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GCC

Sector set for expansion

by Executive Staff February 8, 2007
written by Executive Staff

It has been a busy few weeks for Kuwait’s telecommunications sector, with the country’s existing mobile phone network operators announcing ambitious expansion plans overseas, while facing the prospect of a new rival in the domestic market.

Kuwait’s mobile phone market is set for a major upheaval after the government announced on Dec. 17, 2006 that it would allow a third license to join Mobile Telecommunications Company (MTC) and the Wataniya Telecom Company.

Decision comes from political pressure

The decision by the Kuwaiti cabinet to back the proposal for a third operator came after considerable pressure from the opposition, which had long contended that the establishing of Wataniya in 1999 had not done enough to boost competition in the telecoms market.

Under the cabinet’s proposal, 60% of shares in the new firm will be available to the public, 24% to state-owned authorities including a pension fund and an investment body and the other 16% to a core local or international investor. The government had rejected a bill tabled by the opposition earlier this year to set up a third operator but appears to have accepted both the economic viability of a new venture and the public pressure for a wider range of options.

The third license has been something of a political football in Kuwaiti politics, with the government contending that it was a matter for the cabinet to decide on while the opposition-dominated National Assembly took the position that it was a legislative issue.

Speaking on December 10, before the cabinet formally approved the proposal for the new network, Communications Minister Maasouma al-Mubarak said that while the government was not opposed to issuing a third license, or more if needed, any such company would be set up through the ministry of commerce and industry and not through mechanisms established by the assembly.

The government firmly believes that establishing companies is the sole jurisdiction of the government and not the legislative power, she said.

Regulation required

Al-Mubarak also said that the government was looking to establish a communications commission to regulate the telecom market, a step that would, to some degree, allay opposition concerns over a lack of competition and ensure transparency.

Whenever the new company becomes operational, it will face fierce competition in the tight Kuwaiti market. The country already has one of the highest levels of penetration in the world, with 2.5 million of Kuwait’s population of 3 million currently subscribing to either MTC or Wataniya.

Though Kuwait’s two domestic mobile phone firms may be facing additional competition at home, the threat hasn’t fazed either MTC or Wataniya. Both have recently announced new plans to expand their already sizeable international operations.

On Dec. 17, MTC announced that it was considering placing a bid for Paktel, Pakistan’s fifth-largest mobile phone company, after the operator’s Luxembourg-based owner Millicom made public plans to bow out of the Pakistani telecoms sector. If the sale goes through, it would give MTC a further 1.5 million subscribers to those it has in its 20 existing overseas operations and allow it to access a rapidly growing market.

Only days before, the international arm of rival Wataniya signed an agreement with the Palestine Investment Fund (PIF) to set up a new mobile phone company in the Palestinian territories. The deal will see the Kuwaiti company manage the operation and hold 40% of the new firm’s shares, with the PIF having another 30% and the remaining slice being offered to the Palestinian public through an initial public offering (IPO).

In September, the Palestinian government’s Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology awarded Wataniya the tender to establish the second mobile phone network after the company submitted a bid of $179 million for the rights.

The expansion into the Palestinian market will further consolidate Wataniya’s overseas holdings, with the company also operating in northern Iraq, Tunisia and Algeria.

News of the shareholders agreement came only a day after the Kuwait Projects Company announced that it was considering selling its 24.9% stake in Wataniya, with the proposed move being linked to the general downturn in the region’s stock markets.

February 8, 2007 0 comments
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GCC

Oman working to broaden economy with push in tourism sector

by Executive Staff February 8, 2007
written by Executive Staff

As is the case with most of the states in the Gulf region, Oman is actively working to broaden the base of its economy and to provide employment opportunities to its expanding local workforce. One sector that has been identified as having great potential is that of tourism, an industry that Oman is particularly well positioned to foster.

Slow out of the blocks

In some ways, Oman has been slow out of the blocks in the race to promote itself as a holiday destination, with a separate Ministry of Tourism only established in 2004. That said, the Sultanate already had in place a sound tourism infrastructure and has fast become a serious rival to other Gulf states, such as the UAE, that have also seen tourism as a viable option for their economies.

Market analysts are predicting the Omani economy to expand by 5.9% in 2007, following 5% growth last year, placing it just behind Qatar and the UAE and well ahead of Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Contributing to the solid growth rates in 2006 and 2007, the tourism sector grew by 16% in 2006 and looks set for a bumper year in 2007.

Oman’s tourism sector launched itself into 2007 on a high, fuelled by strong bookings through the Eid al Adha break, with hotels and resorts reporting a 90% occupancy rate during the holiday.

Oman has joined the regional mania for building whole self-contained metropolises from the ground up, with the announcement of the Blue City project on the coastal region at Al Sawadi. The project, with a total budget estimated at between $15 to $20 billion, will include more than 200 villas, some 5000 apartments, four hotels, golf courses and retail centers.

According to Renny Borhan, senior vice president of Hill International, the US construction firm that won a six-year contract in early January to provide technical advisory and oversight services for the project, the new mega development will be a significant boost to the Omani tourism industry. “The Blue City development will make the country of Oman a major destination in the Middle East,” Borhan said.

Tourism as a cure for unemployment

Oman’s government has identified the labor-intensive tourism sector as a way of relieving the growing unemployment problem. The 2007 budget unveiled by Economy Minister Ahmed bin Abdulnabi Macki on January 7 included a number of large ticket items to boost tourism-related infrastructure. Foremost among these are funding for further improvements to the Muscat Seeb International Airport, as well as consultancy studies for the construction of two new airports. Other general infrastructure projects, including major highway links and water, wastewater processing and electricity upgrades will all have a positive effect on the country’s tourism sector.

In addition, the state has provided the required land and a soft loan of $7.75 million to assist in the development of a golf course, a residential complex and hotels close to Muscat. On January 6, the Oman Arab Bank and Bank Dhofar signed an agreement to finance the residential phase of the project, which has already seen the completion of a series of high-end villas and apartments that will cater to the region’s golf lovers and those from further afield. The course will be fully grassed during 2007 and brought up to international standards, another step in Oman’s campaign to increase its share of the tourism market in the Gulf.

