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Real estate

For your information

by Executive Editors March 6, 2012
written by Executive Editors

Lodging industry grappling for visitors

For the first time since 2007, Lebanese hotels and furnished apartments experienced a slump in occupants and revenue for 2011, according to the Ministry of Tourism and Byblos Bank research. Visitors spent $104.5 million on hotel and furnished apartments last year, a 17.3 percent fall compared to 2010 figures. Figures representing both the number of people who stayed in such lodgings and the total nights spent show a similar contraction of 15.8 percent and 17.3 percent, respectively. Besides Lebanese nationals, who made up 20 percent of the customers at such lodgings, Visitors from Saudi Arabia and Iraq made up 11 percent and 8.6 percent of clients, respectively, while Jordan, Syria and Kuwait made smaller visitor contributions. While clients from Iraq increased by 12.5 percent year-on-year, the number of hotel guests from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait shrunk by 25 percent each.

Hold on Hotels

One of the largest hotel management groups in the world, Millenium Hotels, has spoken up about curtailing its development plans in the Arab world, notably in response to instability in Syria, Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. “Things have changed dramatically. [In] Syria we were talking to people; [In] Egypt we were talking in Cairo; [In] Tunis we had an [memorandum of understanding] signed, which was affected as well,” Ali Hamad Lakhraim, the president and chief executive of Millennium & Copthorne Hotels (MCH) for the Middle East and Africa, told The National in a February 12 article. The group said that visitor numbers had dropped and that their investors in those countries were in a ‘wait-and-see’ mood until a clearer political picture evolved. Hotel occupancy in Cairo last year fell to an average of 36 percent, a roughly 45 percent drop year on year, according to Ernst & Young. Before the revolution started in Libya, MCH, which manages 120 properties worldwide, had five projects under negotiations in the oil-rich state. After a recent visit to Libya, Lakhraim said he hoped to sign on two of the deals this year as the political situation clears. Even though, according to Lakhraim, “Iraq…is not the easiest market,” MCH plans to build new hotels in the country’s northern cities of Sulaymaniyah and Erbil, and refurbish Sheraton-brand hotels in Basra and Baghdad. Moving to safer waters, MCH plans to capitalize on last year’s 13.2 percent hike in United Arab Emirates hotel occupancy by opening two hotels in Abu Dhabi later this year, in addition to Dubai’s Millennium Plaza hotel which opened in January. MCH is majority owned by CDL Hotels International, based in Singapore.

BLOM housing financing blooms in KSA

In line with growing demand for housing in Riyadh, the investment arm of Lebanon’s BLOM Bank has arranged for a $77.3 million loan to help finance the development of 400 homes in Riyadh, according to a February 11 press release. On February 8, BLOMINVEST Saudi Arabia arranged the project’s financing from the National Commercial Bank on behalf of IBAR development. The total cost of the project is $152.7 million. In addition to its financing role, BLOMINVEST Saudi Arabia also signed a 3-year contract with the main developer, Maskan Arabia, as a development partner. Abdulaziz Alsaghyir, chairman of IBAR Development, said at the signing ceremony that, “The [Saudi Arabian] real estate market has an annual demand for around 200,000 housing units and an expectation of 8 to10 percent growth in real estate investment in the coming period.”

Beirut’s towering property prices

In a study comparing the 2011 prices of 120-150 square-meter apartments across 94 cities, Beirut came in second place in the Arab world, and 50th place overall, with an average price of $3,223 per square meter. As a study on property investment, the Global Property guide looked at high-end apartments in selected areas of the world’s cities that are available for resale. The study collected prices of apartments in Ashrafieh, Verdun, Ramlet El Baida and the downtown district, among others. Noting that gross rental yields have dropped to 4.7 percent and that prices have increased in the Central Beirut district, those concurrent trends would likely be unsustainable. The study placed Beirut at the top of the Middle East and North Africa region for their price-to-rent ratio, or the number of years required for rent paid to equal the property’s sales price. Compared to an average ratio of 16 in the region, it takes an average of 22 years of rent to cover the purchase price in Beirut.

Bekaa to bustle

Lebanon’s Bekaa area will be home to the newly announced Cascada Village, a commercial, retail and entertainment complex to be built upon a 200,000 square meters (sqm) area which includes a 9,000sqm man-made lake, shopping center, offices, amphitheater and restaurants. The project developer is Inter Mall Group, based in Lebanon with operations in North and South America, while the design consultant is Chadi Massaad Group, based in Lebanon with offices all over the MENA region as well as Brazil and California, according to its website.  The 150,000sqm shopping center will include a supermarket and 100,000sqm of office and retail space. While the amphitheater will include seats for 4,000 people, a nearby hotel and wedding hall will accommodate for both local and regional parties. As the project is positioned almost halfway between Beirut and Damascus, its website adds that it will attract visitors from Syria and Jordan, and thus will accommodate for over 4,000 cars. Inter Mall Group has 30 years of experience in developing shopping centers, with its largest mall in Venezuela having 300 stores and 175 offices, according to the letter from the chairman, Maurice Torbey, on the project website. Calls made to the Kaslik office of the developer said that this is the group’s first commercial project in the Middle East, and that the group is currently deciding on anchor tenants in the mall.

Qatar’s new snatch

Qatar Holding has completed a real estate acquisition in London’s Canary Wharf district, expanding the UK property holdings of its parent Qatar Investment Authority, the country’s sovereign wealth fund. The holding said in a Feb 17 statement that it bought and leased-back the London headquarters of Credit Suisse at One Cabot Square. The bank will lease the building from Qatar Holding under a long-term agreement that runs until 2034. The statement did not declare a transaction value but The Telegraph reported on January 28 that the Qatar Holding offer was understood to be around $519 million. The Qatar Investment Authority (QIA) already owns 6 percent of Credit Suisse, making it the second largest shareholder, while the wealth fund’s subsidiary owns a 27.7 percent share in Songbird, the major owner of Canary Wharf Group.

Big Mall goes bigger

The largest mall in the world, Dubai Mall, will be expanded by 92,903 square meters (1/12th of its current size), as announced by its developer, Emaar, in mid-February. In 2011, 54 million visitors packed into the mall, and the expansion will include both retail space and hotel rooms.  On February 11, Emaar Retail reported that growth in leisure revenue had increased 13 percent in 2011, year-on-year. In other retail news, the United Arab Emirates’ Majid Al Futtaim Properties (MAF), the largest builder and operator of retail malls in the Middle East, announced its fully-leased Beirut City Mall under construction in Hazmieh, will be complete by February 2013 instead of summer 2012, as originally cited. The remarks were made by Alain Bejjani, the group’s head of business development, at a January 27 press conference in Dbayeh concerning Waterfront City, Lebanon’s largest mixed-use community development, a joint venture between MAF and Joseph Khoury Holding. MAF is currently looking for an operator to manage Waterfront City’s 5-star hotel with serviced apartments.

