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Money magnet
FinanceWealth management

Money magnets

by Livia Murray September 10, 2014
written by Livia Murray

This article is part of an Executive special report on wealth management and private banking. Read more stories published here, or pick up September’s issue at newsstands in Lebanon.

 

“Get on a plane from Middle Eastern Airlines (MEA) from Geneva to Beirut, and see how many bankers you have on that plane going and coming,” says Philippe Sednaoui, chief executive officer of Audi Private Bank, which is active in several countries spanning the Middle East and Europe.

Despite their alleged occupational predilection for sharp suits and bland ties, one will be hard pressed to assess on sight how many private bankers sit on flight MEA 213 on any given day of the week. But Sednaoui, whose work obliges him to regularly make the trek between Audi Private Bank’s two main business hubs in Beirut and Geneva, has a point. The Swiss financial capital is one of MEA’s best and longest served destinations in Europe. Business must be crisp, and Sednaoui might not be talking just about the flight when he says, “It’s nonstop.”

What is good for our national airline could still be a worrying indicator for those Lebanese financial institutions that vie for the profitable business of managing the wealth of the country’s citizens. Despite the obviously well lined pockets of a certain strata of the Lebanese population, much of this wealth is managed abroad. No Lebanese bank that Executive spoke with reported assets under management (AuM) in Lebanon of more than several billion dollars — in the low single digits.

“The [wealth management] market is not in the hands of the Lebanese,” says Sednaoui. “Lebanese money is at Pictet, Lombard, Credit Suisse, HSBC. It’s everywhere. I used to have [a wealth management role at] Barclays in Switzerland, and I saw it first hand. You would be surprised.”

Sednaoui says that AuM at Audi Private Bank, the largest Lebanese wealth management operation according to Bankdata’s Dany Baz, stood at $9.8 billion at the end of June 2014. However, the bigger part of that amount, close to $6 billion, is booked in the Geneva office, with Lebanon coming in second at just over $3 billion in AuM.

These are merely crumbs when compared to Lebanese wealth, which by all accounts is actually an unknown quantity. That is to say that wealth managers are not able to say either how many Lebanese billionaires there are or how much of the private national wealth is concentrated in the hands of the top one, two or three percent.

Popular lists of the world’s super-rich are entertaining to read but provide only a very poor approximation if one wants to assess the numbers of our billionaires and multi-millionaires. The six wealthiest people in Lebanon — or at least the ones that made it on the Forbes 2014 list of the world’s richest people — had a combined net worth of $13.5 billion. But as Executive has observed in encounters with some of our industry tycoons and enterprise builders, the Forbes list and comparable reports on high net worth individuals (HNWIs) have many holes when it comes to Lebanese billionaires.

All this means simply that there is a lot of Lebanese wealth that is not quantified in any official statistics. But it is clear that a great amount of this wealth will not be found in either the vaults or the fee earning asset management books of local banks. Sednaoui estimates that in addition to just over $140 billion in bank deposits, there is another roughly $120 billion of Lebanese offshore private assets inside the coffers of foreign banks, excluding the diaspora’s.

That is a lot of stored wealth for a small economy with a GDP of some $44 billion. It is difficult to pinpoint exactly how much of a missed opportunity this represents for wealth management businesses, but there is clearly untapped potential for Beirut based wealth managers to increase their AuM. To be fair to the handful of well known billionaires — Forbes lists only members of two families, the Hariris and the Mikatis — someone with this high net worth would have their own private offices and team managing their wealth, so it is not so much these ultra high net worth individuals’ money that is a missed opportunity for the banks. Rather, it is those of more ‘modest’ fortunes that the banks are seeking to target — which according to FFA Private Bank’s Chairman and CEO Jean Riachi start as low as $1 million.

Barriers to return

The problem, for once, may not be the Lebanese state and its greed and notorious dysfunctionality. While in many other countries wealthy individuals keep their assets in foreign banks for tax purposes, the reason for Lebanon’s exodus of wealth is historical. The story told by most bankers is that many wealthy Lebanese individuals, fleeing the war in the mid-70s, leaving behind property and land, took the tangible assets they could and placed their money in foreign banks. And since then, wealth managers in Lebanon have never been able to reclaim that money to their businesses.

