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Comment

Lebanon’s elephant in the corner

by Sami Halabi December 10, 2009
written by Sami Halabi

Lebanon’s relationship with debt closely resembles an addiction to alcohol. For starters, it’s quite evident that the country wasn’t thinking straight when it took out loans with interest rates of more than 35 percent to fund its post-war reconstruction. Then, instead of accepting the inevitable fiscal hangover and reforming its institutions, the country continued to borrow money (mostly from its own banks) and spend it on those same institutions that never shaped-up. In order to remedy this situation, it may be wise to refer to the American Psychological Association’s summary of the ‘12 Step Program’, which has helped many overcome alcoholism. The first step states that recovery requires one to “admit that one cannot control one’s addiction or compulsion.”

Lebanon has yet to truly admit that it has a problem. At nearly $50 billion and 154 percent of Lebanon’s gross domestic product, the debt is mounting and the only policy the Lebanese government has enacted is to swap the short-term debt for long-term debt, in an attempt to keep its head above water just that little bit longer.

Now that Lebanon has a new government, a line is again being drawn in the sand between those who believe reducing the debt is the single largest economic problem the government must deal with, and those who consider it to be “perfectly sustainable,” as does Lebanon’s Central Bank Governor, Riad Salameh.

The “sustainable” theory goes that, given the high liquidity levels in Lebanese banks, they have the cash on hand to continue lending to the government to fund its spending; given Lebanon’s high GDP growth rate, government revenues in the form of taxes will grow, bringing down the yearly deficit and, given that the American dollar is forecast to drop in value and most of Lebanon’s debt is priced in dollars, the value of the debt will fall all by itself anyway. If Lebanon is attracting billions of dollars of investment inflows and registering record growth numbers, then why rock the boat? In time, the debt will reach a manageable ratio relative to GDP and the problem will solve itself.

That’s the rosy version, and a line put forward by prominent members of Lebanon’s banking sector, though such optimism may be easier when they hold around $110 billion in assets and are profiting from much of the debt anyway. The rest of Lebanon, however, hasn’t the luxury to be so cheerful while the country runs a deficit of 10.5 percent of GDP and has spent 20 percent more in the first three quarters of 2009 than it did in 2008. Even though these figures may be within global norms today, one must remember that elsewhere in the world government expenditures have skyrocketed to bailout their economies.

There are only two countries in the world that are in a worse state than Lebanon in terms of their burden of debt — one of them is Zimbabwe, where the local currency value has all but evaporated, and the other is Japan, the world’s second largest economy.

Japan already has some of the best infrastructure in the world; Lebanon doesn’t.

With the debt looming overhead, not only is the Lebanese government less able to provide or upgrade their antiquated public services, they also have less ability to fledge many sectors that people depend on such as agriculture or industry, not to mention protect their strategic and military interests. Lest we also forget that another conflict with Israel would completely wipe out Lebanon’s new-found investor confidence, or the fact that our politicians can hardly be trusted not to start another political debacle, putting us back in a situation of low, no or negative growth.

Those who believe Lebanon’s debt is sustainable because of the country’s economic growth tend to gloss over the fact that growth has not been uniform across all sectors, and that this is resulting in an economy that lacks diversification — the Lebanese are placing all their eggs in just a few very large baskets. To make matters worse, other untapped potential markets for development — such as water resources, refining and hydrocarbon development — are still taboo for Lebanon’s economic policy makers.

Basic economic theory, and history for that matter, dictates that for every boom there is a corresponding trough, which means that at some point in the near future the debt will not seem as manageable as some view it during this current growth cycle. Hence, as one European Commission economist stated last October, Lebanon’s fiscal situation is, and will likely remain, “unsustainable.”

Even the likely privatization of telecoms and electricity, from which the proceeds will go to reducing the principal on the debt, will not prove to be a panacea. At present valuations, Lebanon will not get much in return for these national industries due to their dismal state.

A focus on growth should always be a priority for an economy, but the kind of growth currently on the table boxes the economy in and tries to shield it from the inevitable reality of having to deal with the debt. An economy’s sustainability comes from its versitility and ability to grow on many levels — not just its ability to pay the interest on the debt it hopes will go away.

Sami Halabi is a deputy editor at Executive Magazine

December 10, 2009 0 comments
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Comment

Triggers on safety

by Nicholas Blanford December 10, 2009
written by Nicholas Blanford

Speculation on another war between Hezbollah and Israel has been bubbling away since the end of the last encounter in 2006, but it has intensified of late with many predicting a renewed conflict could be in the offing this winter or early spring.

Israel’s recent interception of the Francop cargo vessel in the Mediterranean and the discovery of 500 tons of Iran-supplied weapons and ammunition on board, allegedly destined for Hezbollah, underlines the intensity of military preparations on both sides and possibly provides Israel with the “smoking gun” to execute a swift and destructive campaign.

The good news is that neither side appears to want another round at the present time. Hezbollah’s leadership does not hide the fact that the group is re-arming. But the leadership is aware that its Shiite constituents, not to mention the rest of the country, are in no mood for more military adventures. Israel, too, has been making preparations for another war, which includes retraining its ground forces, the introduction of new weapons and defense systems and devising a new strategy for dealing with Hezbollah. The new strategy, however, is intended principally as a means of deterrence, to prevent a war breaking out in the first place. It is based on the concept of punishing, rather than defeating, the enemy. Israeli strategists have accepted that Hezbollah cannot be defeated on the battlefield and that less ambitious goals need to be set. A year ago, General Gadi Eisenkot, the head of the Israeli army’s Northern Command, coined the phrase “Dahieh doctrine” to describe the use of “disproportionate force” upon any village from which rockets are fired into Israel — in other words to inflict the same level of destruction as experienced by Beirut’s southern suburbs (“the Dahieh”) in 2006.

The doctrine has been further refined since then, most notably by Giora Eiland, a former national security advisor when Ariel Sharon was prime minister. Eiland advocates treating Lebanon, rather than just Hezbollah, as the enemy, turning the next war into a state vs. state affair rather than state vs. non-state actor. The justification articulated by Eiland and others is that, first, the Lebanese government includes members of Hezbollah and second, it is complicit in Hezbollah’s military build-up because it has not prevented armaments from being smuggled into Lebanon. The advantage to Israel would be a far broader range of targets in the event of a war. The intention would be to launch a swift and devastating offensive, mainly waged using air power, while deploying ground forces on select missions to suppress Hezbollah’s cross-border rocket fire. There would be no mass invasion with armored columns racing up the coastal highway and into the Bekaa Valley. Instead, it would be more streamlined and focused.