March 6, 2012 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

Financial quotes of the month

by Executive Editors March 6, 2012
written by Executive Editors

“It is our intention to vote against the deal unless the merger terms for Xstrata shareholders are materially improved.”

David Cumming, head of equities at Standard Life Investments on a proposed Xstrata-Glencore mining merge

“In a regional world marked with political uncertainties and a global world faced with economic difficulties, we must recognize Lebanon’s comparative advantage and its own secret for success. It is the Lebanese people.”

Riad Salameh, governor of Lebanon’s central bank

“As presented it’s very difficult to determine if the Arab spring fund is new wine in new bottles or old wine in new bottles.”

John Norris, Executive director at the Center for American Progress think-tank on US president Obama’s $800 million ‘Arab spring fund’

“We’ve actually spent a lot, but we still have a lot; a lot more than we need to run the company.”

Tim Cook, CEO of Apple

“In the last three years we have got rid of £700bn of bad assets – twice the entire size of the Greek national debt.”

Stephen Hester, CEO of Royal Bank of Scotland

“They cannot force Lebanon’s banking sector to violate sanctions [on Syria] because it is in the interest of the sector not to violate them.”

Najib Mikati, prime minister of Lebanon speaking about Syria’s allies in the Lebanese government

“Every investor will have his funds paid back, thanks to the wisdom and foresight of Sheikh Mohammed [bin Rashid].”

Abid Al Boom, Dubai property tycoon, after being cleared by Dubai’s highest court from a $272 million embezzlement charge

 “We have been proving everybody wrong in the last three years and this is going to be a fourth year proving everybody wrong.”“We have never said… that there’s a floor. I’m sure that we will never say so. There are no tactical obstacles to go further.”

Mohammed Al Shaibani, director general of the Dubai ruler’s court on Dubai’s debt

“We have never said… that there’s a floor. I’m sure that we will never say so. There are no tactical obstacles to go further.”

European Central Bank’s council member Erkki Liikanen on whether there was a floor to the ECB’s record-low one percent interest rate

“China will be our number one market this year. I’m very confident in the continued growth of the luxury market.”

Christophe Navarre, CEO of wine and spirits maker Moet Hennessy

“Nobody really wants Iran to have nuclear weapons … We shouldn’t change our line because it’s a threat by Iran, that’s not the way it works.”

European Union’s trade commissioner, Karel De Gucht following Iran’s suspension of oil supplies to several European countries
March 6, 2012 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

Investment guide MENA stock tips

by Executive Editors March 6, 2012
written by Executive Editors

The markets began to regain ground last month, and by mid-February the S&P 500 Index had gained 7 percent and the Dow Jones 5.6 percent since the start of the year. Despite the rise in the markets, economic fundamentals remain weak, leaving investors worried about whether these upward movements are just a correction or the beginning of a recovery. For a more nuanced view on recent market movements, Executive speaks to Nadi Barghouti, head of asset management at Shuaa Capital and Elias Feghali, head of capital markets at Middle East Capital Group, a subsidiary of First National Bank.

Nadi Barghouti

“In my opinion, the risky part is the political. I am conservative because of the political issues”

Thoughts on global markets?

Barghouti believes the strong performance of the bourses so far this year was not justified by solid fundamentals and he expects a pullback in the markets. He is being very cautious due to numerous global issues both political and economic. He would stay in defensive sectors and in domestic names with limited exposure to the global economy.

Favorite asset classes?

Barghouti would not ignore equities despite his conservatism and recommends exposure to defensive sectors such as retail, pharmaceuticals and food and beverages. He likes some exposure to fixed income, and is also fond of commodities, though not a huge fan due to the volatility of the sector.

Key concerns?

Barghouti stresses that there are a multitude of issues affecting the markets. On the European sovereign debt crisis, he believes that “it is just one issue and it will not be solved this year. It is just the start of worse things to come.” As for regional markets, he highlights several economic and political issues.  For instance, economically, there are lingering issues of transparency, corporate governance, liquidity and foreign ownership.  Politically, several countries in the region remain unstable and the geopolitical crisis in Iran will affect the markets negatively, he deems. Barghouti says he believes that some of these risks can be addressed and some are systematic and affect the entirety of the market. He is less concerned about the economic issues, as he is seeing a lot of positive signs such as new projects and an increase in government spending. “In my opinion, the risky part is the political. I am conservative because of the political issues,” says Barghouti.

Favorite asset classes in the Middle East and North Africa region?

Barghouti likes equities in Saudi Arabia as he believes they will yield the highest return this year. He also highlights Qatar as an interesting investment opportunity due to its growth potential. He likes the value proposition in the United Arab Emirates as it enjoys solid fundamentals but he is concerned about the lack of liquidity. He believes Egypt is an interesting market to invest in but he would not buy into it today as it already had a good run and he would wait for a pull back to buy again.

Your top investment recommendations in the region?

Again, he stresses investment in defensive sectors. He highlights the retail, food and beverage and pharmaceutical sectors in Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

Elias Feghali

“With all the money printing, inflation will pick up and its just a question of time”

Bullish or bearish?

Feghali does not trust the markets, as he believes the recent upward trend is just a short-term correction and that we are going into ‘overbought’ territory. “You have to be bullish in the short term,” says Feghali and he highlights several reasons for this, such as the presidential elections in the United States, as each candidate will try to prove that they are good for the markets, as well as the announcement by Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke that he will not be raising interest rates until 2014.

Key concern going forward?

While Feghali is encouraged by some positive economic indicators coming out of the housing market in the US, he does not believe it will last and his key concern going forward is inflation. “With all the money printing, inflation will pick up and its just a question of time,” says Feghali. 

Your favorite asset classes? 

Feghali likes high-yielding stocks such as US tobacco companies Philipp Morris and Altria. He also has a preference for defensive sectors like consumer staples. He highlights Coca-Cola, Wal-Mart and McDonalds because even in times of economic crisis, they perform well.

Will Facebook’s upcoming listing help the markets? 