Other barriers to wealth management in Lebanon are not linked the country’s troubled past. Instead, they have been produced by the ease with which local banks could attract wealthy clients through the most pedestrian of offerings: bank accounts. High interest rates on deposits in the country triggered the reflex for wealthy individuals to keep their money in local accounts. For comparison, “interest in Switzerland is a quarter percent. In Lebanon it is 4 percent,” says Sednaoui.

Banks could afford paying these deposit rates because of their vibrant business in Lebanese sovereign instruments where T-bills with tenure of three or five years still offer upwards of 6.5 percent interest. And the earnings potential was even starker two decades ago, according to Georges Abboud, head of the private banking department at Blominvest. Reminiscing how T-bills came with double-digit interest rates, he muses, “By doing nothing, you were making [a] decent return. No need to have an advisor … Since some people were very comfortable with the Lebanese risk, and by doing nothing they were making very decent returns.”

However, wealth managers across the board note that HNWIs have been steadily developing a greater appetite for a more diversified roster of assets, particularly in international capital markets.

“When people realized that interest rates have come down… they realized that they have to diversify from cash interest rate returns to other asset classes,” says Abboud. Roula Habis, managing partner at Optimum Invest, explains that HNWIs are beginning to understand riskier long-term investments, rather than keeping their money in deposits or money markets (see “Feeling our presence“).

Additionally, ongoing international regulations in the wake of the financial crisis have also put more pressure on wealth management businesses across the globe, with Lebanon being no exception. Habis explains that while she welcomes the regulations, internally it places more of a burden as they have to increase their payroll and hire a compliance officer, legal officer and anti-money-laundering compliance officer, with the increased costs placing a strain on revenue, especially for the smaller firms.

For larger regional banks, however, this presents itself as an opportunity. Sednaoui explains that because of these regulations, “many [international] banks are disengaging from non-core markets,” such as the US, the EU and Japan, and “do not want to be dragged into emerging markets and the underdeveloped world, because of terrorism, because of sanctions, because of reputational risk,” he says. “So we think there is room … Many big banks are retracting and it’s opening up an opportunity for regional players.”

Reeling them in

Besides the appetite for wealth management among HNWIs in Lebanon, which will most likely increase organically over time, wealth managers have taken several moves to consolidate their businesses — both in attracting and retaining customers as well as in cutting their losses and boosting their revenues.

On one hand, this involves cultivating specialized knowledge and providing clients with opportunities they cannot seek elsewhere. “The added value is the non-listed part. The added value is accessing these projects that maybe banks x, y and z or this person wouldn’t know about,” explains Optimum’s Habis. She says the tailoring of wealth management, which can reach as far as creating a fund for real estate in an attractive African market, can provide HNWIs the opportunity for portfolio diversification that will keep them loyal. “The idea is going out of the box and finding ideas for these wealthy people that will go out of the classic fixed income and bonds that the country used to deal with for the past few years and every other financial institution,” she elaborates.

 And then there is the service. Habis explains that trust and attentiveness are very important factors that play into their relationship with the client. “Remember that for most Lebanese people, it’s mainly knowing people, trusting the people,” she says. Coddling HNWIs is certainly an international practice, but this might be even more the case with Lebanese wealthy individuals who are still getting used to the wealth management business. “It’s all about the service,” says Riachi. “This is why you retain your clients. It’s the same instruments everywhere, the same securities. So what matters is the quality of the people, the integrity, their professionalism, the quality of the back office … This is what makes a difference.”

Not to be forgotten, of course, is the good old fashioned strategy of consolidating the business to maximize profits. Audi Private Bank went through a restructuring in 2012, headed by Sednaoui who was also appointed that year, to consolidate their private banking business and unite a group of entities that existed under the Audi Group which previously acted more independently.

“Each entity had its own life, own marketing, business development, research, with some level of cooperation. But it wasn’t homogenous. So today, a banker wherever he’s based can offer his client the full array of products subject to local jurisdiction,” says Sednaoui. They also closed down a few branches they saw as superfluous, including one as far as Gibraltar. According to Sednaoui, these efforts have paid off in the relatively limited time since the restructuring, as Audi Private Bank has grown on average 15–17 percent in terms of annual net profits since 2012.