However, while Oman has seen a flourishing of tourism developments in recent years, with many lavish new projects either on the drawing board or set to start construction in 2007, the country has also somewhat sought to distance itself from the luxury brand holidays offered by its neighbors. Omani tourism operators, encouraged by the government, are looking to cash in not only on the sun and fun aspects of tourism but there has also been a strong emphasis on adventure tourism including diving, safaris, off-road driving, trekking, camping and mountain climbing.

February 8, 2007 0 comments
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GCC

Regional stock storms

by Executive Staff February 8, 2007
written by Executive Staff

Despite the market volatility throughout the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region, the Muscat Securities Market (MSM) has experienced overall growth of 12% in 2006.

In a report issued in August, Merrill Lynch named Oman as one of the top four most attractive markets in the Middle East and North Africa region. The other countries named in the report were Egypt, Bahrain and Kuwait.

Neighboring markets in the Gulf slumped from record highs earlier last year. In Saudi Arabia, the downturn came after three years of growth.

Ahmed Saleh al-Marhoon, the director general of the MSM, said that what happened this year was unprecedented in the region. The unrealistic index increases were bound to lead to a correction, which is what started happening in late February 2006.

In Saudi Arabia, the Tadawul All Share Index grew almost eightfold between March 2003 and February 2006. By late November, the Tadawul was operating 49% lower than the same period during the previous year. Meanwhile, the Dubai Financial Market had fallen 64% and Doha 42% over the same period.

MSM sees realistic increase

Comparatively, the MSM did not suffer from such a slump. “If you trace the movements, you will see a realistic increase reflecting real economic growth,” al-Marhoon said.

A small dip was recorded from March through the summer and al-Marhoon explained this as normal market behavior. “The MSM is not immune to sentiments in the region,” he added.

A limitation for attracting investors to the MSM, despite its stability, is its size. The market has about 140 listed companies of which about 40 actually get traded. The Bank Sohar initial public offering (IPO) was the only IPO released on the market in 2006.

Earlier in January, Bank Sohar released the $51.9 million IPO, which represents 40% of the total paid up capital, the minimum required to be listed on the MSM as decided by the regulator, the IPO oversubscribed by six times.

The market wants more IPOs

Al-Marhoon said that the market would like to see more IPOs, as a way to enrich it and attract more investors.

A number of other IPOs were expected last year, notably through government privatization. However, these have been delayed. Al-Marhoon said the government was still committed to privatization but procedural matters had to be dealt with.

Meanwhile, Galfar Engineering and Contracting, the sultanate’s largest private construction company, announced last July that it would go public by November, but this was delayed until 2007. The company is expected to release $130 million, said Mohammed Ali, the managing director of Galfar.

Al-Marhoon said that most IPOs expected over the next few years would come from some of the new tourism developments and oil related industries.

The MSM has also identified the large family businesses and groups that are active in the private sector, which as of yet have tended not to go public.

Al-Marhoon said that he would like to see more family businesses go public. He said it was in their interest, as it would allow for new blood, new ideas and diversification.

February 8, 2007 0 comments
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GCC

Economic projects

by Executive Staff February 8, 2007
written by Executive Staff

On December 16, Amr al-Dabbagh, the governor of the Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority (SAGIA) discussed how the kingdom’s ambitious economic cities projects would break new ground in the integration and use of information and communications technology (ICT).

Al-Dabbagh spoke during a forum entitled Intelligent Cities, held in Riyadh. The forum discussed the concept of the project and the investment opportunities associated with the cities. All are to be solely funded by the private sector but al-Dabbagh was quick to emphasize the government was offering tremendous support to the initiatives.

In addition, the head of SAGIA also announced two new cities, which would bring the total to six. Studies are underway to establish two new economic cities in the northern and eastern regions, al-Dabbagh said.

The four cities announced to date are King Abdullah Economic City in Rabigh, on the coast north of Jeddah, Prince Abdulaziz bin Mousaed’s Economic City (PABMEC) near Hail, Knowledge Economic City in al-Madinah, and Jizan Economic City. SAGIA estimates that these projects alone will attract $80 million in investment.

Liberalizing restrictive regulations

SAGIA was founded in 2000 on the back of the government’s new Foreign Investment Law which paved the way for liberalizing some of the kingdom’s traditionally restrictive regulations regarding the rights of private foreign investors. The authority has the mandate to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) and increase economic diversification, particularly through knowledge-based enterprises.

The government’s economic strategy, of which SAGIA is but a part, centers on diversifying the economy. Another vital aspect is the creation of employment opportunities for the growing population—an estimated 60% are under the age of 14. Among these and other strategies there remains a strong emphasis on spreading wealth equitably throughout the kingdom.

The economic cities projects are intended to go some way in fulfilling both SAGIA’s stated objectives and the government’s broader economic vision by enabling diversification and creating jobs, as well as steering the kingdom into a prime position to compete on the global stage.

Al-Dabbagh and the other speakers emphasized that through the creation of completely new cities on Greenfield sites, a great opportunity existed to give Saudi Arabia a huge competitive advantage in terms of ICT and the benefits it can offer to business and industry. Combining the concepts of the ‘digital city,’ originally coined by the Intel Corporation, the ‘smart city’ by Cisco and the ‘internet frontier’ by Microsoft, SAGIA intends for the cities to be at the cutting edge of ICT systems, integrating all aspects of the infrastructure networks to enable transfer of information at every possible level. Attendant to this would be software and content creation opportunities.

Abdullah al-Rakhis, the chairman of Rakisa Holding, the company responsible for developing PABMEC, said the project would create a ‘silicon valley’ style area at a cost of some $22 million. This project at Hail is specifically intended to focus on ICT, taking a less prominent role in other areas. He said that the project had the potential to create some 600 jobs for women alone.