Feghali believes that the aura around Facebook’s upcoming initial public offering will help the market, as “even people who don’t understand and who don’t originally invest in the stock market, will be interested in buying Facebook.” Feghali recommends buying any stock which would benefit from Facebook’s IPO, such as the social network game developer Zynga. He highlights that there are strong IPOs in the pipeline, with talks of Twitter being next, though the timing depends on the performance of the markets. With gloomy markets, IPOs will be postponed according to Feghali.

Your thoughts on the Middle East and North Africa markets?

Feghali does not have much appetite for the region due to the revolutions in the Arab countries and the ongoing crisis in Iran. He prefers to invest in the US and in Europe for the time being. If he had to invest in the region, he would also go with high-yielding stocks and he highlights First Gulf Bank and National Bank of Kuwait.

Your thoughts on Lebanon?

Feghali likes to invest in Lebanese securities as some stocks are very cheap, but he would be cautious with the banking sector for now due to it’s exposure to Arab countries in turmoil. He would invest in Solidere at a level below $14. He does not believe it would move much but it offers a dividend yield of 7 percent, which he sees as attractive. He would not buy Lebanese bonds now unless there is an interesting new issue. “Whoever owns a Lebanese bond should keep it but I wouldn’t buy more now. For less risk, you can get a better return in the region and in the US,” says Feghali.

Your favorite stocks?

He would buy one stock exposed to gold and silver, one stock that would benefit from the Facebook IPO and one defensive stock such as McDonald’s or Altria.

March 6, 2012 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

For your information

by Executive Editors March 6, 2012
written by Executive Editors

MEA circles Cyprus Airways

Middle East Airlines said it may bid for a stake in Cyprus Airways, the island’s loss-making airline. The Cypriot government approved a capital raise for the state-run airline and announced it would consider offers for the sale of an unspecified stake. Cyprus Airways, 70 percent owned by the government, said that it entered into a ‘code-share’ agreement, a type of aviation business arrangement, with MEA. “We feel there is real potential for us and we are studying it seriously,” said MEA Chairman Mohamad el-Hout. The acquisition would be the first time MEA invests in a foreign airline. A Greek newspaper has reported that another airline, Russia’s OAO Aeroflot, has shown interest in a stake and is holding talks with Cyprus Airways. Trading in the struggling carrier’s shares were suspended after the reports of a potential stake sale, but were reinstated after Cyprus Airways released a statement saying “so far no specific proposal has been tabled.” Cyprus Airways which has a market capitalization of $36 million, lost $39 million in the first half of 2011, the last available results. It also received $26 million in compensation from the government for costs caused by Turkey’s flight ban on Cypriot traffic. MEA currently enjoys a monopoly on all domestic outgoing passenger aircraft in Lebanon, which is due to expire this year. 

IFC acquires stake in MedGulf

International Finance Corporation (IFC), a member of the World Bank Group, acquired 15 percent of Mediterranean & Gulf Insurance & Reinsurance (MedGulf), Lebanon’s largest insurance company, for $124 million. IFC, which provides financing for the private sector in developing countries, aims at helping MedGulf extend health and commercial risk insurance services to new Middle East and North Africa markets; in particular, the company is looking at Turkey, Egypt and Iraq. The MENA currently has one of the lowest rates of insurance coverage globally, with gross premiums standing at some 1 percent of regional gross domestic product. According to IFC, the share of the population aged 65 years and above is expected to more than triple by 2050, which will require an increase in health, life and pension insurance services. The United States gross premium rate stands at 9 percent and the European Union at 8 percent. “The partnership with IFC will help MedGulf grow its operational capabilities to extend security to people who would otherwise have limited means of coping with calamities,” said Lutfi al-Zein, chairman of Medgulf. In April 2011, the Lebanese firm LFZ Holding bought the remaining 49 percent of MedGulf it did not own from Saudi Oger, connected to the wealthy Hariri family, in a deal valued at $400 million.

Wage woes at the banks

Following the government’s recent wage hike decree, negotiations for the renewal of bank employees’ collective labor agreement have been thrown into turmoil. The contract, which expired in 2010 but is still being used as the basis for labor contracts in the sector, regulates relationships in the banking sector between the administration and the employees. The dispute centers around an article in the agreement which stipulates that, in addition to any wage increase by the government, all employees will receive an increase of 25 percent on their salary up to the point of the minimum wage. Previously the first bracket was set at 550,000 lira ($365) and has now risen to 675,000 lira ($478), meaning all employees will receive a raise of $111 dollars in addition to whatever increase they receive under the new wage hike decree. Banks, concerned about the hit to their profits following the application of this article, have informed the labor ministry and the Association of Banks in Lebanon (ABL) that they are not going to implement the article for employees on the third salary bracket (from 1.5 million lira upwards). “All the benefits of contract should continue until the renewal of the agreement and the Lebanese law did not put period or deadline for the negotiations,” said George Hajj, head of Union of Syndicates of Bank Employees. In a recent meeting orchestrated by the labor ministry, the ABL and the bank employees association agreed to renew the collective contract for now while identifying the key controversial articles to be addressed. The employees association has warned that failure to address these articles would oblige them to take escalatory steps such as sit-ins and demonstrations. The final outcome of the negotiations remains unclear as Executive goes to print.

M&A down in 2011

The value of merger and acquisitions deals completed in the Middle East and North Africa region dropped by 28 percent in 2011 to hit $31.7 billion, according to a recent report by accounting firm Ernst & Young, while at the same time the number of deals increased 4 percent to reach 416. “A larger number of deals at smaller valuations signifies that asset values across the region have taken a tumble in light of the lower regional economic growth and also the projections for future growth,” said Phil Gandier, MENA head of Transaction Advisory Services at Ernst & Young. The countries that enjoyed the largest percentage of deal value in the domestic space were the United Arab Emirates with $3.9 billion of total disclosed deal value, followed by Saudi Arabia at $2.8 billion and Kuwait at $1.1 billion. The sectors that witnessed the most M&A activity in 2011 were the diversified industrial products sector and the real estate sector. Only 11 percent of the 416 deals announced in the MENA region in 2011 were in the sovereign wealth fund and private equity space.