Israel’s political and military echelons are reportedly in agreement on the need to define Lebanon as the enemy, suggesting a stronger degree of coordination and strategic unanimity between the two than was demonstrated in 2006.

The strength of Israel’s new strategy toward Hezbollah rests in its deterrence factor. The threat of massive punishment will have the effect of dismaying the Lebanese and jangling the nerves of the government, while dampening Hezbollah’s enthusiasm for recreating the finely-calibrated war of attrition that existed along the Blue Line between 2000 and 2006. Hezbollah has been engrossed in a debilitating political struggle since the end of the 2006 war, which, along with the necessity of building up its military assets, has ensured that the Lebanon-Israel border has witnessed its longest period of calm in four decades.

However, Israel’s strategy of punishment could unravel very quickly if circumstances were to arise that lead to another war. It takes two to fight a war and no one can say that Hezbollah will stop fighting just because Israel considers that it has accomplished its goal of punishment. Hezbollah’s rockets are likely to strike deeper into Israel than in 2006, possibly hitting Tel Aviv. Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah has already articulated a Dahieh-for-Tel Aviv strategy in which Israel’s largest city will be struck if the southern suburbs are bombed again. That means that a larger tract of territory in Israel will be paralyzed than in 2006, placing additional domestic pressure on the Israeli government to conclude the war as quickly as possible. Furthermore, it is widely believed that Hezbollah will take the war into Israel next time, dispatching commando units across the frontier to cause havoc in border settlements, mining roads, blowing up bridges and attacking military bases.

The last thing Israel wants is to become bogged down in a prolonged conflict with Hezbollah, as was the case in 2006. International tolerance for Israel’s military adventures is wearing thin, even if many Western nations feel there was some justification for Israel’s attacks on Lebanon in 2006 and Gaza in 2008. The Goldstone report on the Gaza war has set an ominous precedent for Israel. Israel’s “Dahieh doctrine,” if implemented and prolonged because of Hezbollah’s refusal to yield, will beg another Goldstone style investigation, further eroding the Jewish State’s international standing. Thus, the only way Israel can be assured of winning the next war is if its doctrine of punishment prevails and prevents another war from starting in the first place.

Nicholas Blanford is the Beirut-based correspondent for The Christian Science Monitor and The Times of London

December 10, 2009 0 comments
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Editorial

Some rise, some set

by Yasser Akkaoui December 7, 2009
written by Yasser Akkaoui

As 2009 draws to a close, two centers of business can publish two very different end of year reports. Lebanon, for so long the whipping boy of regional fortunes, is signing off on a year that should see it achieve 7 percent growth. Dubai on the other hand, until

recently the jewel in the regional crown, was hammered by global financial meltdown. As I write, the chief investment vehicle of Dubai’s government, Dubai World, has just told its creditors they will not be receiving the billions of dollars in payments they are owed in December, and asked them to put off this repayment until May 2010.

In Lebanon, the business community showed what it can do even when the government is absent — literally absent. For five months in 2009,

following the June 7 elections, the state sat in limbo as protracted negotiations over the formation of a new cabinet dragged on until November 9. Nonetheless, this hiatus did not stop the irresistible force that is the Lebanese private sector — in particular banking, tourism, real estate and retail — from surging ahead and leading a vibrant economic comeback. So robust was our showing that the Lebanese Central Bank has reported

increased demand on the Lebanese lira and is even considering reducing

interest rates accordingly.

Dubai was the poster boy for vision and good governance, the first Arab state to embrace the Western business values as it sought to create a diversified economy. Recognizing that the black gold was finite, the

emirate set about creating a playground for financial services and tourism. It invested in real estate projects that had the world gasping in awe. In hindsight it is easy to mock, and perhaps even to take pleasure in the

misfortune of those who for so long seemed to have the Midas touch. But Dubai, like all developed markets, will bounce back. The money will

return. Too much time, effort and investment has been plowed into it for it to simply sink into the Arabian Gulf. The Lebanese families, who made their homes, planned their futures, and had their children there, will surely still be there to contribute to the recovery.

And so as we enter a New Year, it is prudent to remember that while fortunes can fluctuate, the spirit of enterprise and commitment to success will always endure.

December 7, 2009 0 comments
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Real Estate

Stalled in the sky

by Nada Nohra December 3, 2009
written by Nada Nohra

 

In 2009 the real estate industry in Lebanon witnessed another year of promising growth and continued to represent an integral part of the economy. Despite a slight drop in total transactions, construction activity remained robust with increasing numbers of permits issued and a steady growth in cement deliveries, a major real estate indicator in the country. 

With lending proving to be a challenge in 2009 — particularly in over-indebted real estate markets such as Dubai — Lebanese banks have been offering incentives to the sector since the second half of 2009 in the form of improved lending conditions for both locals and expatriates. As a result, demand on housing is expected to increase in 2010, especially in the middle-income segment of the market. 

Real estate growth

Due to the lack of official figures, the industry is forced to rely on indicators to measure activity in the sector. According to Bilal Alayli, president of the Order of Engineers and Architects, the prime indicator to watch is the number of construction permits issued each year.

Official figures from the Order of Engineers in Beirut and Tripoli show that construction permits in the first ten months of 2009 totaled some 10,172,000 square meters, up by 7.4 percent compared to the same period in 2008 and by 41.2 to the same period in 2007.

According to Bank Audi, 47.9 percent of the total permits were issued in Mount Lebanon, while 20.7 were issued in the North, 15.7 percent in the South, 9 percent in Beirut and 6.8 percent issued in the Bekaa region.

The other major indicator, cement deliveries, also increased; rising by 18 percent in the first nine months of 2009 over the same period in 2008, according to the Banque du Liban, Lebanon’s central bank.

On the demand side, figures did not mirror the growth of other indicators but remained stable, with the number of sales transactions totaling 55,482 in the year to September:  some 3 percent lower than during the first nine months of 2008, according to the General Directorate of Land Registry and Cadastre (GDLRC). The total value of real estate transactions reached $4.3 billion in the same period, 3.7 percent lower than the first nine months of 2008.

According to Lebanon’s finance ministry, property registration fees in 2008 represented 1.3 percent of the country’s gross domestic product and amounted to $415 million, dropping to 1 percent of GDP in 2009.

Karim Makarem, director at Beirut-based real estate advisory company Ramco, said that the GDLRC’s numbers are inaccurate, as more than half of the projects launched are sold ‘off-plan’ — the property is not registered until the development is handed over, which obfuscates figures significantly.

“You will see a much higher figure released in two years, because a lot of properties that were bought in the boom period will be registered in a year or two,” he said.