A human resource challenge

Al-Rakhis was also quick to highlight how aware of the human resource challenge his project and the broader ICT sector needed to be. “We have started to send a number of Saudis to the US, Canada, Ireland and Singapore for training on smart infrastructure facilities,” he said, speaking of the initial preparations already being made. He also spoke of the associations Rakisa Holding had already made with companies such as Cisco and Intel in terms of training.

Intel Corporation’s Chairman Craig Barrett, who was in Riyadh, unveiled a series of agreements with the Saudi government, including a commitment to train 50,000 Saudi teachers in their Intel Teach Essential Program. His comments echoed those made in a similar speech by Microsoft Chairman Bill Gates back in November. He also signed a number of commitments to spur on ICT development and train Saudis.

Also, earlier this year, fellow US firm Cisco Systems announced an investment of $300 million in the kingdom’s ICT sector when John Chambers, the president and CEO, visited the kingdom.

February 8, 2007 0 comments
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GCC

Two private air licenses

by Executive Staff February 8, 2007
written by Executive Staff

After much speculation, two private airline licenses have been awarded, heralding the beginning of a new era for aviation in Saudi Arabia.

The Supreme Economic Council, which is personally headed by King Abdullah and steers the kingdom’s economic development, decided in 2005 to liberalize the sector and allow private operators to set up and compete with the state-owned Saudi Arabian Airlines.

There were six applicants for the licenses last year, which the General Authority of Civil Aviation (GACA) whittled down to two. The successful bidders were Sama Airlines and National Air Services (NAS) both winning on a mandate to offer low cost services across the kingdom with a view to expanding outside in the future.

Riyadh-based NAS is one of the best known regional private aviation operators in the kingdom, which has one of the highest appetites for private air travel in the world. Ali al-Naqbi, Chairman of the Middle East Business Aviation Association, recently said that the business aviation sector in Saudi Arabia accounted for 50% of the total for the whole region—a market he estimated would be worth $800 million by 2012.

NAS has developed NetJets, a fractional ownership and leasing program in the kingdom and also operates evacuation services for oil companies operating in remote locations, along with other bespoke services.

Founded in 1999 and focussing on top-end private aviation, NAS’s board announced last April at a shareholders’ meeting that it intended to increase the paid up capital to $266.7 million through a 30% equity sale to Abraaj Nas Investment Co, a subsidiary of Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal’s Kingdom Holding Co. It was said at the time that this was meant to facilitate new strategic directions, which would now appear to be towards budget travel and acquiring a civil aviation license.

Getting into the low-cost market

Mohammed al-Zeer, the president of the company, recently explained to the press that the decision to break away from the top-end of the sector and enter into the low-cost carrier (LCC) market had been made after careful consideration and consultation with companies such as the British-based budget airline EasyJet. Subsequently EasyJet has announced that it has entered talks regarding franchising its brand to NAS.

The company will start its LCC services with a fleet of five single aisle planes. In December, the company announced its intention to purchase additional craft as part of a $2 billion expansion program, which would increase its entire fleet to 100 by 2010.

The other licensee Sama is similarly aiming to develop services geared towards the low cost market. Founded by Prince Bandar bin Khalid al-Faisal, who owns Investment Enterprises, it has a paid-up capital of $53 million. Other shareholders in the enterprise include some of the largest names in Saudi business such as the Dallah and Olayan Group and some wealthy individual investors.

Sama intends to begin operations flying between Dammam, where it will be based, Jeddah and Riyadh, before pushing further afield and regionally when it receives licensing from neighboring jurisdictions.

With targets similarly ambitious to those of rival NAS, Sama’s CEO, Andrew Cowen, explained to the international press, “We plan to grow our fleet from the existing four committed aircraft to around 35 by 2010.” He declined to specify the leasing company they were in talks with, but did say that the terms would be between five and seven years.

Takeoffs as yet delayed, however

It is not as yet clear when either airline will commence full operations but they are set to compete not only between themselves but also with the state incumbent, Saudi Arabian Airlines. The national carrier is undergoing a slow and reputedly painful process of privatization. One Riyadh analyst said, referring to the reported bloated bureaucracy and over-staffing, that it should benefit from the competition in the long run—whether or not this will speed up the lackluster path to privatization remains to be seen.

What is clear though is that the consumer is set to benefit with the arrival of two new operators. With 33 million passengers passing through Saudi Arabia’s 27 airports in 2006, the market is large and all indications point to further growth. International Transport Association figures released in November 2006 indicate that regional carriers experienced a 15.4% increase during the first nine months of the year.

The GACA is spending $8 billion expanding and developing the existing airports in Jeddah, Madinah and Tabuk to bring them up to international standards. There is also an additional international airport on the drawing board as part of the enormous King Abdullah Economic City development in Rabigh, on the Red Sea coast, north of Jeddah.

February 8, 2007 0 comments
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Lebanon

Stormy weather ahead for BMed as potential investors circle

by Thomas Schellen February 1, 2007
written by Thomas Schellen

The skies between the Levant and London got a little cloudier at the start of the year, as airline BMed admitted it had suffered such substantial losses in 2005 and 2006 that its main stakeholders refused to pump more cash into the operation.

According to the Times of London, BMed reported profits of $10 million in the financial year ending on March 31, 2005. Indeed, the carrier (formerly British Mediterranean Airlines) boasted impressive annual growth rates through 2004, before taking an initial blow from increased fuel costs. But profits were hit hardest last year by Israel’s war.

Jokes in Beirut suggested that the airline should appoint certain anti-government Lebanese politicians as marketing agents, because every inflammatory statement and call for protests led to a spike in bookings on BMed flights from Beirut to the calmer shores of the Thames. Nonetheless, UK media projected 12-month losses of BMed by to reach or even exceed $40 million by end of March 2007. With Beirut as BMed’s signatory destination, it appears that instability in Lebanon over 2005 and 2006 and, above all, Israel’s 2-month blockade of civilian flights to Rafik Hariri International dealt a severe blow to the airline.