Anti-expansionary Zionists

In a bid to boost competition and improve affordable living standards, Israel is looking to break up some of the largest conglomerates in the country, partly blamed for the rising cost of basic goods, which lead to mass protests last summer. Israel’s 10 largest businesses hold just over 40 percent of the market value of public companies, according to the finance ministry, leaving the country with one of the highest concentrations of corporate power in the developed world. The main recommendations, which still need to be approved in the Knesset, Israeli’s parliament, include requiring holding companies to limit their tiers of subsidiaries. Companies will not be allowed to hold a financial firm with assets more than 40 billion shekels ($11 billion) or a non-financial company with more than 6 billion shekels ($1.6 billion). Companies should abide by the new rules within four years. Some of the most significant corporate reshaping that would have to occur as a result would be for Israel Discount Bank Group, one of Israel’s largest banks, to divest one of its key holdings such as Clal Insurance or Cellcom, Israel’s largest mobile phone operator. Private equity firm Apax Partners would also have to divest either food maker Tnuva or the Psagot brokerage.

Etisalat and Batelco exiting India

United Arab Emirates telecommunications operator Etisalat is shutting down operations in its Indian joint venture (JV) Etisalat DB (EDB) after India’s Supreme Court cancelled 122 licenses in the country amid a corruption inquiry. EDB has licenses in 15 of India’s 22 telecommunications zones and 1.7 million subscribers, ranking the operator 14th in a 15-operator market. Etisalat, which owns 45 percent of the JV, has written down $827 million related to EDB. The UAE operator had paid $900 million in 2008 for its stake in the emergent company, then called Swan Telecom, and said it invested more than $1 billion in the JV, renamed Etisalat DB. The UAE operator has launched legal proceedings against its Indian joint venture partners for fraud and misrepresentation in an attempt to recoup some of the losses. “Etisalat’s case is that it was induced in its investment in the company that was then Swan, without any disclosure of the matters that are now alleged to have occurred in connection with the obtaining of 2G licences by EDB,” Etisalat said in a statement. Bahrain Telecommunications Company (Batelco) has also seen its licenses in India revoked and is selling its 43 percent stake in its Indian subsidiary S Tel to its Indian partner for $175 million, the same price it had paid to acquire the business. Batelco said the sale would help it achieve double-digit growth in 2012.

Qatar interested in Oger Telecom

Qatar has approached Saudi Oger, owned by the Hariri family, for its 55 percent stake in Turk Telecom, one of the largest listed companies in Turkey with a market capitalization of $14 billion. If Qatar secures the Oger Telecom stake, it would also get Turk Telecom’s mobile unit Avea with a customer base of 12 million, as well as South Africa’s third largest operator Cell C, in which Oger holds a 75 percent stake. As Cell C is not listed, valuing the deal is not straightforward but the Turk Telecom stake alone would be worth at least $8.6 billion. Saudi Telecom (STC), which owns 35 percent of Oger Telecom, has a right of first refusal, the right to acquire the stake before it becomes available for sale, which could complicate the transaction. In addition to STC’s right of refusal, there are other challenges to the deal such as the requirement to make an offer to the minority shareholders of Turk Telecom if the stake sale occurs. Qatar’s sovereign wealth fund has been an aggressive investor across sectors and countries and has put money in high profile names such as German carmaker Porsche, football club Paris Saint-Germain and London’s luxury department store Harrods. Qatar is now keen on enhancing its presence in Turkey.

Moody’s and S&P on Lebanese banks

Credit rating agency Moody’s withdrew its rating on Bank of Beirut for its “own business reasons” and without stating whether it was requested by the bank itself. The rating was a D- standalone bank financial strength rating. Moody’s kept its rating unchanged on the three other banks covered, Bank Audi, Byblos Bank and BLOM Bank. Another rating agency, Standard & Poor’s, linked the upgrade of its ratings on the three Lebanese banks covered, Bank Audi, BLOM Bank and BankMed, to political stability in Lebanon and the implementation of structural reforms. It stated that the most important risk for the three banks covered is their high exposure to the sovereign debt, while noting that their ratings benefit from their solid financial position as reflected by strong liquidity and a rigid operating performance. BLOM Bank’s exposure to the sovereign debt stood at 5.2 times its common shareholders’ equity as of end of 2010, Bank Audi’s exposure stood at 4.2 times and BankMed’s at 4 times. The rating agency also noted that the capitalization level is moderate for Bank Audi and BLOM Bank and weak for BankMed.

March 6, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

For your information

by Executive Editors March 6, 2012
written by Executive Editors

IMF steers steady

An upswing in the tourism and retail markets will boost Lebanon’s real gross domestic product by 3.5 percent this year,  according to an  International Monetary Fund statement on February 9. The IMF also predicted that inflation will continue to rise due to the recent increase in minimum wage. In 2011, high public debt (estimated at 134 percent of GDP) and an ongoing current-account deficit caused GDP shrink to 1.5 percent, down from 7 percent growth in 2010. Unrest in Syria continues to be a major risk factor, especially in the short term, since it directly affects banking, consumer confidence, trade and tourism, and thus has banks have reduced their exposure to the country, according to the IMF. There is also a risk of domestic political unrest related to the Special Tribubal for Lebanon, the fund said.

Power and telecommunications were marked as the two most important of the eight major sectors pinpointed for reform, along with other reforms that would enhance the investment climate. The IMF report noted that the “Lebanese Parliament approved in September 2011 a 3-year investment of three percent of GDP to boost Lebanon’s electricity generation by almost half,” which would imply higher subsidies in that sector unless complemented by reforms such as tariff hikes, while noting that Lebanese authorities had acknowledged the World Bank’s vision of “substantial private sector participation” in that field.

Payments balance swings low

Compared to a balance of payments surplus of $3.3 billion in 2010, last year saw a deficit of $2 billion, according to the latest figures from Banque du Liban (BDL), Lebanon’s central bank. The data shows that for the first time in nearly a decade, inflows were not enough to offset the trade deficit. Net foreign assets at commercial banks fell by $4.27 billion while BDL saw net foreign assets increase by $2.27 billion. Lebanese commercial banks saw their net income in the first 11 months of 2011 fall by 10.3 percent compared to the same period of 2010. December 2011 saw a surplus after five months of deficits, though it only reached $692 million as compared to a surplus of $1.2 billion in December 2010. In 2009, the balance of payments surplus reached a peak of $7.9 billion, according to BDL.