Makarem also added that some developers might give incorrect statements about the value and size of an apartment.

“You are relying on people to tell the truth, which is very difficult,” he quipped.

Investments on the rise

Despite the lack of accurate data, one thing seems rather certain: investments in the real estate sector are ever increasing, especially in Beirut, where what little land remains is being bought and developed quickly, pushing prices to record highs.

According to Alayli there were 200 empty land plots in Beirut at the beginning of 2009.

 

Construction permits (in 1000s of square meters) for the first 10 months of the year

 

Construction permits in Lebanon (in 1000s of sqaure meters) for the first 10 months of the year

 

Sales transactions in the first 9 months of the year (in numbers)

 

Sales transactions in Lebanon in the first 9 months of the year (in numbers)

“Recently I received some statistics saying there are still around 139,” he added, noting that the decreasing supply of land will boost prices in 2010.

According to Makarem, at this moment there are around 400 projects in Beirut under construction or in the pipeline, with an average size of 300 square meters per apartment.

“Of the [projects] being completed in 2009, the pre-sale rate is around 85 percent, which is very impressive,” he said.

Foreign investors also seemed keen for a slice of the country’s development market last year; more than 68 percent of total foreign direct investment in 2008 targeted the real estate sector, to the tune of some $2.2 billion, according to the Investment Development Authority of Lebanon (IDAL).

Nonetheless, many in the industry still believe foreign investment in the sector could have been higher, but was stunted by political concerns relating to the political instability surrounding government formation and the restraints of the overriding global financial situation.

“We had a very large American investment development company in town, who commissioned studies and visited a number of locations in Lebanon looking to invest big amounts of money in the country,” said Makarem. “But [they] decided to delay until, most likely, 2011 because of the political vacuum.”

Makarem added that money coming from other Arab countries has slowed due to the effects of the credit crisis and ailing real estate markets in the Gulf Cooperation Council.

FDI inflow to the real estate sector in Lebanon

Arab FDI inflow to the real estate sector

A premier example of this phenomenon is the Beirut Gate project, currently being developed in the Beirut Central District by the Abu Dhabi Investment House and Sayfco Holding. Chahe Yerevanian, chairman of Sayfco Holding, explained that the Beirut Gate project had been initially delayed because of the  effects of the financial crisis on the Gulf, but has since been reinstated and is back in action.

Antoine Chamoun, general manager at Bank of Beirut Invest said: “People are realizing that real estate investment is the best investment [they can make]. Those who are not investing in real estate now aren’t doing so because they can’t, not because they don’t want to.”

Surge in lending

To spur on the burgeoning real estate sector, the central bank dropped reserve requirements on 60 percent of loan categories in July 2009, allowing banks to drop interest rates on these categories, which included housing.

Since then, most banks have started offering primary housing loans to both Lebanese locals and expatriates in Lebanese lira at rates of around 5 percent. The directives will stay valid until June 2010 and can be extended until June 2011.

“We have strongly felt the impact [of increasing demand] since interest rates decreased,” said Chamoun, who declined to comment on the total value of loans active in the sector.

For their part, government affiliated lending institutions, such as the Habitat Bank and the Public Corporation of Housing (PCH), have seen constant lending activity in 2009, with better facilities offered to the middle-income segment of the market.

The PCH is owned by the government and gives loans in partnership with private banks, while the government only holds a 20 percent stake in the Habitat Bank.

The difference between the two institutions lies in their lending requirements. PCH only lends to income level segments below or equal to 10 times the minimum wage, or up to $3,300 per month, while Habitat Bank lends to those who earn at least $1,000 per month with no ceiling. The largest loan granted by the PCH is $120,000, while the Habitat Bank will give up to $300,000.

According to Joseph Sassine, president and director general of the Habitat Bank, the interest rate on loans is currently 4.99 percent, as opposed to the 6 to 8 percent seen prior to August of this year.

Sassine added that the Habitat Bank gave around $80 million in loans in 2008 and that it expects to reach the same figure in 2009. That said, he expects loans to increase in 2010 to more than $133 million, mainly as a result of the decrease in interest rates.

The premier grievance of the real estate industry seems to be the fact that banks don’t give loans to off-plan properties, except to some developers, and then only on a case-by-case basis.

“There should be a system where the loans are given right away,” said Elie Harb, president of Coldwell Banker. “The banks have to take a certain risk by providing the developer with a prepaid amount.”

Mohamad Saleh, chairman of Noor International, said banks should give developers loans, in installments as projects are constructed.

Expectations

With the world slowly recovering from the financial crisis and the political and security situation in Lebanon stabilizing, many predict that the real estate sector will witness significant growth in 2010. In their view, investors will see the Lebanese market as a safe haven for investments in the context of the global downturn, especially as the country maintains a healthy banking sector and carries robust local demand.

“All this will allow Lebanon to return to being an investment hub and benefit from the Lebanese diaspora, who were looking at investing in Lebanon for a very long time, not to the mention the Arabs,” said Nabil Itani, chairman of IDAL.

December 3, 2009 0 comments
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Finance

US fines Credit Suisse for sanctions violations

by Executive Staff December 3, 2009
written by Executive Staff

Eric Holder annouces Credit Suisse sanctions

On December 16, United States authorities fined Credit Suisse $536 million in penalties for violating US economic sanctions regarding financial activity in Iran and several other sanctioned countries. Investigators told media that the Swiss bank continued transactions after the bank decided to terminate its business in Iran in 2005. A Credit Suisse representative office however stayed open in Tehran until 2006. Investigators have also discovered that the bank altered more than 7,000 transfers, totaling approximately $700 million, from Iran into the US in order to disguise their origin, otherwise known as “stripping.” Furthermore, Credit Suisse is believed to have been teaching Iranian banks how to “strip” transfers, resulting in more than $1 billion in funds flowing into New York banks. A US Treasury department statement said that the bank appears to also have been illegally operating in Sudan, Libya, Myanmar, Cuba, and with the former Liberian regime of Charles Taylor. The case involves five different US authorities, including the Manhattan District Attorney’s Office, the US Justice Department and the Federal Reserve. The settlement is expected to be split between these authorities, with $268 million to be divided between New York City and state, the largest settlement ever secured by the Manhattan District Attorney’s office. Nine other banks are believed to be under investigation for similar sanctions violations, while Lloyd’s Banking Group has already reached a $350 million settlement for similar charges.

December 3, 2009 0 comments
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Banking

Our cup runneth over

by Emma Cosgrove December 1, 2009
written by Emma Cosgrove

Lebanese depositors return to the lira

The reason behind this year’s success in banking and the mood of Lebanese bankers can be summed up in one word: confidence.

