchange Index then recovered for a weekly gain of 1.1 percent. This gave the ASE Index an up of 6.95 percent year to date.

North Africa

North African countries, too, have seen small but significant growth in their stock exchanges so far in 2014.

Tunisia, North Africa’s smallest securities market, rose 0.3 percent on the week and the Tunindex closed the review period 4.93 percent up when compared with the start of 2014. Morocco’s MASI, off an earlier 52-week high reached on March 27, was moving indecisively up and down during week 14 to end the period with a net drop of 0.4 percent. Its year to date gain to April 4 was 4.48 percent.

The Egyptian Exchange saw the selling and profit taking from the end of week 13 continue in week 14 and the EGX 30 Index dropped 6.6 percent between March 30 and April 3. One large share divestment in the period, of 2.6 percent in Egypt’s Commercial International Bank by UK-based private equity firm Actis, was described as “normal transaction” by Cairo-based investment bank EFG-Hermes.

The investors’ response to the presidential candidacy by military head Abdel Fattah el-Sisi was generally spun by Cairo-based analysts into an expected correction. However, the near ten percent index fall between Sisi’s announcement and April 3 represents the largest drop in the Egyptian securities market in more than nine months.

April 7, 2014 0 comments
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Leaders

Don’t stop now

by Executive Editors April 4, 2014
written by Executive Editors

If Lebanese parliamentarians were school children, they would long ago have been expelled en masse. Far from merely forgetting to do their homework, they have been skipping class for an entire year; prior to this week the last law they passed was back in 2012.

So the very fact that they finally got together to pass a few bills is less a cause for celebration than an acceptance that they needed to catch up with their homework.

Amongst the bouquet of bills were both things to be cheered and measures leaving much room for improvement. Chief among the latter was the controversial domestic violence bill. Campaigners have already criticized it as it was heavily edited during Parliament’s committee stage, with the new version considerably weaker than the original.

Other laws passed included the decision to abandon the old rent law – which kept rents in some buildings artificially low – as well as regular employment for the national energy company’s contract workers.

It is important this newfound efficiency is the beginning of something, rather than a brief anomaly. Parliament must continue to push through urgent legislation.

One important new assignment for our legislators would be to enhance the effectiveness of the laws they just adopted by taking the legislation on urban planning and women’s rights to the next step.

But drafting new laws is not even the first priority. Due to the dysfunctional nature of Lebanon’s politics, dozens of worthy laws have been shelved indefinitely when they reached parliament. Here are just five that Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri should push through.

Civil marriage: This draft law, referred to cabinet earlier this year, would allow for couples of different sects to marry legally in the country. Yet the hostility of religious authorities means the law faces little chance of getting through parliament, at least not without significant changes.

Competitiveness: This bill, sent to parliament nearly a decade ago, aims to enhance competitive conditions in the economy by reducing government protections in key sectors over a five year period. Who could possibly object to a more streamlined, efficient economy? Sadly, it would directly effect the business interests of many of the country’s leading politicians and so has sat idle in parliament.

Decentralization: The principle of decentralization has been on and off the country’s agenda since the Taif Agreement was signed 25 years ago, with parliamentarians proposing a draft law in the middle of the last decade. Yet it finally appears to be close to going through, with the new cabinet committing to it in their policy statement and Sleiman working hard to push it through.

Freedom of information: Lebanon’s freedom of speech has been severely challenged in recent months, with numerous cases threatening both the media and online activists. One potential route around the problem would be a freedom of information law, as proposed by MP Ghassan Moukheiber in 2009. The law would give Lebanese citizens access to information from the state, a key power in prying open the corruption and inefficiencies that permeate the current system.

Public private partnerships: The country is in desperate need of new infrastructure, but the government is deeply in debt. Using private funding to develop the country could have a major positive effect on the structure and shape of the economy. To do so, the country needs the Public-Private Partnerships law backed by President Michel Sleiman.

These laws are really just the tip of the iceberg – dozens more merit-worthy laws sit in parliament’s drawers. The country’s parliamentarians must not stop now.

April 4, 2014 0 comments
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Society

Mario e Mario – Beirut’s freshest Italian restaurant

by Nabila Rahhal April 4, 2014
written by Nabila Rahhal

Mario e Mario, the latest Italian restaurant to hit Beirut, opened during the first week of February 2014. Yet it is not what most Lebanese are used to, as it offers delights of Italian cuisine beyond penne arabiatta and spaghetti bolognese.