BMed flew its maiden flight to Beirut in 1994 and celebrated its tenth anniversary in the Lebanese capital. While the carrier has developed routes to central Asia— Baku, Tehran, Bishkek, and Yerevan are among its destinations—and recently Africa, its Middle Eastern routes have always been its bread-and-butter.

Conversely, BMed has been an economic lifeline for Near Eastern travelers who have business in the City. The carrier offered the highest frequency of daily flights between Heathrow and Beirut (eight flights per week before last summer), Damascus and Amman. BMed was the one carrier that gave Levantine travelers an alternative to the respectable national carriers MEA and Royal Jordanian, the not-to-everyone’s-taste Syrian Air, or cumbersome indirect flights.

Partnership approach

BMed adopted an approach of complete partnership with the United Kingdom’s big carrier, British Air as its business model. Using the same livery, uniforms, and booking system as BA, the BMed identity was downplayed until it was indistinguishable from BA’s to many passengers; the carrier’s destinations were limited to those ceded by its larger cousin—in Egypt, for instance, Alexandria became a BMed destination, but BA-serviced Cairo was no-fly zone for the airline.

BMed’s chairman and a major shareholder was Lord Hesketh, former Conservative Whip in the House of Lords. Privately-held and run with the tight-lipped approach of a firm that had no stock market obligations—and adhering to the Arab habit of keeping private ownership out of the public eye—BMed managers refused to discuss shareholding structure with the media. The standard line only stated that BMed was owned by British citizens of Middle Eastern origin.

When a UK newspaper revealed in early January that BMed was facing troubles, it also reported that the airline’s main shareholder was an investment trust for the family of Syrian-born financier and philanthropist Wafic Said, whose name is associated with the Said Business School at Oxford University and the Karim Ridda Said Foundation, which sponsors the education of young Middle Easterners.

As news of the investment negotiations became public, BMed management issued a statement confirming that the Mikati family of Lebanon—which appears to be in an excellent financial state after its sale of telecoms holding Investcom—was riding into town as the primary contender.

A subsidiary of Mikati-owned M1 Group was in talks to become the new main shareholder in BMed, confirmed the airline’s CEO, David Richardson, in a statement.

If the investment deal were completed, M1, founded by brothers Najib and Taha Mikati, would infuse close to $60 million in new capital into BMed. As an intermediary step during the negotiations, the Mikatis provided the airline with bridge financing of up to $7.5 million to cover immediate needs.

According to a statement on the talks, the M1 Group has business interests that include “property, telecoms, oil and gas, and aviation.” The aviation interest currently stands for a recent shareholding participation in a four-year-old Geneva-based airline called FlyBaboo that offers short-hop service in Europe.

The M1 subsidiary for aviation is M1 Travel Ltd, run by a younger-generation Mikati, Maher. In a previous executive role, he tried managing several of the Mikatis’ information technology ventures in Beirut, including software company IdealSoft and an embryonic cable television company that fell victim to the failure of Lebanese lawmakers to regulate the piracy-dominated cable services market.

Talks continuing

However, as the talks for restructuring BMed progressed through January, M1 Travel lost the exclusivity of the negotiations and may no longer be the frontrunner for buying into BMed. In late January, BMed, true to its secretive style and without naming the new contenders, said it was now negotiating with three interested parties, including M1.

Media reports in London alleged one of two new aspirants is bmi (formerly British Midland) the second largest full-service airline in the UK and a member of the Star Alliance. Bmi, which has also reported a decline in passenger numbers in recent years, serves European and long-haul destinations but has no overlap with BMed’s route network; like BMed, bmi may need new concepts to stay in the air.

A partnership with another airline might make better sense for BMed than working with investors, who cannot provide the same operational synergies as a carrier with potential to develop network relations.

However, a partnership with a BA competitor would raise questions over the future of BMed and BA’s tight relationship. In any case, BMed will need to decide if the franchisee business approach—with its inherently limited freedom—is the best way to continue its development, which includes plans for fleet expansion.

Should BMed opt for the M1 partnership after all, it will be required to prove to the UK’s Civil Aviation Authority that the company is still majority-owned and controlled by British citizens, in order to maintain its international traffic rights as a British airline. Fortunately, several members of the Mikati family hold British passports, so this is unlikely to become a major issue.

The good news for the Near Eastern business community is that those convenient seats to London will hopefully still be available in the future. It remains to be seen whether under different ownership, BMed would put as much emphasis on the Lebanese market as in its first decade.

However, that question will largely hinge on the ability of the Lebanese to settle their internal affairs: the main issue pending is whether Beirut can pull back from the brink and reassert itself as a business and tourism center, or whether it will revert to an image of senseless chaos. The path the country chooses will play a much larger role in determining the appeal of ‘destination Lebanon’ to airlines and passengers than the identity of the next owner of BMed.

February 1, 2007 0 comments
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Lebanon

Ad agencies enter fray in Beirut Campaigns spark debate

by Executive Staff February 1, 2007
written by Executive Staff

Traditionally advertisement serves as a communication tool to brand and promote a product, yet in recent years its role is less and less restricted to the corporate world. Today, numerous non-governmental organizations, politicians, military, religious groups and even artists have discovered the power of TV ads and billboards to promote their cause. It is the so-called “information society” that rules and Lebanon is no exception, certainly not in the turbulent times it is currently going through. Most creative work for non-profits.

For both ad agencies and the public, it is an absolute blessing that they can also apply their creative energies in the non-profit sector. As they are less restricted, they often produce their best work. Take a recent campaign for Amnesty International in Switzerland. Under the slogan “It is not happening here, but it is happening now” we see images of human suffering and injustice, superimposed on images of Swiss daily life. In Lebanon, arguably the most visible and well-known non-corporate campaign are the “I Love Life” billboards and balloons we see everywhere. Designed by Saatchi & Saatchi in simple red and white centered on a heart, its message is a simple one. “As Lebanon and the region are increasingly caught up in a culture of violence,” said Ibrahim Eid, one of the campaign’s organizers, “we wanted to emphasize a culture of love and life. We wanted to offer people a window of hope: there’s more to life than politics.”