Despite the many billions of dollars that local wealth managers and their competitors from foreign private banks say are held by Lebanese HNWIs, the wealth management business in Lebanon today continues to face several obstacles. Some are historically pegged to the nature of the country with the outflow of Lebanese wealth; others are the same ones faced by wealth management globally such as keeping business profitable in light of tightened restrictions. Still a small sector catering to a select few, wealth managers in Lebanon will have to prove the worth of their business to a small and skeptical HNWI community.

September 10, 2014 0 comments
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Business

Strength in numbers

by Nabila Rahhal September 10, 2014
written by Nabila Rahhal

By the end of 2016, Lebanon will have eight new hospitality venue clusters. These are large spaces with many outlets rented out to different tenants by the projects’ developers, who own and manage the entire space.

This seemingly sudden surge in such projects raises some questions concerning the reasons behind their boom, how they work, the merits and disadvantages of being tenants in hospitality clusters and — since four of the projects under development are in Dbayeh, north of Beirut — how much can one area hold?

Restaurant Clusters: The past, the present and the future 

Beirut’s first model of such a cluster was the string of bars on Uruguay Street, all in a single building project developed by Venture Hospitality, a hospitality concepts development and consulting company, and rented out to various figures in the nightlife business back in 2011.

Recalling this experience, Marwan Ayoub, one of the two partners at Venture Hospitality, says, “The idea for the Uruguay Street development was born out of our 10 year experience in the field, especially when we saw the problems that developed when many bars were found in residential areas and without the right infrastructure or master plan, such as in Gemmayze, Monot or Hamra. Eventually, if it is not well organized, everyone on the street is suffering.”

Venture Hospitality did not end up developing the whole street though, as the series of pubs which opened within the last year were in other buildings that had separate owners who were not part of the company’s initial project with Solidere, which is in charge of the overall development of Beirut’s downtown. This factor somewhat decreased the control they had over the street’s growth.

Other hospitality clusters

Yet Ayoub sees the experience they got from Uruguay Street — bringing together different profiles from the hospitality sector, each with their PR, all in one place and with the right infrastructure — as very successful on both the market and financial levels.

Therefore, as business developers and investors, Ayoub and his business partner Rabih Saba decided to duplicate this experience but have the whole operation under their management and ownership in order to maintain full influence over their projects, thereby preserving and maintaining value. The duo is developing hospitality clusters in Dbayeh, Hazmieh and Ashrafieh.

Other developers were also eyeing the potential in Venture Hospitality’s experience on Uruguay Street. 

Soon after, toward the end of 2012, two restaurant clusters, Blueberry Square and Junction 5, opened adjacent to each other on the Dbayeh highway facing ABC and Le Mall. Though the two clusters had strong restaurants in their mix, including Couqley, Goûtons Voir and Shakespeare and Co., their design and layout — which resembled a shopping mall and had mainly indoor seating — discouraged consumers from visiting them frequently.

Sud Square, which opened in 2013 in Mar Mikhael, was a more successful example of a mini cluster of restaurants as it focused on outdoor seating and a piazza feel to attract a steady stream of diners. This emphasis on greenery and a pleasant landscape is something that the new developments will be bringing in. “We Lebanese lack heavily in green open spaces which is why we integrated this aspect into Mar Mikhael’s Enab and will be doing so on a larger scale in our Dbayeh project,” says Ramzi Moghabghab, operations manager at Enab and Dunya restaurants.

Aside from Venture Hospitality’s projects, which are set to open by mid-2015 for Dbayeh and Hazmieh and by early 2016 for Ashrafieh, other projects are set to open in the coming years. Enab’s Zahi Rizkallah is planning a 3,000 square meter restaurant cluster centered around a large Enab outlet in Dbayeh in early 2015. Clé’s Ussama Makarem is planning a beach resort cluster with a pool, bungalows and a street for pubs with a seaside view in Dbayeh. The Courtyard, a pub cluster which is situated next to Hamra Street’s Alleyway, looks almost complete. And Alain Hadife, best known for his wedding planning company, Caractère, is planning a hospitality project in Naccache.

How it works

[pullquote]“In nightlife you need multiple bars in the same area to create a destination which people enjoy, and so we all benefit from each other”[/pullquote]

Developers of hospitality clusters take on the design and construction of their space, incorporating such elements as accommodation for parking, electromechanical infrastructure and security, before studying the local market and deciding on the appropriate tenant mix for it, much in the same way a retail mall is developed. As such, in Hazmieh, a residential area, Ayoub decided to focus on diners and family restaurants with few pubs, while in Dbayeh, which he calls a more mature market, the focus is on pubs and nightlife venues not typical to the area.