The restaurant is Mario Haddad Junior’s, the man behind such enduring concepts as Sushi Bar and Falamanki. It is an homage to his father, Mario Senior, head of the Italian Academy for Gastronomy in Lebanon, who has been decorated in recognition of his skill in Italian cuisine. “It has long been a dream of ours to have a restaurant that conveys both our loves for Italian home cooked food,” says Haddad.

Located towards the end of Armenia Street in Mar Mikhael in a traditional home which formerly housed another Italian restaurant, Haddad invested a total of $300,000 to buy out the previous owners and their equipment, redesign the place and cover other pre-opening expenses.

Haddad’s design vision was to have a cozy place with a homey and unpretentious feel. The exterior is a cheery yellow with bright purple shutters, reminiscent of houses in villages in southern Italy.

A few steps to the side of the villa lead to the main interior entrance. By the end of March, the stairs will lead all the way up to the rooftop terrace where guests can enjoy their meals al-fresco under jasmine and gardenia plants.

Inside, salmon pink walls with framed newspaper clippings and photographs, vintage black and white tiles and the scattered mix of square and round tables all lend to the feel of a cozy European brasserie. The venue has an interior seating capacity of 40 people.

Little details such as the potted flowers on each table, the white lace on the bathroom towels and walls, and the creative ornaments on the bar and shelves add to the venue’s airy charm.

Italian comfort food

Having sat down and finished taking in the ambiance, our party was approached by a knowledgeable and friendly waiter who walked us through the restaurant’s concept and menu.

Their menu is based on traditional Italian home cooked meals. “The menu changes daily from a database of 200 dishes out of which we select 20 dishes, so three or four dishes change on a daily basis depending on what is freshly available in the market and in our kitchen,” says Haddad, adding that this is actually more efficient and less expensive than having a set menu.

Such a menu relies heavily on a skilled and flexible chef who is able to modify recipes at whim and Haddad says their biggest investment was in recruiting the chef.

Upon first glancing at the menu, it was slightly unsettling not to see names of familiar Italian dishes, but our waiter helped us overcome this uneasiness by giving us appetizing descriptions of each dish and guiding us through our choices. He also recommended Italian wines available by the glass and offered a basket of fresh Italian breads.

Our appetizer, a seafood salad with lemon dressing, was a generous medley of shrimps, calamari and octopus with a very fresh taste that was enhanced by the gentle lemon dressing. We ordered tomato gnocchi and a tuna and white bean salad for main dishes.

The gnocchi was a piece of heaven, with thick chunks of rich homemade mozzarella cheese melting over buttery soft and steaming hot gnocchi with a tangy tomato sauce. The tuna dish, supposedly made with fresh tuna fish caught in Lebanon’s seas and treated without any chemical preservatives, was fresh tasting but still felt like eating canned tuna — a bit of a letdown.

In a nutshell, the atmosphere is fresh, the food unique and tasty, and the experience shows you a different aspect of Italian cuisine. At an average price of around $35 per person (including wine), it is definitely worth a try.

Mario e Mario’s customers seem to think so too as Haddad says reactions to his new venture have been fantastic, and he was fully booked for the coming two weeks at the time of our interview. “We were a bit apprehensive as to how much Lebanese consumers would accept Italian food that they were not used to but we have had an overwhelming response. When you have a good product, it is easy to get and keep guests,” says Haddad.

New projects for Haddad include a permanent Junkyard — a junk yard décor and market food concept Haddad launched two summers ago as a pop-up restaurant — set to open in May 2014, and expansion into Dubai with Falamanki, Mario e Mario and Sushi Bar within the next two years.

April 4, 2014 0 comments
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Business

Saudi leads the way in regional mega projects

by Thomas Schellen April 4, 2014
written by Thomas Schellen

More than $1.4 trillion worth of mega projects are currently under execution in the Middle East and North Africa, according to a new report by Citi Research, a unit of financial giant Citigroup. Another $1.1 trillion are either in the very early stages of development or are farther advanced in moving toward the execution phase, the report adds. This translates into a total regional portfolio of projects worth $2.5 trillion in total.