“If depositors lose confidence in their bank, they will lose confidence in all the banks in the country,” said Chairman of the Banking Control Commission Walid Alamuddin in a speech to the Union of Arab Banks at their yearly conference in Beirut in November.

Not only have depositors shown up in record numbers this year, but due to a seemingly irresistible interest rate spread, they have also converted their deposits into local currency at unprecedented rates — creating a challenge for bankers used to a highly dollarized balance sheet.

Overall deposits into Lebanese banks increased 21 percent in the first nine months of 2009 compared to the same period of 2008, totaling $92.2 billion, according to the Association of Banks in Lebanon (ABL). Lebanese lira (LL) deposits saw a 55.6 percent year-on-year increase by end-September.        

High deposit conversions have been heralded as proof that nationwide faith has been restored in the LL, as dollarization of deposits dropped to a nine-year low of 65.9 percent at the end of the third quarter, according to Bank Audi.      

“It is important because the Lebanese [lira] is regaining its role as a stock of value as a deposit currency,” said Marwan Barakat, head of research at Bank Audi.

But only time will tell whether these overwhelming conversions were truly a vote of confidence in the local currency from Lebanese depositors, or simply the product of a large spread between deposit rates in LL and United States dollars (USD).

At the start of the year, the average interest rate on LL deposits was 7.22 percent, while USD deposit rates averaged 3.31 percent. Dollar deposit interest rates have dropped steadily since the end of 2007, losing 153 basis points in 22 months. Lira deposit rates, however, did not follow this trend as strictly, losing just 46 basis points over that same period. This has created an interest rate spread of 378 basis points at end-September 2009: a significant increase from the 361 point spread between the two currencies in the same month in 2008.

The LL deposit rate has been dropping ever so slowly from 7.22 in January to 6.94 at the end of September, most likely because of market pressure and recommendations from the International Monetary Fund and the ABL, the latter of which actually recommended in October that a ceiling of 7 percent be placed on LL deposit rates. But the spread between LL and USD rates is still enticing, and it remains to be seen whether the Lebanese predilection for extremely gradual change will end up costing its banks.

IMF interest U-turn

Walid Raphael, deputy general manager at Banque Libano-Francaise (BLF), said that the slow drop in the LL deposit interest rate is likely due to interbank competition and an unwillingness to put profitability before growing customer bases.

“[It is] maybe because they are fighting for market share,” he said. “We might see a change and a stronger reduction in interest rates on deposits in Lebanese [lira] by next year. But you have to keep a spread between the dollar and LL to maintain the attractiveness of the LL.”

The IMF’s November 2009 recommendation is particularly noteworthy here, as it is a shift from their earlier position. Since there is a need for high liquidity in local currency, due to Lebanon’s high public debt, the IMF had said in an April 2009 public information notice that, “Given heightened near-term risks, directors agreed that there is little scope for lowering interest rates over the coming months.” 

Perhaps in light of the overwhelming deposit conversions and surprise excess of liquidity in local currency, the IMF changed its position in its November country report, stating, “In the near term, interest rates should be allowed to decline further, but at a gradual pace.”

Where the lira is lagging

The USD remains the preferred standard of deferred payment. Dollarization of loans has been holding strong at 85 percent for almost a decade, which presents a problem when the funding side of the balance sheet switches to local currency.

Private sector loans grew 11.4 percent by the end of the third quarter, growing by $2.8 billion, down from $4.4 billion in growth for the same period of 2008, notwithstanding this year’s high liquidity and corresponding flexibility. However, despite the steady dollarization rate of loans in Lebanon, LL lending accounted for 29 percent of the loan growth in 2009, compared to 12.3 percent lending in LL in 2008.

Most of this can be attributed to the central bank’s actions in July and September, lifting reserve requirements on 60 percent of lending categories in order to incentivize local currency lending and absorb some of the banks’ excess liquidity.

Before the release of these circulars, banks were required to keep 15 percent of their local currency in the central bank at zero percent interest, making lending in LL even more expensive. The change lifted this requirement to the tune of approximately 60 percent. This allowed banks to lower LL lending rates to around 5 percent interest; enough to offer some attractive new products in home loans, car loans, education loans, some industry-related loans and green initiative loans. The measures were almost immediately touted as successful, but lending continues to be relatively low.

The September 2009 spread of USD to LL average lending rates was the smallest it has been since December 2007, at 198 basis points, with the LL rate at 9.22 percent and the USD rate at 7.24 percent.

The central bank circulars allowed certain loans to drop to around 5 percent interest, which is where most of the LL lending has taken place. But, despite the uptick in local currency lending, BLF’s Raphael still believes that more needs to be done, including searching for new markets.

“The problem with Lebanese banks is that the size of their assests is three to four times the size of the economy,” he said. “So the banks are very liquid and we need to find good opportunities to lend. This is why we are growing out of Lebanon. This is why we are trying to find new markets.”

Narrowing options and dwindling returns

Treasury bills and certificates of deposit remain the primary methods of putting local currency liquidity to use; 85 to 90 percent of Lebanese liquidity is absorbed using these tools.

But the weighted average yield on LL treasury bills has been decreasing fairly steadily since the start of 2009. T-bills carried a 9.01 weighted average interest in January, which decreased by 22 basis points to 8.70 in September 2009.

Yet, despite these declining interest rates, monthly issuance for September 2009 reached its highest in nearly two years, with 2,289 bills issued over the month, marking a 58.6 percent increase on the same month of 2008.

 

Alpha banks’ rankings as of end-September 2009 (in $millions)

 

December 1, 2009 0 comments
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Finance

Banking Special – Hedge Funds

by Emma Cosgrove December 1, 2009
written by Emma Cosgrove

The financial crisis left former hedge fund investors with a bad taste in their mouths. A lack of transparency and light-touch regulation meant that many funds nearly went bankrupt when the US housing market collapsed and took with it the mortgage-backed securities in which they were heavily invested.

But losses are not the only thing souring investor sentiment on the subject. “Where investors got extremely disappointed was the fact that a lot of hedge fund managers gated, suspended redemptions and side-pocketed their illiquid assets, leaving clients unable to withdraw their money,” said Nadim Haidar, senior private banker at FFA Private Bank. “They were essentially at the mercy of hedge fund managers who dictate when they will get their money back.”  He says that there are two possible reasons that investors were forbidden from cashing out of the funds: “It was a truly exceptional time and some managers justifiably locked up to protect their remaining shareholders. Other managers unjustifiably locked up to keep themselves in business.”

