In 2003, a string of deadly suicide bombings in Casablanca sent a shock wave through the relatively stable kingdom of Morocco, which maintains close ties to Europe, Israel and America, and which is working to make tourism a keystone of the economy. The attacks on Jewish and European targets killed 32 and injured more than 100 people, and were followed by a series of suicide bombings in April of 2007, this time targeting the US consulate in Casablanca and two other American institutions. In the wake of these attacks, businesses from a broad variety of sectors have been turning to private security firms for protection and peace of mind. But are local security agencies really making businesses safer?
Over the past decade, the private security industry has enjoyed rapid growth, both in conflict regions and globally. Private security firms are increasingly being called upon to take part in military conflicts. Some developed countries deploy private security firms in conflict zones, as the US has in Iraq, and private security firms have also been accused of carrying out coups d’etat, as in Sierra Leone. According to the Institute for Security Studies, “Private security companies have diversified their activities to include military advice and training, arms procurement, intelligence gathering, logistical and medical support and in limited instances, combat and operational support.” Although international and domestic laws regarding mercenaries do apply to private security companies, their non-state actor status acts as a kind of loophole. Private security contractor Blackwater drew global criticism last year in the wake of an incident in Iraq that left 17 civilians dead.
Demand for protection
Security companies that operate in non-conflict zones offer a variety of services, including bodyguards, funds transport and surveillance. In Morocco, whereas before 2003 security guards were only present at banks and multinational companies, they have since become an essential fixture of hotels, clinics, hospitals, nightclubs, boutiques, restaurants and housing complexes in various regions of this developing North African country. As demand for security services waxes in the Moroccan market, many clients and company executives are troubled by shortfalls in the sector.
“When you talk about security in Morocco, you’re really talking about gardiennage,” says one French security expert, who abandoned his plan to open a private security firm in Casablanca after encountering numerous setbacks. “Gardiennage is what you do when you watch over a parked car. Security is completely different, because it brings you into a notion of safekeeping of goods and persons. Security is, above all, prevention: guards are supposed to diffuse dangerous situations.”
All security guards are expected to have a minimum level of basic training, covering first-aid, the proper use of a fire extinguisher, as well as how to alert authorities or call for help in a crisis situation. At a higher level, certain guards may be proficient in martial arts or crisis resolution techniques.
In Morocco, the private security sector has become something of a crisis itself. Security experts paint an alarming picture of guards who do not know how to use a fire extinguisher, have no means of communication to contact authorities, have metal detectors but no batteries, and often do not know how to read. And while lack of training and professional demeanor is a source of dissatisfaction among most clients, some are on the lookout for guards with too much training. Banks in particular are wary of entrusting their safekeeping to individuals with outstanding training in surveillance, self-defense, and security systems.
Few professionals
Security guards in Morocco are not armed and until recently there was no regulatory framework for companies providing security services. Authorities estimate the current number of agencies in the country at about 500. Only about ten of these are considered to operate according to professional standards. Higher-end private security in the country currently consists of a handful of top-notch international companies, such as Groupe 4, Securicor, Brink’s, RMO, and Jamain Baco. These top tier companies receive contracts to provide security to large markets such as airports, electricity centers, gas companies, hotel chains, and embassies.
The increasing visibility of the sector since 2003 has created tension between competing security agencies. Due to the lack of regulation, just about anyone can go into the security business in Morocco. Companies who invest in training and a high level of professionalism find themselves in competition with smaller enterprises that cut costs by eliminating training and radios, and by paying salaries well below the minimum wage. A smaller firm might offer three uniformed guards and a dog for the same price as a single trained guard from a respected company. Since many businesses perceive security more as an appearance than an activity, these small firms draw clients away from serious agencies, and keep market prices very low.
The average price of a mid-level security guard on the Moroccan market ranges around $440-$500. The minimum wage is $290, and when you add the cost of the standard three-month training, uniform, social security and radios, the profit margin is negligible. Furthermore, most guards work 12-hour shifts, often with no shelter and nowhere to sit down and rest for a moment. With minimal pay and little to do, guards are notorious for harassing women and asking for bribes.
The problem amounts to a vicious circle: until clients are willing to pay higher prices for properly-trained guards, companies cannot afford to invest in the training and decent working conditions needed to bring security services up to speed. Small companies that hire illiterate guards for a fraction of the minimum wage keep market prices too low for trained guards to be commercially competitive.
As the sector acquires new visibility and social importance however, movements are stirring on the side of government and civil society to impose higher standards on the industry. After the 2003 bombings, representatives of the major security companies banded together to form the Moroccan Security Companies Association (AMEG). Karim Chaqroun, president of the association, said at the time, “The Casablanca attacks were a turning point for the activity of private security in Morocco. They gave rise to a crisis of conscience concerning the need to organize the sector.”
In December 2007 the only law regulating the industry, a 1941 dahir that prohibited anyone other than “the forces of order” from carrying arms, was finally updated. The new Law 27-06 will permit guards to carry “arms” for the first time, although the category will be restricted to teargas, batons and other light weapons of this sort for the time being. The state seems to view this move as a means for keeping a watchful eye on the private security sector. Most security guards are undeclared by their employers to save costs. Under the new law, each guard must register with the state, which will enable the screening out of convicted criminals. The law also foresees a state-mandated training level.
But many in the security sector are concerned that this new law is a move to reign in the industry. They also point out its failure to offer concrete proposals for achieving a higher level of organization throughout the sector. The Professional Association of Moroccan Security Companies (APASM) held a colloquium on the topic in Marrakech in July 2008. They congratulated the Minister of the Interior and other government agencies for taking an interest in organizing the sector, but urged that private sector security representatives be present in the formulation of laws for applying the new text. Rachid El Mounacif, founding member of APASM, told local press at the time of the law’s passing that his organization had not been consulted, and that he was not even aware that such a law was being considered. The association asked that the government pay special attention to certain problems, particularly eradicating the 12-hour shift, ensuring that all salaries reach the minimum wage level, providing insurance for guards and creating training institutions.
The state is, of course, right in intervening and in building bridges with this growing group of private security forces, even if they are, for the time being, more like parking attendants than police officers. But the government might want look beyond its own interest and lend its support to civil society organizations working to improve the quality of services. The government could, for instance, invite a delegation from representative organizations, like APASM or AMEG, to collaborate on the application of the new law.