Notwithstanding its seemingly universal message, the campaign was politicized from the start by members of the opposition who claimed the I Love Life campaign was an attempt by March 14 to stigmatize Hizbullah and the downtown demos. Eid admitted that all of the campaign’s organizers are individuals who met “in the spirit of March 14, 2005,” yet most of them were not affiliated to a political party. “We truly wanted this to be a logo for all Lebanese,” he said. “The message was born out of a deep conviction that Lebanon’s only hope lies within civil society, not in politics.”

The I Love Life campaign was sponsored by a number of individuals, companies and trade associations, including the Chamber of Commerce and Bankers Association, while ad agencies and printers did not demand their usual fees. Still, no matter how much Eid and others emphasized I Love Life was apolitical, within no time the opposition launched a counter campaign.

This time there was no doubt whatsoever that the campaign had a political edge, as it was signed, “the opposition.” The design and main slogan were almost identical but added were the words “with colors,” “with dignity” and “without debts.” On the internet circuit, I Love Life spoofs appeared, “I love Aishti” and “I Love Capitalism” being just a few of the new takes.

Opposition chimes in

The trouble with the opposition’s campaign was that it bore too close a resemblance to the original. The public merely assumed that it was a new take on the same theme, churned out by the same people. An altogether more interesting non-profit campaign was created by H&C Leo Burnett for 05AMAM—Arabic for “forward”— and is an abbreviation of al-mujtama al-madani (civil society). 05AMAM also fell within the spirit of the March 14 movement and was also non-political. Its aim was to reflect the main issue underlying the political divide, which according to those within 05AMAM, is sectarianism. At the end 2006, H&C Leo Burnett created a series of billboard ads that have become something of a cult hit on the internet. The images show, among other things, a Lebanese car number plate with “Shi’ite,” a building for sale to “Druze only,” and a parking lot “for Maronites only.” A number of doctor signs show not only name and specialization, but also their religious background, while another ad shows business cards that state nothing but name and sect. With each of the images the accompanying tag line was, “Stop sectarianism, before it stops us.”

“With an eye on the crisis, we wanted to do something, yet nothing political, but rather something that would spark debate,” said Bechara Mouzannar, regional executive creative director at H&C Leo Burnett. “So, we came up with the ‘Stop sectarianism’ campaign for 05AMAM. At first, we faced some difficulties getting it approved by the censors, as it took them some time to realize the campaign was not meant to insult or upset people, but to make them reflect.”

In an advertising world which generally opts for the beautiful and glamorous, the campaign was unusually edgy and gritty. Surprisingly, there was only one incident. “It was a misunderstanding,” said Mouzannar. “The images should be seen in relation to each other. Unfortunately, in this particular case there was only one image in the area, and some people took it as an insult.”

Overall however, the campaign was an enormous success, not just within Lebanon, but around the world. For many a foreign newspaper, the ad campaign became the peg for a news or feature story on Lebanon’s complicated sectarian society. As in the case of I Love Life, the anti-sectarianism campaign was paid for by sponsors, while ad agencies, printers and billboard companies waived their usual fees.

The Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation (LBC) liked the campaign so much they sent a letter to all agencies to produce a TV ad, for which LBC would offer the studio, equipment and free air time. H&C Leo Burnett created two clips. The first shows a series of cars, each with a “sectarian number plate,” after which the camera slowly zooms in on a broken car with a Lebanese number plate. The slogan, freely translated from Arabic: “Drive the sectarian way and this is where you’ll end up.” The second was a critique of the state’s employment practices, which place maintaining the sectarian balance over qualification. Ad a powerful indictment of sectarianism

Elsewhere, Grey International produced a film on the same theme, showing people from around the world in front of their flag, stating their nationality. It ends a number of Lebanese, who instead state their sect in front of the Lebanese flag. Finally, the private sector had its say with “I Love You in Winter.” Sponsored by Aishti, ABC, Banque Mediterranee, Banque Audi-Saradar, the Phoenicia InterContinental Hotel, Virgin Megastore and MEA, the campaign encouraged the Lebanese (and any tourists that happened to be here) to shop like hell during the festive season. A similar campaign, by more or less the same group of companies, was launched in the summer of 2005 following the assassination of Rafic Hariri and the string of bomb attacks that followed.

According to Maya Matalani of Aishti, special discounts were offered and special events were organized, while MEA offered 23 free tickets. Anyone buying for more than LL 30,000 worth of products had the chance to win an air ticket. “The last two weeks of December were very good,” said Matalani. “People really did go out, although in downtown it depended a lot on where you were located. The area closer to Riad el Solh Square, where the demos were, did not do as well as other areas.”

And “I Love Life”? The billboard campaign has already expanded. After the New Year’s party, a new website is imminent. It will include news, a blog, forums, an article archive and plenty of interactivity. I Love Life downloads will also be available, with visitors encouraged to propose their own activities within the virtual community. Will the opposition respond? We will have to see. But as an I Love Life spokesman pointed out, “What better subject is there to debate?”
 

February 1, 2007 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

Beirut prepares for more Islamic banking

by Executive Staff February 1, 2007
written by Executive Staff

Lebanon is a potentially lucrative market for Islamic banking in view of its diversified community, according to many Lebanese bankers. However, the country still notes a shortage of Islamic financial operations vis-à-vis growing conventional transactions.

“In Lebanon, Islamic banking is still new and requires awareness and a marketing campaign,” said Mutasim Mahmassani, general manager of Bank Al Baraka Lebanon, adding that he expects a fast growth for Islamic financial operations in Lebanon.

Four Islamic banks are currently licensed to operate in Lebanon: Al Baraka Bank, Arab Finance House, Lebanese-Islamic Bank, a unit of Credit Libanais, and BLOM Development Bank, a unit of BLOM Bank. All four focus mostly on retail banking and concentrate on consumer finance.