Child workers unprotected

Poverty and unemployment were identified as the two main factors leading to the increase in child labour in Lebanon, especially in the North and Bekaa regions, according to two studies conducted by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Université Saint Joseph and released in mid-February. The study looked at more than 1,000 child workers from age 5 to 17 years, and interviewed 38 employers in Tripoli, Mina, Beddawi, Akkar and the Bekaa, and found alarming rates of illiteracy and dropout from education. Though Lebanon was one of the first Arab countries to ratify ILO child labour laws starting in 2001, as well as the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991, Article 7 of the Lebanese Labor Code excludes domestic and agricultural workers, and family-owned businesses from the minimum age requirement. In the Bekaa, where 40 percent of survey respondents were illiterate, most of the children were employed in agricultural or industrial work. In the Northern regions, 33 percent of respondents could not read or write, and in both regions, children left school to work at a median age of 13. ILO Regional Director for the Arab States Nada al-Nashif said in a press release that laws need to be enforced and minimum working age lifted to 15, or 18 for hazardous work, instead of adding more laws to the already fragmented legal system. The average weekly salary was quoted as LL 51,740 ($34.50) in the North and LL 50,000 ($33.3) in the Bekaa.

Delayed accuracy

The time honoured tradition of releasing GDP figures long after they would have been useful for short-term analysis was upheld by the government last month when it released Lebanon’s 2010 National Accounts, the breakdown figures for GDP calculation. The release showed that real GDP growth for that year hit the expected 7 percent mark. Construction and market services lead the growth with rises of 18.5 percent and 9.2 percent respectively in terms of volume. The only sector which experienced a contraction was the trade sector which registered a decrease in volume of 0.8 percent.

Electronic media law update

On the status of the draft law concerning electronic media, Minister of Information Walid Daouk gave Executive an update about its status and that of the more specific code on electronic media. “The general code on media might take a long time so the small chapter concerning electronic media should be done separately…I hope it comes up in parliament soon,” said the minister, who worked with Member of Parliament Ghassan Mokheiber and presented it to the Media and Information Committee in Parliament.  “I am screening and requesting different parties to give their point of view… but no one is obstructing it,” said the minister. The electronic media law has two pillars, the minister explained.   Each website has to be identified by a responsible director and have an address. Also, the content of the website should be protected under the intellectual property law. “As of end of November, we have 120 political websites, which by now are up to 250. This is why we should regulate them and all websites in terms of freedom of speech and respect of intellectual property rights.” Though the committee preparing a general media code for the last two years (Lebanon’s print media code dates back to 1962), he said “We cannot wait for electronic media to be included in the larger media law, which will take a long time. I have personally experienced [the delay in] the stock exchange code which was prepared in 1998 and didn’t get approved until last year,” he said, referring to the capital market law approved by parliament in August 2011.

Raising revenue, passing budgets

Finance Minister Mohamad Safadi announced last month that the deficit in the 2012 budget should not exceed $3.48 billion (round 9.2 percent of estimated GDP) when counting in the recent wage hike decree approved (in part) by the cabinet. The wage hike itself will cost the government some $800 million. The finance minister also stated to Al Akhbar that Value Added Tax will likely increase by one percent to 11 percent, instead of the previously proposed 12 percent and taxes on interest earned from deposits would be raised from 5 percent to 8 percent. The VAT increase is intended to increase revenues by $232 million and the increase on interest another $265 million.  Similarly, Prime Minister Najib Mikati has proposed new measures to the 2012 draft budget in an effort to break a six-year stint whereby the Lebanese government has not managed to pass a budget. Under the proposal he contradicted the finance minister’s previous statements by saying he looks to place a ceiling on the ratio of the deficit-to-GDP at five percent and reduce the debt-to-GDP ratio (currently at an estimated 134 percent) to 100 percent in the next five years. The premier also stated that the objective of the government should not be to just reduce the cost of debt servicing but also address the principle on the debt through a review of public expenditures, taxation policy (including collection), public private partnerships and even some form of privatization. Mikati also re-stated his previous intention to use the proceeds from any future oil and gas revenues to reduce the debt stock to 60 percent of GDP. He also proposed a law to allow parliament to approve the 2012 budget before addressing the fact that around $11 billion in public finances remain technically unaccounted for. Lebanon’s constitutional deadline for passing an annual budget expired at the end of January.

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Editorial

Cutting the puppeteer’s strings

by Yasser Akkaoui March 6, 2012
written by Yasser Akkaoui

When the Berlin Wall fell, taking the old Soviet bloc with it, the same should have happened to its client states across the Middle East. But as per usual, we arrived to the party a decade or two late.

Today, the Arab uprisings are radically reshaping the geo-political contours of the region. These seismic events, in particular the chaos in Syria, leave us with an unnerving sense of déjà vu.

Once again, the old titan foes of the Cold War era are pitted against each other as they vie to advance their vested interests in the Middle East.

Russia has already had its business in Libya trounced and it has deep military and commercial ties with the Syrian regime. China is energy dependent on regional allies and is fretful of an attack on the status quo. Thus, it is little wonder that they are closing ranks around the Syrian regime and allowing it a free hand to butcher any opposition to its rule. Conversely, the US, Europe, and their regional allies can spy in the so-called Arab Spring an opportunity to break the back of Iranian influence in the Levant. And so the stage is set for a new chapter in an old Cold War.

It may be true that no one really wants to turn the cold faucet off and the hot one on. But, as in any cold war symphony, covert operations and propaganda are the harmony that plays in the background. History has bitterly taught us that it only takes a so-called intelligence operative in Washington, Moscow, Tehran or Tel Aviv to make a misplaced calculation and spark an all-out conflict. And once the wheels of war are in motion there is no telling how far they will travel; look no further than Iraq or Afghanistan.

We have been here before. The Syrians of all governments will remember that in June 1967 Russian jets flew home, leaving their “ally” to get smashed by the Israelis. Their loyalty, like that of any other great power, is fickle, and if self-interest dictates they will drop Assad and his clan like a backfiring rifle.

This is nothing new. Allowing ourselves to be manipulated and only having the gall to protest afterwards has long been the mantra — that is until Mr Bouazizi ignited his body and sparked an inferno of revolt. Now as the old cannons are creeping back to bridle us again, it is time to realize that the same rules need not apply. If the recent uprisings have has taught us anything, we should not find ourselves on the wrong side of history again. Instead, we should make it. 

March 6, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

From elephants to gazelles

by Alissa Amico March 5, 2012
written by Alissa Amico

The image of a typical state-owned enterprise (SOE) in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is something akin to an elephant: cumbersome to maneuver and slow to adapt. This image reflects the history of SOEs in the region, established across a variety of sectors to produce everything from socks to electricity, to provide jobs to the unemployed and to furnish the society with subsidized staples. While images tend to stick, the reality appears to be gradually changing, at least in some countries of the region. Some fully or partially state-controlled enterprises in the region, particularly in the Gulf, are quite successful and this is not limited to the hydrocarbons or monopolistic sectors. 