Aside from the monthly rental fee, some developers charge their tenants a percentage on sales with a monthly minimum guarantee. Others, such as Moghabghab, prefer to take a monthly rental fee instead of a percentage on sales which he says might come with other conditions and dilute their profit. According to Ayoub, Venture Hospitality typically takes 10 to 14 percent on sales, depending on the concept, and an annual fee of up to $800 per square meter.

“In this way the tenant is benefiting from economy of scale [a proportionate saving in cost gained by an increased level of production] to pay partial rent for this prime land and location,” explains Ayoub. 

Finding the right Tenants

Tenants are usually approached to be part of a project either because of their proven track record in the hospitality market through the brands they created or because they have a solid background in the field and a strong new concept the developers believe will bring added value to the project.

Some, like the developers of the Enab hospitality cluster in Dbayeh, make sure that the other venues in the project compliment theirs and don’t compete with it by offering the same cuisine or concept. Enab’s cluster already has Sud as a confirmed tenant and is considering adding a sushi restaurant to the project.

From the tenants’ point of view, there are many advantages to being part of a hospitality cluster. “In nightlife you need multiple bars in the same area to create a destination which people enjoy, and so we all benefit from each other,” says Toni Rizk, an owner of several pubs on Uruguay Street who also plans to rent a venue in Venture Hospitality’s Dbayeh project. He added that this economics of proximity is an essential factor in nightlife, especially in bars and pubs. 

To Makarem, who is looking to open Clé in Venture Hospitality’s Dbayeh project and is also a recent tenant on Uruguay Street, being part of a cluster ensures that his mind is relatively at peace. “We in the [Lebanese] food and beverage sector look for specifications in our venues which are different than other sectors and from other countries such as proper infrastructure in terms of water and electricity. This is an advantage of being a tenant in a cluster because you don’t have to think of such issues; you are just renting a space in this cluster and the developers provide you with all services, including security and valet,” says Makarem. 

Although Rizk believes that the expenses in such a project can be high compared to independent venues, both he and Makarem agree that being in a place managed by one entity allows for a more organized experience than being on a street that grows organically. “Independent tenants tend to think individualistically … which leads to problems for all of us and might even push consumers away. In a project, there is someone making sure there won’t be chaos,” says Rizk. 

Other advantages of being in a freshly developed project include benefitting from new and modern infrastructure as opposed to being on an old street where tenants would encounter problems, explains Rizk. 

Independent bars

Though it might seem that the hospitality clusters would be eating into the market share of standalone venues and other independent bar streets, Makarem believes that it would depend on the strength of the place to offer something unique which would draw the consumer to them instead of the cluster, giving the example of Momo’s in the Souks which has retained its client base. “The good outlets which are run very well will always have their own identity being single. A single identity, which makes a place a destination by itself, has to be very strong, but clusters will pose a threat to the little bars with no defined identity,” says Makarem.

More projects in Dbayeh

[pullquote]In times of political instability, people prefer to stick to areas in their proximity, a situation in which these projects are taking full advantage[/pullquote]

In such hospitality clusters, developers need to acquire large pieces of land that can accommodate a series of venues in a relaxed setting, explaining why most of these clusters are planned for areas outside of heavily congested Beirut. “It is easier to find large undeveloped property out of Beirut as it is becoming nearly impossible to find land in Beirut and if you do, it’s usually very expensive,” says Makarem. 

This, however, raises the question of competition among the various clusters set to launch in Dbayeh, especially throwing in the mix Beit Misk’s Souk Misk, which is not far from Dbayeh and the Waterfront City, planning its own series of hospitality outlets. 

The developers Executive spoke to do not seem worried about this and believe Dbayeh can accommodate them all, especially since it is seen as the center of the Metn–Keserwan area. “The country can handle this competition and volume of clusters in Dbayeh, especially if external turmoil stabilizes,” says Makarem. 

While the outlets in ABC and Le Mall are ideal for daytime meetings for those in the region, residents of Dbayeh and its surroundings seem tired of heading to Beirut for a night out. Enab’s Moghabghab says they will consider it a success if they get a mere 10 percent of ABC’s clientele to frequent their project. Both Makarem and Moghabghab say the strong demand on their Beirut outlets — Clé and Enab respectively — from the Metn area residents was what prompted them to bring their venues to Dbayeh.