In order to prevent this behavior in the future, the European Union updated its Undertakings for the Collective Investment of Transferable Securities (UCITS) directives, which essentially screen individual funds and supply them with “passports” so that they may be distributed throughout Europe. The rules have also become de facto standards for the rest of the world.  “It is kind of the like the kosher or halal approval for investing in hedge funds,” said Haidar. UCITS IV was approved on January 13, 2009 and will be implemented in 2011. The directive includes lower minimum investment requirements, higher liquidity requirements and much more transparency and disclosure to the investors on the part of the fund. In light of UCITS IV, hedge fund providers have often created UCITS versions of their same funds.

Concerns aside, Haidar is a big fan of hedge funds: “People want low volatility investments that appreciate slowly over time. Hedge funds are able to produce this,” he said.

December 1, 2009 0 comments
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Real estate

For your information

by Executive Staff November 26, 2009
written by Executive Staff

Suburb’s July war ruins rebuilt

A round 60 percent of the residential areas in the southern Beirut suburbs destroyed during the July 2006 war have been rebuilt, while the remaining 40 percent will be handed over soon, said Waad, a private construction firm affiliated with Hezbolla h, according to the Daily Star. While talking to a municipality delegation from Geneva that visited the southern suburbs, Hassan Jashi, the director general of Waad added that more than 25 new buildings will be delivered by the end of the month, raising the number of finished buildings to 70. He also said the project’s total cost will amount to $400 million, of which $180 million came from the Lebanese government, while Waad covered the remainder.

Beirut’s newest luxury hotels

A number of high-profile International hotel brands are expanding their investment in Lebanon or looking to establish their presence in the country for the first time. Hotel management company Rotana announced in October the opening of its third hotel in Lebanon. The $60 million ‘Raouché Arjaan’ hotel, located at the Raouché boulevard, will include 176 studios and suites as well as recreational facilities, including a rooftop swimming pool and a Bodylines Health and Fitness centre. ‘Le Gray’, owned by CampbellGray hotels and located at the Beirut Central district also opened its doors to visitors in October. The hotel has 87 rooms and suites, as well as 5 restaurants, a bar, swimming pool, health club and other facilities.  The Four Seasons also announced that its new hotel, located at Beirut’s corniche, will be ready to receive clients as of December this year. The hotel will feature 230 guest rooms, all featuring furnished terraces, as well as a rooftop pool.

Late summer land sales boom

The latest figures from Lebanon’s General Directorate of Land Registry notes sales transactions in August saw a 4 percent increase compared to July and 28 percent compared to June. Total value of sales transaction also increased 12 and 6 percent compared to June and July respectively. Construction permits also witnessed a substantial rise in August, increasing some 140 percent on July, but numbers were still lower than June. According to Bank Audi, construction permits in square meters in the first eight months of the year rose by 10.3 percent compared to 2008 and 38 percent compared to 2007. Mount Lebanon accounted to 48 percent of the total permits, followed by North Lebanon (21.9 percent), South Lebanon (16.1 percent), Beirut (7.7) percent and the Bekaa Valley (6.2 percent).

Palestine invests in hilltops

The Palestine Investment Fund (PIF) launched a $220 million real estate project in the West Bank on October 12. It is comprised of 30,000 new housing units and will be completed in the next five to 10 years, PIF Chairman Mohammed Mustafa told reporters.

“We want to see projects on the hilltops other than [Israeli] settlements,” he said. Mustafa added that the projects aims to create jobs and economic opportunities for Palestinians in the occupied territories and attract Arab and foreign investors. The project will be developed by the newly-launched Amaar Real Estate Group, which will be publicly listed on the Palestine Stock Exchange and will also take in more than $1 billion worth of existing housing and tourism construction projects. PIF is expected to double the investment to $2 billion in the next five years, said Mustafa.

Burj Dubai nears completion

Construction of the world’s tallest building is soon to be finished. Mohamed al-Abbar, chairman of Emaar Properties PJSC, told CNN that the Burj Dubai will open its doors on December 2. “We are aiming for… the United Arab Emirates National Day,” he said. The news came shortly after the company announced that the exterior cladding of the tower has been completed. The Arabian Aluminum Company, in association with Hong Kong-based Far East Aluminum Work, began work on the cladding in May 2007. Emaar said in the press release that the last cladding panel numbered 24,348, weighed 750 kilograms and was placed at a height of more than 662 meters. “Burj Dubai’s construction and engineering techniques are unprecedented, and they are our contribution to the science of high-rise development… The materials used, as well as withstanding the harsh summer temperatures, keep heat out of the building, allowing for a significant reduction in the amount of air-conditioning required,” said Abbar.

Real estate salaries down but still not paid

The average base salary of real estate professionals across the Middle East region stands at $10,340 per month, according to the third ‘Middle East Salary Survey’ done by property recruitment specialists Macdonald and Company, in collaboration with The Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS) and Cityscape Intelligence. That salary is 7.2 percent higher than the 2007 number but 3.7 percent lower than last year. Moreover, the survey said that compared to 71 percent of respondents who received salary increases last year, only 21 percent received a raise this year and 19 percent received a salary reduction (compared to 1 percent in 2008). A total of 2,083 real estate professionals in the region participated in the online survey, conducted in July and August. Of the participants, 43 percent worked in Dubai, 19 percent in the Abu Dhabi and the rest were from across the region.

Nakheel cuts jobs sales

Nakheel, the Dubai government-owned real estate developer, is set to cut 500 more jobs now that Cityscape 2009 is over, according to a mid-October report in The Independent newspaper in the United Kingdom.

“Nakheel continues to evaluate its projects and commitments against market conditions and opportunities. In doing so, the company also evaluates its cost base and efficiencies,” the company told Zawya Dow Jones in an email. The developer had already cut 500 jobs in November 2008.

 Shortly after the job cut announcement, Nakheel said it had sold two islands from its “The World” project for $65 million each, according the daily Emirates Business 24/7. The islands were sold in July and August, and only four islands remain in the market, according to the company’s plans.

“Despite some false reports in media, progress on The World continues and Nakheel remains committed to this landmark project.” Marwan Al Qamzi, group managing director of Nakheel Projects, told the press.

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Middle East Arms RaceSpecial Report

The Middle East Arms race

by Executive Staff November 26, 2009
written by Executive Staff

The global picture

This month the world will mark 20 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall — on November 9, 1989 — and the end of the Cold War. With the doomsday scenario of (nuclear) World War III less likely, people around the globe had high hopes for an era of peace and prosperity, including a decrease in military spending.