While the projects are distributed across sectors and geographies, the Gulf Cooperation Council dominates – with 87 percent of the total project volume. Saudi Arabia, the region’s largest economy, represents by far the largest MENA market for projects – with a value of $784 billion or 31.3 percent of the entire pipeline.

Perhaps surprisingly, Bahrain has the highest amount of investment relative to Gross Domestic Product (GDP), at 180 percent, followed closely by the United Arab Emirates. Three Maghreb countries, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, have the lowest ratio of project values to GDP, at below 20 percent.


Source: Citi Research, Zawya Projects

Real estate construction projects of various categories, such as master-planned urban developments, mixed and residential mega projects, account for over $1 trillion of the pipeline. Transportation infrastructure developments, ranging from railroads, subways and roads to ports, airports and public transportation, follow with a total value of $512 billion.

The Citi Research report showed real estate as leading the projects pipelines in the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Infrastructure projects dominated in Qatar and Egypt. In Algeria and Oman, the strongest development focus is on oil and gas projects and in Jordan, on power & water.

The report identified Egypt as the MENA country with the fifth-largest value of projects at $143 billion, after Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait and ahead of Oman’s $127 billion. The collective project pipeline of all “other” countries in MENA represented $229 billion, or 9.1 percent of the total. This appears to entail Bahrain and all countries in the Levant and North Africa, except for Egypt.

The only indication for the cumulative value of projects that Citi Research attributed to Lebanon was a bar showing the country’s projects value as representing less than 50 percent in GDP. This would put the total value of Lebanese projects identified out of the $2.5 trillion MENA pipeline at around $20 billion, less than the report’s charts imply for countries such as Libya and Jordan.

The analysts at Citi Research noted distortional factors that stem from differences between project timelines. They said that “the chunky and long-term nature” of mega community developments in real estate often leads to overstated project values when compared with the actual amounts spent in any given year. Relatively short execution time frames of projects in infrastructure, oil & gas and power & water on the other hand suggest “a relatively higher annual spend.”’

The data in the report have been mainly sourced from information provider Zawya Projects, the researchers added and emphasized that many ongoing large projects were excluded from the report because of insufficient data.

April 4, 2014 0 comments
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BusinessInsurance 2014

Political violence insurance – avoiding the boom then bust

by Livia Murray April 3, 2014
written by Livia Murray

The Middle East is the most terrorist-afflicted region in the world, according to leading global insurance and reinsurance firm Aon’s 2014 Terrorism and Political Violence Map, with 28 percent of all worldwide terrorist attacks. According to the same report, Lebanon is identified as one of 19 countries with a “severe risk” rating based on measures correlating to Aon products of (1) terrorism and sabotage; (2) strikes, riots, civil commotion and malicious damage; and (3) insurrection, revolution, rebellion, mutiny, coup d’etat, civil war and war.

Brokers that deal with political violence insurance in the region have pointed to an increase in demand since 2006 for this specialty product in the Lebanese market. As political tensions in the country escalate, and businesses increasingly feel their assets threatened, those with the means are looking to get part of their company’s value insured. Means are critical for this type of product, as premiums for political violence insurance in Lebanon can hit double digit percentages and have been increasing year-on-year. For businesses that want to minimize their exposure to risk in an increasingly volatile situation, they must pay a hefty price.

Growing demand for a niche product

Demand for political violence insurance in Lebanon often spikes just after an incident, as demand appears to be as volatile as the political situation. “The overall demand is increasing. But sometimes there is reduction, and sometimes there is a stark increase,” says Farid Chedid, chairman and CEO of reinsurance brokerage house Chedid Re. Political instability, demand and cost of political violence insurance all tend to increase together, often resulting in “people looking to buy insurance at the worst time,” according to Chedid.

In Lebanon, most of the big hotels, banks, factories, gas stations, department stores, and even some residences and pharmaceutical companies have a percentage of their value covered by political violence insurance. Part of the increase in demand for the insurance can be accounted for by the natural expansion of businesses already covered by political violence. As these businesses grow, they renew their yearly contracts to cover larger risk limits.