Ayoub explains this by saying that in times of political instability, people prefer to stick to areas in their proximity, a situation in which these projects are taking full advantage. Should the country stabilize, Ayoub sees it working to their advantage as tourists would tend to stick to Beirut’s attractions while locals would branch out.

Developers Executive spoke to admit that Dbayeh is indeed a mature market in terms of its café outlets but believe it needs both a wider choice and more refined offerings for both day and night. Therefore each of the clusters in the area is differentiating itself through its unique tenant mix with Makarem focusing on the seasonal beach atmosphere, Ayoub on the bars and nightlife, and Moghabghab highlighting cafés in a relaxed setting as opposed to the crowded street cafés currently in Dbayeh.

Only time will tell if the bets these projects placed will pay off, but Ayoub, for one, concludes: “Develop it right and the people will come, but develop it wrong, and even if it is the middle of Beirut, they will not come.”

September 10, 2014 0 comments
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Dubai mall fountain sculpture
Finance

Malls and mobiles

by Thomas Schellen September 9, 2014
written by Thomas Schellen

Arab markets made a well behaved transition into September. Benchmark indices at all regionally relevant exchanges moved as one might expect top local influencers want them to in the 36th week of the year. Saudi Arabia’s TASI went sideways just after some analysts started to warn of potentials for overheating. The Egyptian and Qatari benchmarks fielded new peaks, with their gains of 40 percent for the year to date shooting flares drawing attention.

The two exchanges of the United Arab Emirates advanced nicely, with the Dubai market driven higher by almost 4 percent, courtesy of Emaar’s upcoming initial public offering of its malls unit and the linkage of ownership in Emaar Properties stock with priority allocation of shares in the IPO. This was confirmed by Emaar in a disclosure to the DFM dated September 2. According to Emaar, the priority allocation applies to 10 percent in the retail tranche of the offering, which in turn will amount to approximately 30 percent of the total offering of 2 billion shares, representing some 15 percent of the 13 billion shares in Emaar Malls Group. Expected tight allocation of IPO shares due to high demand is something that the regionally hot Emaar Malls IPO has in common with the similarly timed but globally watched IPO of Chinese online giant Alibaba on the New York Stock Exchange.

The share price of Emaar Properties, which leapt over 12 percent in the first two trading days of week 36 on the demand stirred by the company’s confirmation of its malls unit’s floatation, ended the week up 11.2 percent. While the ADX General Index advanced at a slower pace than its DFM counterpart, both UAE benchmarks marked September by sustaining levels above 5,000 points. Both UAE markets are back near multi-year highs. After losing the position of strongest year-to-date gainer during its summer upheaval, the DFM is once again the best performing Arab stock market for 2014 to date, with an index gain of over 50 percent.

The Qatari bourse rebounded from the profit taking seen at the end of week 35, and the index’s 4 percent gain in week 36 made it the period’s top performer in the MENA and gave the QE a new all time high. Ooredoo, the entity once known as Qatar Telecommunications, gained 15.5 percent on the week on a recovery from selling pressure at the end of week 35, yet the stock is still more than 20 percent cheaper when compared with its year-high at the end of May.

While not achieving a weekly gain, the TASI kept its nose above 11,000 points throughout week 36. This puts the Tadawul at a price level last seen at the beginning of 2008. Market cap leader Sabic edged up 0.3 percent.

In contrast to the Mashreq and Gulf region’s other smallish markets — Jordan, Lebanon and Bahrain — which moved lower during week 36, the MSM 30 index of the Omani bourse continued its ascent and ended the week at the highest level since fall 2008. According to statistics cited by the sultanate’s state news agency, share purchases by foreign investors in the month of August contributed to the market’s rise.

In Egypt, the EGX 30 index closed week 36 at a new post-global financial crisis peak. Neither a far reaching blackout in the country’s main industrial cities on the week’s last trading day nor news of the country scoring a dismal 119th in the Global Competitiveness Index deterred the rise of the Egyptian bourse. Factors that lifted the market included a decision of the central bank to keep interest rates steady, which was followed by higher demand for property stocks, and government approval for issuing landline operator Telecom Egypt with a license that will allow the firm to add mobile services to its portfolio. This led to a one day 4.7 percent price gain and a tremendous spike in transactions of the company’s stock on September 4, the day after the license news was announced.