Al Baraka Bank has been in the market since 1992; Arab Finance House, or AFH, since 2003; Lebanese Islamic Bank opened in 2005 and effectively became operational in 2006; and BLOM Development Bank in 2006.

“We are holding conferences and forums to inform people about Islamic banking,” AFH General Manager Fouad Matraji said.

Bankers from three of the country’s four Islamic banks agree that Lebanon is still an infant market for this banking specialization, but they all say it is developing and will play an important role in Lebanon’s financial market.

This is not an easy task in a country where the commercial banking sector plays a massive role in the economy and regularly achieves growth even when other sectors are lagging. Total assets of commercial banks increased 7.6% year-on-year to $74.3 billion at the end of October 2006, which is almost three-and-a-half times the national GDP.

Very few assets in Lebanon

With less than $250 million in assets, the two larger sharia-compliant banks make up a tiny fraction of Lebanon’s banking sector. The total assets of Al Baraka Lebanon stand at $130 million, Mahmassani said.

According to Matraji, the total assets of AFH are $100 million. He said that the bank achieves a yearly profit of 7% to 8% and he expects a return on equity between 12% and 14% in 2007.

Islamic banks are expansion-minded in Lebanon and Al Baraka and AFH both have capital increases in the works.

In a recent general meeting of Al Baraka, shareholders agreed on a capital increase by 150% to $50 million from $20 million.

Mahmassani said that the capital increase will help the bank develop its expansion plan, which includes setting up new branches and expanding its activities, including devising investment funds.

According to Matraji, Arab Finance House is currently the largest Islamic bank in Lebanon in terms of capital. “Our capital is $60 million and expected to become $100 million in 2007,” he said.

Khodr Temsah, general manager of Lebanese Islamic Bank, said that the bank will soon increase its capital by 150% to $50 million from $20 million to fund its expansion.

Mahmassani declined to estimate the market share of Al Baraka in Lebanon, saying there are no official statistics. “The market share of Al Baraka is relatively low with respect to the overall banking market, but we expect to occupy 50% of the Islamic banking market share in 2007,” he said.

Matraji expects Arab Finance House to occupy between 15% and 20% of the country’s Islamic banking market; however, he said it is still early to speculate on total market share.

The size of global sharia-compliant assets is estimated today at up to $400 billion, whereas the potential market for Islamic financial services is believed to be closer to $4 trillion, meaning that Islamic finance currently has only a 10% market share among the Muslim community globally and still a long way to go, according to a report by Standard & Poor’s in October.

Coming from behind

There are around 800 branches of commercial banks in Lebanon compared to only 8 branches of Islamic banks.

Al Baraka, which is a unit of the region-wide Al Baraka Group with headquarters in Bahrain, has six branches across Lebanon. AFH has two branches in Beirut and Lebanese Islamic Bank has one branch. All three banks are planning to open new branches in 2007.

The Islamic banks have an ally in Lebanon’s central bank, whose governor Riad Salameh said, during the launch of a new certification program for Islamic banking professionals in October, that the Islamic finance industry “is not restricted to Muslim countries and could benefit from Western and Middle Eastern experience as well.”

The central bank initiated the Islamic finance qualification program in collaboration with British and French-backed institutions in order to streamline in the competencies of employees in the Islamic finance industry, Salameh said.

Islamic banks in Lebanon have already led several development initiatives in producing new sharia-compliant products that found their way into other regional markets. With further development of specialized competencies in the sector, banks said they could use Lebanon as basis for new cross-border expansion, despite the size limitations of the local market.

Complement instead of compete

AFH said it might open up a sharia-compliant bank in Syria by the end of 2007, with a capital of $100 million. A major shareholder in the new Syrian bank will be Qatar Islamic Bank, which also owns 70% of AFH.

Mahmassani said he cannot compare Al Baraka Lebanon to other Al Baraka banks in Arab countries, because these banks are present in Islamic countries and target Muslims. “Their characteristics and the general performance are different, Islamic banking laws have been in effect there for years,” he said.

He added that he doesn’t look at other Islamic banks in the local market as competitors, “but we complement each other to develop and further promote Islamic banking in Lebanon.”

February 1, 2007 0 comments
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Lebanon

Paris III comes and goes with massive aid pledged

by Executive Staff February 1, 2007
written by Executive Staff

As far as allegories to dance movements go, the Paris III conference was a grand ballet. President Jacques Chirac pirouetted as leading man and the 37 assembled nations and multilateral institutions performed their numbers for the guests of the hour, namely the Lebanese delegation of Prime Minister Fuad Seniora and his cabinet confidantes. By the evening of Jan. 25, the meeting had it all: grants, project-tied aid for social, educational, and infrastructure projects, and soft loans at advantageous conditions.

Ranging in size from $1 million donations by Latin American, Eastern European, Asian, and Arab countries to a $1.1 billion commitment by Saudi Arabia, the total result of the aid meet was amazingly close to the $8 billion need estimate that government economists in Beirut had circulated several months ago when the Paris III preparations were starting to take shape.

The commitments flowed with ease and elegance. Speakers from countries around the world followed one another in short succession and presentations were astoundingly succinct. There even was a bit of amicable cultural alignment when the host asked for French timing on the lunch break but seemed happy enough to go with the Middle Eastern late break instead.

Details hazy

The details of some interest rates, disbursement conditions, and repayment schedules were admittedly hazy during the conference itself (and not available in detail when Executive went to print) but with total international pledges of $7.6 billion and a paper full of Lebanese commitments to fiscal improvements, privatization, social measures and overall reforms, satisfaction ruled all around. Conference participants assured the media in the closing press conference that they were fully aware of the political problems faced by Lebanon and the deplorable street fighting that had erupted in Beirut on the actual of the Paris III, but reiterated their confidence that the country would achieve new internal calm.