But businesses also perceive an increase in threats, and are expanding their political violence coverage proportionally. An increasing trend in Lebanon is for companies to get full political violence coverage, which includes strikes, riots and civil commotion, sabotage, terrorism, war on land and looting. Opting for full political violence coverage is linked to companies’ perception of threats, and is not the same everywhere in the region (for a full description of political violence products, see following page). “The main difference between Lebanon and other regional countries is that most businesses in Lebanon are getting a full [political violence] cover,” says George Bitar, founder and CEO of Premium Broking House, adding that political violence insurance for war on land, one of the more costly products, is not as common throughout the region. Most companies in Egypt and Bahrain, for instance, limit their coverage to strikes, riots and civil commotion insurance.

Brokers are also encouraging their clients to get full political violence coverage because of the complexity of the political situation in Lebanon, so as not to leave any room for gray areas. “For example, if in the war between Hezbollah and Israel in 2006 the loss that occurred was coming from Israel, the underwriter would say this is a war loss. If it’s coming from Hezbollah underwriters might say this is not a war, this is a terrorism loss,” explains Bitar.

Companies in Lebanon can select from a wide range of political violence coverage. Following is the most commonly used political violence coverage in Lebanon, based on Lloyd’s of London syndicate Hiscox’s definitions.
Act of terrorism: a violent or unlawful use of force committed by a group or an individual for political, religious, or ideological motives for the purpose of intimidation, coercion, or disruption of a state’s economy, or to overthrow, influence or affect the conduct of a government
Civil commotion: a substantial disruption of public peace committed by three or more people with a common intent
Civil war: armed conflict carried out by citizens of the same country against each other
Coup d’etat: a change in government brought about by non-democratic means such as the use of force
Insurrection: a violent citizen uprising against their government
Malicious damage: the intentional loss, damage, or destruction of property in the event of civil commotion
Mutiny: rebellion against a superior carried out by members of armed or peacekeeping forces
Rebellion: an organized armed resistance committed by citizens against the laws or activities of a government
Revolution: the overthrow of a government by its citizens
Riot: when three or more people with a common intent cause a violent disruption of public peace
Sabotage: a subversive act or series of acts for political, religious, or ideological purposes carried out to influence a government or the public
Strike: the stoppage of work by three or more people to make demands on their employer
War: declared or undeclared hostilities between two or more nations or states

Based on client demands, policy wordings have also evolved to become more inclusive. According to Christina Chalita, an executive director leading the non-marine department at insurance and reinsurance firm Nasco Karaoglan France, which specializes in emerging markets, new wordings are adopted roughly every six months. The most inclusive wording to date, she claims, comes from insurance syndicate Hiscox, part of insurance market giant Lloyd’s of London. The new wording replaced the previously dominant wording that had come out of Beazley, also a syndicate at Lloyd’s. The main changes to the wording were additional coverage for looting and denial of access, as well as removing the cancellation clause, which used to stipulate that either party could cancel the coverage within 30 days.

A heavily reinsured line of business

Lebanese companies take on a high rate of political violence reinsurance, hitting 99 to 100 percent according to brokers, which is taken on by international players and primarily by Lloyd’s of London syndicates. These reinsurers are reinsuring countries around the world, a diversification that enables them to sustain a loss. “Political violence can only be written as a global business,” says Chedid, adding that insurance companies in Lebanon who are only writing for one territory don’t have the income to compensate for a loss if Lebanon is hit.

Even among international players, the appetite for political violence insurance has its limits. According to the global insurance broker Lockton’s War and Terrorism report, the capacity available for political violence insurance in the worldwide marketplace in 2012 was estimated at $2.5 billion.

Though not all brokers agree on how much appetite is left in the international market to insure Lebanese companies against political violence, it is universally acknowledged that international underwriters are very cautious when they do underwrite risks in Lebanon. According to Bitar, companies are skeptical to commit past a certain amount because if there is a war in Lebanon, it could lead to a near total loss of their risk underwritten.

At times, international underwriters will altogether reject a policy if they associate it with too high of a risk. According to Chalita, most political violence reinsurers will decline covering embassies because of their heightened exposure to risk. International organizations with headquarters in Beriut also have trouble getting underwriters to cover their policies. Factors that underwriters generally take into consideration when they are deciding whether or not they are going to take on a policy includes location, whether it has had previous losses and whether the owner is related to any political party or subject to any assassination attempts.