Following decades of military build-up in the United States, the former Soviet Union and both of their allies, military budgets did indeed decrease, albeit not for long. Over the past decade, military spending has gradually regained lost ground, reaching record levels last year.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), global military expenditure in 2008 amounted to $1.46 trillion, which represented an estimated 2.4 percent of global GDP in 2008, and a 45 percent increase since 1999. Why?

The US leads the pack

“The idea of the ‘war on terror’ has encouraged many countries to see their problems through a highly militarized lens, using this to justify increased military spending, while the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have cost $903 billion in additional military spending by the US alone,” said Sam Perlo-Freeman, head of the Military Expenditure Project at SIPRI. The US remains the world’s largest military spender.

The 2008 national defense budget amounted to $516 billion, or 42 percent of the world total, not including the $194 billion spent that year on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Over the past decade, US spending increased by $219 billion, which represents 58 percent of the global increase. US Defense Secretary Robert Gates proposed a 2010 military budget of $534 billion and a reduced $117 billion budget for Iraq and Afghanistan.

The US is followed at some distance by China (8.2 percent of global military spending), Russia (4.75 percent), the United Kingdom (3.75 percent) and France (3.67 percent). China and Russia increased military spending  over the past decade by $42 billion and $24 billion, respectively. Other major budget increases also occurred in India, South Korea, Brazil and a number of Middle Eastern countries, including Israel, Iran, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), the United Arab Emirates, Algeria and Oman.

Untransparent military budgets

KSA remains the region’s top spender, increasing its 1998 military budget by 61 percent to $33 billion in 2008. The kingdom is followed by Israel ($13 billion), Iran ($6.1 billion), Oman ($4 billion), Kuwait ($3.6 billion), Egypt ($2.6 billion) and the UAE ($2.5 billion). Considering that most countries in the Middle East have no arms industry to speak of, their share of the global arms trade is relatively high.

Military spending includes everything from soldiers’ pay and building maintenance to the actual acquisition of arms. The media often tend to confuse overall military spending with arms acquisitions.

“Many countries with lower levels of transparency do not even include arms imports in their military expenditure figures,” said Perlo-Freeman. “This may well include many Middle Eastern countries. In most cases the only data available for the military budget is a single figure, so it can be hard to relate military budgets to arms import trends. Also, official budgets often leave out quite a lot, not only arms imports. Iran, for example, does not include the Revolutionary Guard’s budget and the UAE budget does not include spending by individual Emirates, which is believed to be quite significant.”

One thing is certain: regional military spending will not decrease any time soon. In August, American research firm Sullivan & Frost concluded that the region’s military budgets are likely to break the $100 billion mark by 2014, amounting to 11 percent of global spending, compared to 7 percent today.

While most Middle Eastern countries are not among the world’s top spenders in absolute figures, they are top of the bill when military spending is defined as a percentage of GDP. The regional average is twice as high as the global average of 2.4 percent. The Middle East also scores high in terms of military spending per capita. Israel tops the global list with some $2,300 per inhabitant, followed by the US ($1,950), Oman ($1,650), Singapore ($1,625), Kuwait ($1,600) and KSA ($1,500).

It may come as a surprise to see Oman among the top spenders. The sultanate significantly increased its military budget from $1.7 billion in 1999 to $4 billion in 2008. The reasons are the same as elsewhere in the region: strategically located on the Strait of Hormuz, Oman fears Iran’s alleged nuclear and regional ambitions, as well as the fall-out from a potential US-led attack on Iran. It remains to be seen if the Iranian threat justifies the region-wide splurge in military spending. 

Top 15 countries by military spending per capita

Source: SIPRI

The regional arms race

British Typhoon combat jets to KSA, German Dolphin submarines to Israel, American Patriot defense missiles to Israel and the UAE, American F-16 fighter jets to Turkey, KSA and the UAE, and state-of-the-art American F-35 fighter jets to Israel: these are just a few examples of the military hardware coming the region’s way as part of a multi-billion dollar arms race. The Middle East has long been a lucrative market for international arms manufacturers, and will arguably remain so for many years to come.

“Predictions about the future volume of arms transfers are difficult to make, as good information is hard to get,” said Pieter Wezeman, a SIPRI senior researcher on international arms trade. “Still, known information about existing orders, and orders being negotiated, indicate that several countries will maintain their level of arms imports in the coming years.”

One major growth market will be Iraq, which is expected to increase its military spending, including arms imports, as the US army is set to increasingly take a back seat. Yet, it will take some years before Iraq will come anywhere near the region’s traditional big spenders on arms: KSA, Israel, Iran and, to a lesser extent, the UAE and Egypt.

“KSA buys everything from new German rifles to British combat aircraft, and possibly more aircraft from the US,” said Wezeman. “Some weapons are getting old and are ready to be replaced. In other cases weapons are procured, which arguably add to existing military capabilities. For example, the procurement of new and upgraded combat aircraft armed with cruise missiles will give KSA, at least in theory, the capacity to strike targets at a long range, in some ways creating a counter deterrence to Iran’s ballistic missiles.”

KSA and its allies, as well as Israel, view Iran as the main threat to regional stability, which, as such, functions as the main catalyst in the current Middle East arms race. Naturally, their concerns were not exactly reduced when the Islamic Republic in recent months test-fired a series of long-range Sijil and Shahab III missiles, whose range extends as far as Tel Aviv.

Partly with the aim to counter Iran’s ballistic threat, KSA in 2007 bought 72 Eurofighter Typhoon jets from the world’s second largest arms manufacturer, Britain’s BAE for an estimated $9 billion. The British Ministry of Defense hailed “Project Salam” as a “new chapter” in Saudi-British relations, which arguably referred to the cloud of corruption that accompanied the massive 1980s Yamamah arms deal. It speaks for itself that the $9 billion “peace project” will be spread over the kingdom’s annual military budgets for many years.

One major growth market will be Iraq, which is expected to increase military spending, including arms imports, as the U.S. army takes a back seat

Riyadh’s arms bazaar

The Financial Times in September reported another major Saudi deal, with Riyadh planning to buy at least $2 billion worth of Russian arms. According to the British daily, the contract could be signed before year’s end, yet Wezeman warned that Russian arms manufacturers tend to announce things early, and recommended adopting a “wait and see” attitude.

It is nevertheless an interesting development. KSA has significantly improved its ties with Russia in recent years. Following former Russian President Vladimir Putin’s 2007 visit to the kingdom, the first ever by a Russian head of state, Moscow and Riyadh last year signed a military cooperation agreement. The Financial Times reported the value of the deal was at least $2 billion, and possibly as high as $7 billion, including hundreds of Mi-35 attack helicopters, Mi-17 transport helicopters, T-90S tanks, BMP-3 infantry vehicles, and, most importantly, the S-400 Triumf, Russia’s most advanced anti-aircraft missile defense system.