What is interesting is that across the Arab world, governments are starting to pay special attention to the operation and governance of SOEs with a view to improve their productivity and competitiveness. Interest in corporate governance of SOEs peaked following the Dubai World debt debacle, which placed the question of SOE governance and ownership squarely on the policy agenda by raising the basic question of what is and what is not a state-owned enterprise. This question is subject to an ongoing debate, and the commonly used term “government-related entities” reflects the state of confusion. 

A closer look

A more granular understanding of the nature and the extent of state ownership in the region is fundamental to improving the performance and governance of SOEs. Although exact statistics are unavailable even on the national level in most MENA countries, SOEs are estimated to account for as much as 50 percent of gross domestic product in some countries of the region, and for about 30 percent of total employment. 

Outside the Gulf Cooperation Council, in countries such as Algeria, Syria, Iraq and Egypt, SOEs are present across the spectrum of economic activity, including in banking, telecommunications and transportation. In the Gulf, sovereign wealth funds (SWFs), which have large stakes in both state-owned and private companies, have further raised the importance of state-ownership in the region. SWFs are estimated to have ownership stakes in more than 130 companies in the Gulf alone, and their growing domestic investment orientation is only bound to increase this estimate. In addition, state-owned institutional investors such as insurance and pension funds are also important actors, further amplifying the importance of state ownership in the region. 

Considering the MENA region as a whole, 32 of the top 100 largest listed companies have the state as their shareholder; this corresponds to almost half of the total market capitalization of these companies. In addition, the number of non-listed SOEs by far exceeds the number of listed companies. Some of these companies (i.e. Saudi Aramco, Oman Oil) are indeed the largest in the region. These facts make it clear that the importance of state-owned enterprises in the region is not going to decline anytime soon, and in fact, the opposite may be true. 

Feeble corporate governance 

And yet, apart from isolated success stories, SOE governance arrangements lag behind those of private sector companies in the region. In many countries, commercially-oriented activities continue to be performed directly by ministries, keen to avoid converting them to the corporate form. In most countries and sectors, with the exception of telecommunications, ownership and regulation functions have not been separated, with the result being that significant conflicts of interest remain. A number of commercial SOEs are not subject to corporate legislation, instead adopting special legal regimes that effectively politicize their governance and exempt them from competition and bankruptcy frameworks. 

These arrangements are mirrored in board level governance and consequently in the performance of these companies. Apart from the examples of a few successful SOEs, the legacy of most government-operated companies is one of low profitability, productivity and competitiveness. State-owned banks, for example, have non-performing loans sometimes exceeding 20 percent of outstanding debt, owing to the practice of non-arm’s length lending to industrial SOEs. It is also no secret that Egyptian spinning and weaving and Syrian food production SOEs have by and large been loss-making.

SOE boards in the region continue to be dominated by political appointees who may not necessarily possess the necessary background and time to dedicate to their duties. The length of board appointments and their accumulation are more often than not unregulated. Board members in some SOEs in the region have been exercising their functions for more than 20 years. Such practices are also a consequence of the fact that SOEs — with the exception of those whose debt or equity have been listed — are generally not subject to corporate governance codes. In the United Arab Emirates, even listed SOEs have been exempted from the applicable code.

Hints of reformation

That said, policymakers all over the region are showing a growing appetite for introducing corporate governance guidelines specific to this sector, recognizing the particular role of the state as a shareholder. Following Egypt’s introduction of corporate governance guidelines for SOEs in 2006, Morocco and the United Arab Emirates released similar guidelines last year. The Moroccan code in particular applies on a “comply-or-explain” basis and began implementation earlier this year. The success of these experiences is important as they are being observed with great interest by policymakers and stakeholders all over the region.

The Taskforce on Corporate Governance of SOEs, composed of policymakers and experts from across the region for which the OECD serves as a secretariat, is a unique forum for MENA countries to share their experiences with SOE governance reform. 

Of course, country specific priorities for SOE sector reform vary as do the sources of resistance against such measures. For instance, privatization of SOEs has for a long time been viewed with suspicion in the region and recent allegations of corruption in this process in Egypt and elsewhere in the region may have effectively banned the word “privatization” from the vocabulary of politicians for some time. More generally, restructuring of SOE sectors has been fraught with concerns about how to address the rationalization of employment in loss-making enterprises, which is indeed a formidable challenge.

In the face of these concerns, policymakers from across the region have adopted original solutions to SOE sector reform. In Jordan, the Executive Privatization Agency worked with local religious authorities to address the concerns of citizens during sermons about the quality of services provided by privatized companies. The Turkish Privatization Agency introduced a program to compensate employees of SOEs negatively affected by privatisation plans. Programs like this and other measures to address employment-related concerns in SOE restructuring programs, are proving to be of great interest in the region. 

Beyond privatisation-related challenges, it is clear that more effort is needed to establish clear frameworks for SOE ownership across the region and to define specific objectives for individual SOEs. These enterprises, especially considering their strategic and economic importance, should not be left for individual ministries to run as their fiefdoms. More effort is also needed to replicate successful policy reforms and ownership experiences, which is a key objective of the MENA SOE Taskforce. In this regard, Morocco’s recent experience in introducing a corporate governance code for SOEs and empowering its state audit institution to review the governance of SOEs may be of interest to other countries in the region. 

The sharing of experience among MENA countries and beyond has the potential to transform at least some SOEs from elephants to gazelles, able to rapidly react to market realities and in the long term, perhaps even outperform their private sector competitors.

ALISSA AMICO is manager for the Middle East and North Africa, Corporate Affairs Division, at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The opinions expressed herein do not reflect the official position of the OECD or its member countries

March 5, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

Iraq still finding its footing

by Nicole Purin March 5, 2012
written by Nicole Purin

Iraq is currently undergoing extensive transformation in its economic and legal sectors and relevant institutions. Arguably, the foundation of Iraqi restoration is based on two fundamental pillars which to date have not materialized: The first is political stability and the second is the introduction of a solid and harmonic legal framework supporting the vital sectors of Iraq’s system, such as the oil, gas and banking industries, that will attract the required foreign investment.

Legal framework

Iraq has always been a country rich in contradictions and intricacies. The country’s legal framework embodies these complexities. For example, under Saddam Hussein no private ownership of natural resources was permitted and foreign investments were not encouraged unless one was dealing with Arab investors, as evidenced by the Law on Arab Investors No. 62 of 2002. 