In this regard, the convening of Paris III was a success in itself. In late December, there were enough reasons for local and international experts to seriously question the likelihood of the conference even happening. The confrontational positions of the opposition—Hizbullah, Amal, Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement and their allies—and the March 14 forces of Saad Hariri’s Future Movement, Walid Jumblatt, and assembled Christian groups on the other side, displayed the kind of intransigence that required doubt over the mutual will for communication in the two camps. The likely outcome of such mental conflicts and spiritual warfare is physical escalation, as happened in the conference week. But the key conference parties, comprising the French host, the Europeans, the United States, the Arab League and most Arab countries, stayed committed.

Paris III was set up and implemented along a formula similar to the one used to rally international powers to Lebanon’s support in the Paris II conference. That conference benefited from the friendship between Lebanon’s then prime minister, the late Rafik Hariri, and President Chirac, whose term in office ends this spring. In closing the Paris III press conference, Chirac paid tribute to Hariri as a “man of peace” and “the cause and author of Paris I and II.” It was Rafik Hariri who had traveled to the capitals of the West and the Arab world in preparation for Paris II, and Seniora has now retraced his footsteps.

But was Paris III the final chance to tango with international aid givers in exchange for reforms?

What makes this question inevitable is the fact that Lebanon’s government has failed in its obligations to live up to the privatization and reform promises made in November 2002. Paris II was hailed as a big success at the time, one that would not be followed by another conference of the same cut.

The disarmingly simple argument presented by Seniora in asking funds at Paris III was that this will cost money now, but it will cost more if the problem is left to be addressed later. That is correct, but only when adding that, in the end, it will be three times as expensive if a solution cannot be found now.

Many concerns about Paris III

Some economists cautioned that Paris III could go the way of Paris II with only half of the promised funds making it to Beirut and financial support getting lost in the inefficiencies of implementation. However, predicting an automatic repeat of this pattern is unproductive, and the lesson of Paris II should be to eliminate the reasons which international donors cited for cutting the funds.

Other concerns are technical. Besides following the process of Paris II, a number of the reforms proposed by Seniora’s team for Paris III were adopted from the plans that have been around since the start of the millennium. While the fiscal and macroeconomic logic of handing the phone networks over to the private sector and getting rid of Electricite du Liban as fast as possible is as valid today as it was five or six years ago, the lack of new ideas and concrete development concepts for economically underprivileged areas are grounds enough to call for further deliberations. Also, the proposed fiscal measures and debt reduction mechanisms made some competent analysts comment that things are not as simple as they appear in the Lebanese government’s paper.

But the main issue of 2007 is political consensus. It was not achieved in 2003, and it seems out of sight today. To stay in step with the dance, the biggest question forcing itself on the evaluation of Paris III is how can people tango when they are locked in political fights? It takes two, but conditions in Beirut leave no doubt that a whole dance-athon of serial political tangos would be needed to create the kind of agreement needed for implementation and probably expansion of the reform platform and a new start in Lebanon.

Seniora and his cabinet members have said often enough they want to invite all groups in the national spectrum to present their proposals for upgrading the reform project that is Lebanon 2007—but could Seniora and the many heads of opposition interests ever see eye to eye (or, to stay with the dance motif, dance in step)?

The reaction from Lebanon immediately following the conference was ambiguous. Some was exuberant, some cautious, some undecided and some simply mistrustful of the government’s reasons for holding the event in the first place.

In its more tangible way, the Beirut Stock Exchange gave off mixed reactions. The BLOM shares index climbed above 1,200 points for the first time in more than a month, as Solidere shares appreciated by 4.4% and moved close to $17 with some of the strongest trading volume in the stock since before the start of anti-government demonstrations in the Beirut central district.

Banking sector sticks its neck out again

Brokers and investment advisors for local financial firms were quick to say that Solidere’s momentary gains were related to the good numbers from Paris, but by the following Monday, the mini-surge abated as quickly as it began. Furthermore, in the banking sector, shares of Byblos, Audi, and BLOM dropped between 1 and 2.5% on January 26. That and the following trading day suggested no new wave of investor enthusiasm.

For the banking sector, the danger of a failure in Lebanon’s recovery looms large because exposure of commercial banks to government debt is still immense. Thus it is no wonder that, as ABL chairman Francois Bassil confirmed to Executive, the banking industry is willing to play an active role in the reform process through financing infrastructure reconstruction and by finding investors for government projects.

However, as Bassil also made clear, banks would not agree to providing funds to the state through zero-coupon treasury bills again as they did after the Paris II conference, following a request from the Lebanese government. Bassil conceded that the banking sector will be affected if fiscal reform is not accomplished, because it is a main lender to the government.

The challenge of Paris III is assuring that this conference, in which a vast range of international and Arab governments showed massive support for Lebanon and—there can be no uncertainty about this—its current cabinet will be part of a formula for national benefit. Cash and projects are necessary for Lebanon’s future, but they alone will not suffice.

The violent demos of Jan. 23 and the all out street fighting of Jan. 25, both the result of weeks of worsening relations among the divided Lebanese political factions and religious communities, illuminated with stellar intensity one fact already known by the Lebanese people: that pushing divisions, emphasizing differences, and maximizing irreconcilable demands into shapes of belligerent political positions is a poison that can kill Lebanon.

It is a fundamental rule that when governments or religions fail to practice good governance, people suffer and prosperity declines. Where the Cold War between the East and West was a precarious balance that could function on the military basis of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD, as it were), the closeness of coexistence among Lebanon’s familial, tribal, religious, and political communities does not allow for a balance of destructive potentials. Instead, it requires a balance based on finding commonalities and emphasizing shared denominators, of which many potent ones can be found—given that the searching parties are willing.

Huge need for understanding

It is said the there is a huge need in this world to repair not only the relations between nations and religions but also between spiritual values and principles on the one hand and governments on the other hand. That means new openness must be cultivated between religious communities and within them, among their leaders and members.