The S-400 is an upgraded version of the S-300 long-range surface-to-air missile system, and is capable of detecting and engaging six targets from a range of 400 kilometers. Despite the arrival of the Russians in a region that is traditionally a customer of Western arms manufacturers, not a word of protest has been heard in Washington or European capitals.

“Saudi Arabia buys weapons as a ‘bribe’ to the world’s great powers in exchange for support”

Serenading Moscow

Most analysts believe that the deal is some sort of sweetener, aimed at convincing Russia to accept economic sanctions on Iran and dissuading Moscow from selling its missile defense systems to the Islamic Republic. In a widely publicized 2007 deal, Russia agreed to sell Iran its S-300 missile defense system — a contract reportedly worth between $750 million and $1 billion — yet so far no delivery has been made.

“The pressure from the US is a stick, and the huge weapons deal prepared by the Saudis is a carrot,” Ruslan Pukhov, director of the Centre for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies, told the Russian news agency Interfax. “We all know Saudi Arabia buys weapons as a ‘bribe’ to the world’s great powers in exchange for support.”

“The exact motivations and rationale for arms procurement by most governments in the Middle East often remain obscure,” said SIPRI’s Wezeman. “Only in Israel there exists some sort of public debate. It is plausible that KSA wants to buy arms from Russia, in particular air defense missiles, on the condition that Russia does not sell the same weapons to Iran. That would be a very good bargain indeed, as it would not only increase its defense capacity, but also keep Iran vulnerable. Considering the major military market in KSA, this scenario may also be appealing to the Russians.”

“But other motivations may play a role as well,” he continued. “KSA may want to diversify its sources to avoid ending up in a situation where its current suppliers will restrain their exports. KSA may want to improve its relations with a broader group of global players. Last year, for example, it bought Chinese artillery, which may have been aimed at pleasing Beijing. Finally, there may be a relation with the division between power centers in KSA, where the National Guard has often bought weapons completely independently from the armed forces.”

A qualitative edge would make up for a quantitative manpower shortage when facing a bigger adversary

Emirates bristle with US missiles

KSA is not the only country splashing out on arms. The UAE has invested considerably in missile defense systems, fighter jets and marine vessels. Unfortunately, there are few reliable figures available regarding the UAE’s overall military budget, if only because military spending by individual emirates is not included. Consequently, SIPRI has not published UAE figures since 2005. Still, from the reported arms deals it becomes clear that the UAE has optimized its defense capabilities. 

According to the Dubai-based Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA), the noticeable hike in defense expenditure in a few Gulf countries, and specifically in the UAE, is very much related to a possible regional war between Iran, on the one side, and the United States and Israel on the other, which might swirl out of control and drag in the Arab countries.

According to INEGMA, it is of strategic importance for the UAE to keep the Strait of Hormuz open for import and export.

“Lacking geographical depth and sizable manpower, the need to protect strategic assets requires the country to seek high-tech and top quality defense systems to make up for the existing disadvantages, and to extend an effective defense umbrella to all of the state’s assets and its infrastructure,” said Riad Kahwaji, INEGMA’s founder and general manager.

“So it is a qualitative edge that would make up for quantitative shortages in manpower, especially when facing a bigger adversary.”

Fortress Arabia

According to Kahwaji, the UAE and other Gulf states could also become the target of terrorist attacks by extremists entering the country illegally by land or sea. That’s why in 2008 the UAE embarked on a multi-million-dollar high-tech project to consolidate the security of its borders with cameras and sensors, as well as reconnaissance airplanes and coastal patrol boats. The country also recently asked the Pentagon for approval to purchase more than 360 Hellfire missiles and all accompanying hardware.

Earlier this year, the UAE became the first foreign country to purchase the Theater High Altitude Air Defense (THAAD) system with advanced Patriot PAC-3 missiles for low-to-medium altitude interceptions and advanced radars, both airborne and land-based, for early warning.

The country furthermore completed taking delivery of 80 US F-16 fighter jets, which are to operate alongside its 60 French Mirages, and it has ordered a series of Hercules and Boeing transport planes from Lockheed Martin, reportedly worth some $3 billion.

Finally, the UAE Navy ordered a $117 million anti-sub frigate from Italy and asked the Abu Dhabi Ship Building Company to build 12 new Fast Fighting Vessels and upgrade 12 existing ones.

How real is the Iranian threat?

To justify the billions of dollars spent on the military in general and arms procurements in particular, the region’s politicians and media almost routinely point at Iran, which allegedly aims to build an A-bomb and is said to have regional ambitions in Iraq, Afghanistan and beyond. Or, as Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak cried in 2008: “The Persians are trying to devour the Arab states.”

Thus Iran has effectively taken over Israel’s role as the region’s main bully and bad boy. The fact is that Iran has increased its military spending, from $3.2 billion in 1999 to a touch more than $6 billion in 2008 and, as stated previously, this amount is arguably much higher as it does not include the country’s budget for the elite Revolutionary Guards.

Inflated threat

Even so, most experts agree that Iran’s military threat is greatly exaggerated. The London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), for example, estimates that Iran, with a population of 66.5 million, spends up to 25 times less per capita on its military than Israel and most of its Arab neighbors.

According to Travis Sharp, military policy analyst at the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, the Arab states are wary of Iran’s military threat, yet that hasn’t stopped them from maintaining close political and economic relations with Tehran. Billions of dollars in goods destined for Iran pass through Dubai annually.

“Is the UAE willing to participate in strengthened sanctions against Iran if doing so would mean the loss of trade revenue?” Sharp posited. “Probably not, especially if the UAE and other Arab states believe that Europe, Israel and the US are going to deal with Iran…the Arab states want a free ride on the West’s commitment to prevent an Iranian nuclear bomb.”

“Iranian arms procurement has been discussed widely in recent years, but a lot was based on rumors…which have not proven to be true,” said SIPRI’s Pieter Wezeman. “Two years ago Iran was first said to buy 250 advanced combat aircraft from Russia, yet nothing happened. Russia has sold Iran some short-range missile air defense systems, but (apparently) has put delivery of long range air defense missiles on hold.”

“Whatever the intentions of the Iranian government are, its military capabilities are limited and easily exaggerated,” Wezeman continued. “In terms of conventional weapons Iran’s capability to threaten anyone is very limited. Iran has not been able to buy large numbers of advanced weapons, such as combat aircraft and long-range missile air defense systems, while most, if not all, of its adversaries have comparatively large, or very large, arsenals of such weapons. Iran also does not have the financial means to go on a major arms procurement spree.”