The vestiges of protectionism and patriotism have not been fully eradicated in the post-Saddam era. Article 25 of the new Iraqi constitution approved in 2005 contains language “guaranteeing the reform of the Iraqi economy in accordance with modern economic principles to ensure the full investment of its resources, diversification of its sources, and the encouragement and development of the private sector.” Article 26 provides that the state shall guarantee the “encouragement of investment in the various sectors.” In practice such provisions have not been fully implemented. 

Investments in Iraq are governed by the 2006 Iraqi National Investment Law (No 13). Article 10 of the law has been highlighted by various commentators, as it provides that “The Iraqi or foreign investor enjoy the same privileges, facilities, and guarantees, and submit to the obligations stated in this law.” 

However, this article is inconsistent with Article 11, which states that “the foreign investor shall enjoy the following benefits, the renting or leasing lands needed for a project, provided it does not exceed 50 years, renewable with the agreement of the national investment commission.” Hence, the ownership rights of foreign investors are different and it emphasizes some weaknesses in the legislative text and the need for further clarification.

On the side of progress, the layers for reconstruction have been paved, albeit slowly. Iraq is party to a significant number of international agreements and international conventions, including: the Permanent Court of Arbitration, the International Standards Organization, World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG, entered into force for Iraq in 1991) and the United Nations Convention against Corruption (2008). Iraq’s accession to these agreements and conventions suggests a modest level of intent towards progress and internationalism.

 

Gordian knots

Failure by Iraq to consolidate a solid legal framework has already dampened the spirits of would-be investors, amounting to an unquantifiable, but undoubtedly large, cost for the country. In spite of some adherence to international law standards, an endemic lack of transparency and corruption still raises the eyebrows of investors and lawyers alike. 

The introduction of new laws has been extensively delayed and the government has been blamed for failing to present legislative proposals and getting Parliament to implement them. Iraqi institutions have also blamed sectarian violence for the status quo. As a result, project financing transactions are not advancing as quickly as hoped. The main criticism has been made in relation to the oil and gas law and the national oil company law, often referred to as the ‘dysfunctional laws’.

The current situation in Iraq is that coherent oil and gas and hydrocarbon policies and laws have not been fully introduced and oil investments are outside the scope of the National Investment Law. The oil and gas law drafted in 2007 has been the cause of much controversy and political quibbling because it adopts a federal approach vis-à-vis regional ownership and management of oil resources. 

It is contended that the law is directly in conflict with the Iraqi Constitution, namely article 111 that provides “that all oil and gas are owned by all the people of Iraq in all regions and governorates.” Yet, article 112 calls for joint collaboration between regions and the federal government. 

There are significant issues linked to the interpretation of the above constitutional provisions such as the definition of present, future and non-operational fields and the ineluctable question of how to allocate power between regional governments and the federal government. 

The Kurdistan regional government has signed oil contracts with foreign companies on the basis of article 112. In late January the central government placed these contracts in a legislative vacuum by considering them null and void before slowly easing their objection until withdrawing it altogether. The official reversal is but another sign of how the government is slowly coming to realize that it will need international talent and investment (and especially international oil companies) to achieve its stated policy goals. The challenge for Iraq however will remain the reconciliation of its constitutional objectives, commercial realities, sectarian interests and a “balanced division of oil and gas resources.”

Proposed solutions

As explained above, there is a lack of legal certainty and very a high risk of not being able to enforce contractual agreements in the context of international transactions. Although this has not stopped investors fully investing in Iraq, it has not benefited the country, nor strengthened its reputation. Banking laws introduced by the Central Bank Law are designed to align Iraq with international banking standards and are positive. However, greater regulatory sophistication is required — such as clearer provisions on taxation of banks, competition, servicing and technological improvements in order to facilitate ATM transactions and credit card processing. These changes will assist in the development of local banks and will attract the establishment of foreign banks. Greater clarity on the ownership of resources is also a must. Employment laws need to be refined and codified in order to provide measurable standards of protection for foreigners. The harmonization of internal laws must be progressively implemented to avoid the introduction of new conflicting laws. Speeding up the drafting process of legislation is also indispensable; presently, it takes years to submit a law to the Iraqi Parliament. 

These challenges would be formidable for any country, and are only more so for Iraq in its current state. Mesopotamia was the cradle where civilization was born, and so it might be said that this is a country in need of a rebirth.

 

NICOLE PURIN is legal council at Standard Chartered Bank

March 5, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyEnergy Wars

A clear and present solution

by Gareth Smith March 3, 2012
written by Gareth Smith

Tensions between Iran and the world powers should prompt reconsideration of Iran’s 2003 letter to the United States proposing a ‘grand bargain’.  Drafted by Sadegh Kharrazi, then ambassador to France, it had been discussed by a small group including Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the rahbar (‘leader’).

Iran offered intrusive inspection of its nuclear facilities, recognition of Israel within pre-1967 borders on the terms of the 2002 Beirut declaration of the Arab League, and co-operation against al-Qaeda. In return, Tehran wanted an end to sanctions and US interference in Iran’s internal politics, respect for its rights to access nuclear technology, and recognition of its regional security interests. But the proposal died, reportedly because Dick Cheney, the vice-president, and Donald Rumsfeld, the defense secretary, insisted the US did not “talk to evil”. Some Bush administration officials later admitted this had been a mistake, but the designation of Iran as part of an ‘Axis of Evil’ — reflecting a latter-day crusade rather than earthly diplomatic calculations — lingered and has never disappeared.

Washington stood aside from the 2003-2007 talks between Iran and the European Union, when Iran suspended uranium enrichment, accepted intrusive inspections under the Additional Protocol of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and suggested it would accept limits on its nuclear programme beyond NPT obligations.

Much of the frustration of those talks stemmed from the feeling on both sides that the real interlocutor was absent. In September 2004, Hossein Mousavian, the Iranian negotiator, told me in Tehran that he did not think the Europeans could act independently of Washington, but in a comment betraying uncertainty suggested their actions were “somehow co-ordinated”.

Despite US-Iranian co-operation over Afghanistan and Iraq there was, and remains, significant opposition to dialogue in both Washington and Tehran, and of course in Israel. This was evident as Barack Obama, running for the presidency in 2008, committed himself to “engagement”. Opponents of talks were then enthused by the unrest and harsh government response after Iran’s disputed 2009 presidential election. But at the same time, there were always voices more versed in hard-headed diplomacy than notions of evil. In 2007, amid an outbreak of war rhetoric in Washington, the US intelligence services produced a National Intelligence Estimate reporting Iran had halted research into nuclear weapons. The February 14 article from Dennis Ross — until last November a senior advisor to the Obama administration — in The New York Times, ‘Iran Is Ready to Talk’, shows a similar pragmatism. The leadership in Tehran well know who Ross is, and may judge that the piece was run past Obama before it appeared in print. With impeccable pro-Israeli credentials as an affiliate of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), Ross was ideal to suggest that a deal might see Iran continuing some uranium enrichment. Although some European diplomats envisaged this during the 2004-2007 talks, they did not say so publicly. For the US to offer such a concession now could be a crucial step toward agreement, as it could enable Iran to claim victory with its “rights” to nuclear technology acknowledged. Can such a deal be delivered? 