Lebanon is a case study for this mandate of the 21st century. The capacity for peaceful coexistence among the Lebanese is a proven reality. Whatever their political side and religious background, the opposition and the March 14 leaders have said and shown that they disavow the use of violence for gaining the upper hand.

But still the danger remains that the forces unleashed in their power struggles may break out of their control, with momentous consequences. Political and religious leaders barreling down the road of political confrontation and vitriolic propaganda against one another in Lebanon’s tight mosaic of communities, to the point of more open violence will inevitably lead to Mutually Assured Self-Destruction.

On the side of hope, Paris III added to an already astounding level of financial commitment to Lebanon’s future that now reaches beyond $10 billion. The total includes the more than $900 million pledged in the emergency recovery conference at the end of last August in Stockholm and additional funding worth $1.5 billion provided by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, as well as funding that Hizbullah provided in emergency relief from its sources.

Also not to be forgotten are the donations that Lebanese overseas communities and individuals wired to the aid account of the Ministry of Finance in Beirut, and projects such as the distribution of medicine and milk and the rebuilding of homes and communal centers, which are financed and carried out by civil society, NGO aid initiatives and local businesses, often without much ado.

These are massive signs of trust in Lebanon, and the business community has every reason to be emboldened by its will to succeed in private sector initiatives as by the outcome of Paris III.

Equitable economic development is a clear priority in reducing the potential for further unrest; thus, good business sense and private sector initiative are crucial for the equation that will return Lebanon to a path of growth, provided that the political parties and religious communities and their leaders are willing to dance.

To be successful, this collaboration has to involve all parties, not by the status quo-return of saying “no victor, no vanquished,” but by discovering the ultimate value of a dance that many can share. Nay to the need for tango. The Lebanese dance, after all, is the dabke.

February 1, 2007 0 comments
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Days of decision for damascus

by Andrew Tabler February 1, 2007
written by Andrew Tabler

Few Syria observers ventured a guess at the New Year as to what the coming 365 days may hold for the country. The region’s topsy-turvy politics is the primary reason, but so is a trait unique to Syria: its seeming inability to set targets and meet them. The final date of the June 2005 Baath Party conference (where a “great leap forward” was promised to take place) was officially set only a week before the meeting began. To date just one of the conference’s edicts—proclaiming Syria a “social-market” economy—has made it onto paper.

It’s election year in Syria, however, and some events penciled into the country’s agenda for 2007 are noteworthy. Sometime before July 10, President Bashar al-Assad is expected to win a (still officially unscheduled) referendum on a second seven-year term in office. In parliamentary elections slated for the second half of April, the ruling Baath Party, which leads the National Progressive Front (a coalition of nine parties), is all but certain to capture its constitutionally mandated two-thirds majority in the Peoples’ Assembly.

Due to be released ahead of each of Syria’s polls are results of a different type: the last two reports by Belgian investigator Serge Brammertz into the murder of the late Lebanese Prime Minster Rafik Hariri. While the investigation’s recent releases note Syria’s compliance with the probe, they also cite “converging evidence” pointing toward Damascus. Whatever Brammertz has up his sleeve remains to be seen, but the announcements provide the opportunity to meddle in Syria’s internal affairs. The big question remains, however, is how the regime and its opponents will play it.

During Syria’s last parliamentary elections in 2003, big Syrian businessmen running for office spent millions of Syrian pounds (now capped at 3 million) on massive outdoor advertising campaigns. The electioneering raised eyebrows at the time not because of its scale (in one Damascus neighborhood, candidates’ advertising outnumbered photos of the president by as much as 30 to 1), but because hopeful candidates bothered to campaign at all. The days under Hafez al-Assad where candidates were pre-selected have given way to a sort of popularity contest where businessmen from powerful families can enter the political realm.

Once in office, representatives are expected to work with the government of Prime Minister Naji al-Otari to draft legislation to overhaul the country’s ailing economy. After passing laws in 2006 to approve the Five-Year Plan and the country’s first stock market, private insurance companies, Islamic banks and private foreign exchange houses, parliament is expected to issue laws this year on mortgage finance, leasing, public sector reform and the issuance of treasury bills.

All of this seems like inside political baseball, and not the kind of thing that might be affected by international pressures bearing down on Syria. But a December report in Time magazine, citing leaked Bush administration documents, claims that Washington has something in store for the assembly poll. It will launch an “election monitoring” program in Syria ahead of the elections together with elements of the exiled opposition National Salvation Front, involving “Internet accessible materials” that can be printed and distributed, as well as a “voter education” campaign. The article even claimed Washington plans to fund at least one candidate for parliament. Those accused of involvement in the scheme have denied the report’s authenticity. Such pressures, however, combined with a dramatic announcement by Brammertz in his next report on March 15, is likely to set off regime paranoia (already running high) ahead of the poll.

The presidential referendum that constitutionally must take place sometime before Bashar al-Assad’s first term ends next July seems much more susceptible to international pressure. Once the new parliament approves Assad as a candidate, Syrians are offered the choice of yea or nay. 97.29% voted the former seven years ago. A mere three weeks before Assad’s term ends, Brammertz is scheduled to release his final conclusions on June 15 before handing the Hariri case over to an international tribunal. If the Belgian fingers senior members of the regime as suspects, and calls them to trial, it is hard to predict what would happen. Syrian referendums are not free and fair, but they are rare moments of mass gathering in Syria—and therefore laden with nationalist sentiment.

Will Assad use the referendum to rally the Syrian people against the Israeli-American “conspiracy” behind the investigation? Or will former Vice President and now National Salvation Front leader Abdel Halim Khaddam use the probe’s results to rally citizens around the flag? If a report in the pan-Arab daily al-Hayat last month that the Syrian leadership has decided to reschedule the referendum for late May is any indication, Assad isn’t taking any chances. Another report in the Israeli daily Ha’aretz leaking a “track two” peace plan with Israel initiated by Assad himself shows the inscrutable president may go for broke. Hold onto your seats folks!

ANDREW TABLER is a Syrian-based journalist and political commentator 

February 1, 2007 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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