As a result, the Iranian armed forces are largely equipped with outdated weapons. Just look at Iran’s air force, which will have to win the battle for the skies with a few dozen 1991 French Mirages, Russian Migs and Chinese jets, as well as a handful of American 1968 F-4 Phantoms.

 Ironically, despite the boycott, much of Iran’s arms are American-made and stem from the days when the Shah was a major American ally. Meanwhile, the US is replacing its fleet of F-16s with the more advanced F-35s and F-22s, and has sold hundreds of F-15s and F-16s to countries such as Turkey, Egypt, UAE and KSA. Israel has the largest fleet of F-16s outside the US, and is to receive F-35s to maintain “its qualitative edge” over its Arab neighbors.

Iran’s capability to use force lies mainly in its arsenal of ballistic missiles and its influence over (militant) groups in countries such as Iraq and Lebanon. However, Iran’s missiles are limited in number and lack accuracy. Armed with conventional warheads, they have a limited military impact. Of course, if Iran would acquire nuclear warheads, the story would be quite different.

Yet, as Wezeman pointed out, it remains to be seen in such a scenario how current Arab arms procurements will actually help to face any real or perceived Iranian threat.

“It can even be argued that Iran perceives itself as being encircled by unfriendly states with considerable, partly offensive and increasing military capability, which may be an added motivation for Iran to pursue some sort of nuclear weapons capability,” Wezeman concluded.

Israel’s might made in America

Israel remains the region’s top spender after KSA, with a military budget of $13 billion in 2008, which represents some 8 percent of GDP, and an increase of 31.5 percent since 1999. Despite Washington’s arms sales to Arab countries, Israel remains without a doubt its leading ally in the region.

In 2007, the Bush administration increased military aid to Israel by more than 25 percent to an average $3 billion per year for the next decade.

“We consider this $30 billion in assistance to Israel to be an investment in peace — in long-term peace,” Nicholas Burns, then Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs explained. “Peace will not be made without strength. Peace will not be made without Israel being strong in the future.”

The Bush administration also announced the sale of additional sophisticated weaponry to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, yet US officials have since repeatedly stressed that US policy in the region is based on maintaining Israel’s “qualitative military edge” over its neighbors.

Nearly half of the US annual military aid budget goes to Israel, which is the only recipient not obliged to spend all of it in the US. This has not only helped the Israeli armed forces become one of the most advanced and feared in the world, but also helped the country build a domestic defense industry, which today ranks among the leading exporters worldwide. On average, Israel uses some 75 percent of American military aid to purchase US defense equipment.

While Israel already has the largest fleet of F-16s outside the US, in addition to F-15s, as well as all the latest attack helicopters, Washington has agreed to sell 25 more advanced F-35s to Israel, with an option of another 50. The F-35 will not be sold to Arab countries. Last but not least, Israel has an estimated 150 to 200 nuclear warheads, which can be delivered by a ballistic missile.

The 10 largest arms producing companies, 2007

Source: SIPRI
*Note: Companies are US-based, unless indicated otherwise. The profit (not the sales) figures are from all company activities, which include non-military sales.
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Feature

Hummus slinging

by Executive Staff November 26, 2009
written by Executive Staff

A white tent, as large as a circus big-top and just as crowded, shakes and rustles to the boom of a loudspeaker.

“Hummus!” a voice bellows through a microphone. “Hummus Lubnani!”

The crowd cheers, claps, presses forward, and there, through the milling bodies, rises the ceramic contours of a giant bowl, as wide as a truck is long, its edge as high as a man’s shoulder. Around it throng an army in tall chef’s caps, stirring the bowl’s contents with giant wooden paddles. Every few minutes a chef pushes through to the bowl’s edge and empties an enormous basin of cream-like liquid into it.

Below, the digits of a huge electronic scale climb through the hundreds. The scale clicks: 2,080 kilograms weight. The crowd cheers.

“Two tons!” the loudspeaker roars. “Lebanon has just set the Guinness world record for most hummus ever assembled in one place!”

Hummus — the unassuming hors d’oeuvre that ties any Lebanese meal together — may seem an unlikely battleground for global conflict. Yet the mighty vat under the big-top sits at the center of what has become an all-out tug-of war between Lebanon — which claims to be hummus’ birthplace — and a bevy of foreign industry players marketing the dish as Greek, Turkish or Israeli cuisine.

“We first noticed our food’s piracy during international agro exhibitions, where many Lebanese products were marketed under other appellations,” said Fady Abboud, president of the Association of Lebanese Industrialists (ALI). “This results in colossal losses [for Lebanon’s economy].”

The hummus market is worth more than $1 billion globaly, with 500,000 tubs eaten every day in the United Kingdom alone, said Abboud. The international community seems to have forgotten that hummus is to the Levant what Cornish Pasty is to Cornwall, and the Lebanese want it back.

Hummus nationalists have been particularly outraged by restaurants serving hummus bi tahini, falafel and baba ghannouj as “traditional Israeli cuisine,” and are currently preparing an international lawsuit against Israel over the dishes’ ownership. 

In addition, the ALI, the Syndicate of Lebanese Food Industries, the Ministry of Industry and the Chamber of Commerce are petitioning the European Union to accord hummus, along with 24 other Lebanese national dishes, a place under its Protected Designation of Origins Act. The status assures a product can only be sold in European markets if it is produced in its country of origin.

Industry representatives stress that they are not trying to monopolize the market for chickpea dip.

“Hummus, in various forms and under various titles, is served across the Mediterranean and Middle East,” said Edward Aoun, deputy chairman of International Fairs & Promotions (IFP), the group organizing the event. “However, the name, as well as the dish in its most conventional form, are strictly Lebanese.” The first use of the term — originally hummus bi tahini — occurred in Lebanon in the 1950’s, advocates say. The first canned hummus was manufactured by the Lebanese brand Cortas.

However, thanks to rampant misappropriation by other nations, the average global consumer is more likely to associate hummus with Israel, Turkey or the Mediterranean in general, giving scant consideration to the country that first furnished the dish.

Besides potential economic gains, the fight to bring hummus back to Lebanon is a nationalistic struggle, advocates say. “This is a patriotic event on a national scale,” said Fady Jreissati, vice president of the IFP.

Whether a spot in the Guinness Book of World Records — or the  spectacle of a two-ton bowl of hummus — will be enough to gain international recognition remains to be seen. If the events of the day are any evidence, there is little doubt that the battle will go on.

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