Pricing premiums

When underwriters do decide to take on a policy, their perception of risk will determine the cost of the premium. Political violence insurance in the Middle East, where risks are high, is among the more expensive lines of insurance. It is no surprise that those who opt for it are large businesses, as the high price tags associated with political violence insurance means that not all businesses can afford this luxury; particularly in Lebanon, where political violence insurance premiums are considered the highest in the region, often outranking even Iraq.

While brokers did not come up with a specific number, they said that premiums could go up to the double digits. “It’s definitely not a conventional kind of an underwriting for any kind of policies,” said Bitar, who claimed that a minimum premium on risks ranging from a few hundred thousand to one million dollars start between $4,000 and $8,000 annually.

Risks insured can go much higher than $1 million, however. Nasco has clients whose covered risks range between $10 and $50 million, starting with banks at $10 and $20 million, a shopping mall at $25 million, a hotel at $35 million and a telecom company at $50 million, according to Chalita.

Location of the property has the most important bearing on the price of the premium, as certain areas of Lebanon are much more prone to political violence than others. The past year has seen an important fluctuation of premiums based on location. According to Chalita, premiums over the past year have increased from 25 to 50 percent in certain areas, while decreasing in others: Beirut’s downtown and southern suburbs have witnessed an increase of 50 percent, Saida, Sour and the Bekaa by 20-25 percent, while premiums in Jounieh decreased by 15 percent.

The cost of political violence insurance has led many companies to walk away after a quote. “Many companies think this type of insurance is very cheap, but it’s not. Often companies will only insure part of their worth,” says Chalita. Some companies have opted to have only part of their policy covering the more expensive full political violence, with the rest insuring for a limited range of products. For instance, a company with a $50 million risk limit could have $10 million insured for full political violence with the remaining $40 million insured  only for sabotage and terrorism.

The potential loss associated with a severe event forces underwriters to build for the future. “You have to accumulate reserves to [prepare] for a major loss,” says Chedid. Several major claims in 2005 and 2006 were both devastating for the country and for political violence insurers and reinsurers, according to Chedid. These two years saw a number of  claims from factories, bank branches, and hotels covered under political violence insurance.

Today, underwriters are becoming more careful and pricing policies higher as the political situation in Lebanon deteriorates. “There are some losses, and it’s becoming a little bit scary for underwriters,” says Bitar, pointing to the 2012 damage on a KFC in an attack in Tripoli, as well as last summer’s twin bombings in the city that also resulted in claims for material damage as examples.

It is clear to insurers that the lucrative potential of the industry, embodied in its high premiums, also comes at a very high risk.

April 3, 2014 2 comments
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Economics & Policy

Angelina Eichhorst – Optimism despite crisis

by Domhnall O'Sullivan & Joe Dyke April 3, 2014
written by Domhnall O'Sullivan & Joe Dyke

Angelina Eichhorst, the European Union’s Ambassador to Lebanon, is well aware of the challenges of mustering international support for the country and changing dynamics in the region. She took the top job in Beirut in January 2011 after six years at the EU’s embassies in Jordan and Syria, and several years in Cairo at the beginning of her career. Heading the efforts of an organization that has tripled its funding and provided over $338 million to date in humanitarian aid and other mechanisms to support Lebanon with the ongoing Syrian refugee crisis, she also helps to coordinate the actions of the 28 European member states in the country.

Yet, as she explained to Executive, she is deeply concerned that the crisis is not adequately understood. “I spoke to so many people in France, in Belgium, in the Netherlands,” she says. “People would say, ‘Oh really? A quarter of the population is refugees? Is it really that bad?’”

For Eichhorst, this issue of awareness is key. She denies that the West is forgetting about Lebanon, but says the scale of the issue is difficult to convey to distant capitals. “The needs are mindboggling. We have to make a double, triple, quadruple effort to explain this.”

Reinforcing the support

To this end, the ambassador firmly welcomed the formation of the International Support Group (ISG) for Lebanon back in September 2013. The high level nature of the attendance at last month’s Paris conference — which united some big names from the diplomatic circuit such as US Secretary of State John Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov among others — was particularly striking. “That’s a strong message, which gives us the space on the ground to continue to work with everybody across our institutions, to say, ‘Hey, remember we made this commitment?’”