In February, Mousavian wrote for Bloomberg that talks from 2003 until 2009 (that’s with the EU and then with the permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany) proved unrealistic “largely because they did not provide face-saving mechanisms for either party”. A solution must recognize “bottom lines”, he added. “For Iran, this means the ability to produce reliable civilian nuclear energy, as it is entitled to do under the non-proliferation treaty. For the US and Europe, it means never having Iran develop nuclear weapons or a short-notice breakout capability.” 

Ross and Mousavian, then, have outlined the basis for an agreement under which Iran would gain recognition to its right to a nuclear program in return for accepting limits on the program, perhaps in the number of centrifuges used, and intrusive inspections. That’s the realpolitik. Meanwhile, the devil lurks not just in the details but amid those on both sides who still think in terms of victory over evil.

March 3, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyEnergy Wars

Mapping a tinderbox of possibilities

by Paul Cochrane March 3, 2012
written by Paul Cochrane

Attempting to predict whether a war between Iran, Israel and the West will occur is an exercise in speculation akin to asserting that the uprisings in the Arab world will lead to real freedom and democracy in the Middle East — obviously no one has either answer yet; Executive does not pretend to either, not does it advocate conflict in the region. However, based on interviews with a vast array of experts and in-depth research conducted as part of this Special Report on Energy Wars, Executive has compiled a list of possible scenarios that could pan out in the region’s near future. 

1: Persian powder keg

Tehran has repeatedly stated it would close the 30-kilometer wide Strait of Hormuz if the United States sends more war ships through the channel. The US bolsters the two carrier groups already in the Gulf, with the massive naval build up prompting an embattled Iran to block the Strait with mines, ships and submarines in an attempt to call the US’ bluff. With a blockade an act of war under international law unless authorized by the UN Security Council, US warships attempt to re-open the Strait, and conflict occurs when the Iranian navy fires anti-ship missiles at the US Navy. With the US busy countering missile attacks, mines, torpedoes and submarines, Iranian speed boats swarm US ships, sinking several.  The US Air Force (USAF) uses the opportunity to take out Iranian nuclear facilities, first targeting air-defense systems, coastal anti-ship missile positions and naval facilities. All-out war ensues — see Scenario five or six.

2: Misery from mishap

The US claims the Iranian navy fired upon it during war games in the Strait of Hormuz. Amid the fog of war and limited diplomatic means to diffuse the situation, the US instantly counter-attacks. With an attack on a NATO member considered an act of war against all members, the US and NATO target Iranian military and nuclear facilities. All-out war ensues in the Gulf and the Levant — see Scenario five or six.

3: Eagle landing  

The Iranians withdraw from the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and kick out International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors after Western intelligence reports indicate Iran has moved forward with its nuclear weapons program. The US considers this a red line and begins destroying Iranian air defense capabilities, radar facilities and missile silos before moving on to specific nuclear facilities. Leads to Scenario five or six.

4: Zionist surprise

The Israelis consider the multilateral sanctions on Iran to not have had the desired effect of bringing Tehran to heel, and believe the nuclear program to have moved beyond the point of no return — nuclear weapon capability. Using an alleged Iranian covert operation to assassinate a senior Israeli as an excuse, Tel Aviv launches air strikes. Iran retaliates with long-range missiles against Israel. Israel launches strikes against Iran’s Lebanese ally Hezbollah and invades Southern Lebanon. Hezbollah fires rockets into northern Israel. With Tehran believing Israel has acted with the green light from Washington, the Iranian navy blocks the Strait of Hormuz. The US moves to open the Strait, and Iran and the US clash in the Gulf, the war either peters out — see Scenario five — or heats up into a regional war — see Scenario six.

5: Cooler heads prevail… or not 

The US and Israel suspect Iran has moved forward with its nuclear program, with the International Atomic Energy Agency providing “smoking gun evidence.” Bilateral, targeted air strikes and bunker buster bombs are used against nuclear facilities spread throughout Iran, in the process destroying air defense capabilities, radar facilities and missile silos. Iran responds through naval attacks and launching what missiles are left against Gulf and military targets. But after a month, with neither side wanting an escalation of the conflict, oil prices above $200 and the money markets negatively affected, international negotiations bring about a truce. The attackers have achieved their aims of setting back Iran’s nuclear aspirations, and the Iranian regime, while weakened, remains in power. End of scenario, or conflict re-opens following a further incident, see Scenario six.

6: All-out war

Following the outbreak of war from scenarios one to five, or the truce in scenario five breaks down, the conflict rapidly spreads. The US bombs all major military facilities in Iran, crippling its conventional capabilities. Iran unleashes non-state actors and sleeper agents against US facilities in the Gulf, as well as against NATO forces in Afghanistan. Gulf militaries respond to being targeted, joining the US-led war machine. Hezbollah fires rockets against Israel. Israel responds with a devastating air campaign against Hezbollah positions in the South of Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs, in addition to targeting key Lebanese infrastructure. The Lebanese Army is forced to get involved. Neighboring Syria is dragged into the conflict, while the West/NATO and Israel use the opportunity to annihilate the Syrian army and prompt regime change in Damascus. Russia considers this a red line and provides military support to Syria. The conflict takes on a truly international dimension. Talks at the UN fail to diffuse the crisis. War lasts for months, and the fallout prompts uprisings, demonstrations and conflict throughout the Middle East and North Africa. The US puts “boots on the ground” in Iran to force regime change, and there is a repeat of Iraq and Afghanistan for the next decade.

7: The anticlimax 

Despite the sanctions, the saber rattling and the naval build up in the Gulf, cooler heads prevail. Lacking evidence that Iran is moving towards nuclear weapons capability, US intelligence says there is no casus belli for a war, and manages to rein in Israel. With no “smoking gun,” and the US aware of the economic fallout from an attack on Iran, war plans are put on the back burner. Tensions rise once again in 2013.

March 3, 2012 0 comments
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