Yet she also maintains that, rather than being a sudden shift in international consciousness, the ISG reinforces pre-existing support for Lebanon. “I don’t see it as a start. I see it as a continuation of a lot of events and efforts in Lebanon,” alluding particularly to the various support conferences that followed the destruction of the 2006 war with Israel. However, where the ISG breaks new ground is in bringing together such a wide range of international actors, from the Arab League to the EU itself. “As far as we are concerned as the EU, we would like to see everyone around the table. This is a first step.”

But Iran is not there. Questioned about the absence of this major player at the discussions, the ambassador reiterates the current EU rhetoric of openness toward the Islamic Republic. “I think Iran should always be around the table,” she says. “This is our EU policy; it’s very important to have Iran around the table.” Yet despite the mandate given to Eichhorst’s boss — EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton — to discuss the nuclear issue with Tehran, she remained guarded as to whether there could be an Iranian presence at future ISG events. “We have not moved, as yet, into discussing any of the other issues. Things will come step by step.”

A drop in the ocean?

“Step by step” could also aptly characterize Eichhorst’s attitude toward the development of the European and international response in Lebanon. Regarding the latter, she hopes that the consensus behind the ISG will pave the way for more concrete action. “There is the issue of awareness,” she says, “but with this comes the issue of mobilization. [The awareness] should then translate into more joint efforts to not just say that we want to save Lebanon but to do something to save it.”

European efforts in this regard are spread out across the range of policy areas. EU member states unanimously back the strengthening of the Lebanese military, while some provide training for the armed forces inside Lebanon, according to Eichhorst. The EU has pledged $187 million for the humanitarian response, while over $150 million has been channelled to help Lebanese state structures cope with the crisis.

Meeting on the day in which the EU pledged a further $37 million to support Lebanese infrastructure, the obvious question was whether all these sums aren’t merely a drop in the ocean compared to a crisis that the World Bank estimates will have hurt the Lebanese economy to the tune of $7.5 billion by the end of 2014. Here she accepts a partial disconnect between the level of international support and the scale of the crisis, but stresses her commitment to ongoing finance. “We are squeezing the institutions to get one extra euro out of them,” she jokes, wringing an imaginary dishcloth in her hands.

More fundamentally, however, critics have accused the EU of having made dialogue in Lebanon more difficult with their decision to blacklist Hezbollah’s military wing in July last year. Eichhorst is reticent to recover old ground. Sceptics at the time pointed out that the split between military and political/social wings is one that Hezbollah itself does not recognize and could therefore be meaningless. Rather than discuss the justification for the distinction, Eichhorst merely says, “We made that distinction at the time and we still make that distinction.”

Soul-searching on Syria

On the broader issue of the Syrian civil war, Eichhorst again senses a lack of awareness in some international capitals. “‘It’s this thing [over there]. It’s far away from us,’ even though geographically and politically, Syria is on the fringes of Europe; these are our neighbours.” Syria, like Lebanon, is a partner country of the EU’s Neighborhood Policy — a foreign relations initiative launched by Brussels a decade ago to create tighter links between Europe and its periphery, suggesting that these are not just empty words.

Eichorst is a master in avoiding being drawn into accusations. Time and again she politely sidesteps direct questions about whether the western world has failed Syria and Lebanon and instead reverts to diplomat speak. When asked whether she would agree that people on the street in Lebanon feel that the international community has forgotten them,   she takes it to a new level of obtuse generalization. “There’s so much disenchantment across the board, for different reasons.” She does concede, however, that as the Syrian civil war enters its fourth year, Western actors are now “in a situation where we definitely need to ask ourselves, ‘What are we doing?’

A positive spin

But as to what the international community — and the EU in particular — is doing in Lebanon, Eichhorst displays no such confusion. Indeed, she maintains a positive outlook. Beyond the continued aid and development funding, she remains committed to across-the-board dialogue, including with the ‘political wing’ of Hezbollah, as well as to some more surprising areas.

Even in a time of acute crisis, she says, culture is a key factor. “Culture is inclusive; it brings everybody around the table and protects the values of freedom and energy.” Eichhorst’s ever-present smile makes it difficult to discern whether her optimism in a time of regional upheaval and dire economic prognostics is naïve, visionary or just good diplomacy. Hopefully, this positive thinking inspires her international counterparts to follow suit.

April 3, 2014 0 comments
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