On the Suez Canal front, sales of investment certificates went through the roof after presidential signature of the requisite law at the beginning of September. According to statements attributed to the governor of the central bank, Hisham Ramez, first-day sales of the certificates reaped EGP 6 billion ($840 million) and total sales escalated to EGP 14.5 billion ($2 billion) by September 7. This would put the country in an enviable position of having reached a quarter of its funding target after only two days in the initial round of issuing certificates.

September 9, 2014 0 comments
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CommentWealth management

Wealth in Lebanon

by Ghassan Dibah September 9, 2014
written by Ghassan Dibah

This article is part of an Executive special report on wealth management and private banking. Read more stories as they’re published here, or pick up September’s issue at newsstands in Lebanon.

The numbers are clear. There is something deeply wrong with Lebanese capitalism. Yes, there is considerable wealth that is readily visible to all as wealth manifests itself in buildings, cars, lifestyles and so on. But beyond the appearances of prosperity lie the festering problems of an economy that is unable to generate jobs for its young (24 percent unemployment among youth), produces mostly low paying jobs (average monthly wage around $1,000), excludes women from productive labor (23 percent female labor participation rate), suffers from a persistent debt problem (160 percent of GDP), is burdened by foreign debt that no one talks about (170 percent of GDP) and finally is unable to provide public services and goods such as electricity, water and a well equipped national army. The last problem of the ‘public system’ is mind boggling in a country that is an upper-middle income country with income per capita of $11,000. All countries that lack adequate supply of such goods are positioned very far below Lebanon on the worldwide income ladder and definitely have much less wealth.

High wealth inequality

Data on wealth and its distribution worldwide has been forthcoming lately. The United Nations University’s WIDER research project on global wealth has produced figures for most countries. In Lebanon, for the year 2000, net wealth per capita was around $13,000 and the Gini coefficient of wealth distribution was 76 (Gini measures the degree of inequality with 0 being perfect equality and 100 being perfect inequality). In 2013, the Credit Suisse Global Wealth Databook estimated net wealth per capita in Lebanon to be around $21,000 with a Gini coefficient of 86.3.

Compared to non-GCC countries in the MENA region and other developing countries, wealth in Lebanon is high (examples: Jordan: $8,200, Tunisia: $14,800, Costa Rica: $18,900). Globally, Lebanon belongs to the ‘intermediate wealth’ group (wealth range $25,000 to $100,000 per adult) which it shares in the MENA region with Bahrain, Oman and Saudi Arabia. Although wealth inequality is high around the world, Lebanon is one of the most unequal in wealth distribution, with around 66 percent of the adult population owning less than $10,000 in wealth and those with $100,000 or higher constituting only 3.5 percent of adults.

Wealth in Lebanon is composed mainly of financial and real estate wealth. Since many see GDP figures as controversial after 2007, I will use in the forthcoming analysis data from 2000 to 2007. During this period, gross wealth to income has greatly risen by between 3.3 and 4.6 times. According to Thomas Piketty in his book “Capital in the Twenty-First Century,” wealth to income has been increasing all over the world since the 1980s, driven by the retardation of growth rates and the rise in the return on capital. As long as the latter is larger than the former, this trend will continue and will reflect the rise of income from capital in capitalist economies at the expense of income from labor.

In Lebanon, the rentier class wealth was buoyed by the rising return on financial capital since 1992 fuelled by public debt rise — if we had data on wealth since 1993, I conjecture that it would show a significant rise in the wealth-to-income ratio in Lebanon after the end of the civil war — and by the rise in real estate prices since 2007. Public debt played an important role in the rise of the rentier. By financing postwar reconstruction and fiscal expenditures through debt rather than through taxing the wealthy, the wealth of those who lent to the government increased.

Given the continuation of current low tax rates on capital and profits, the high public debt burden and the increase in the power of the rentier class in the economy, the Lebanese economy will continue to wobble. We need to tax capital in order to build up physical public capital, pay down public debt — the theory that the debt burden will be reduced by growth has been proven to be wrong as was the theory of solving the problems of employment and inequality by growth — and lay the ground for genuine economic growth with rising labor incomes. Otherwise we will have a country wealthy in money and land but poor in all other aspects such as productivity, entrepreneurship and infrastructure development. And in the end, these are what matter for long term prosperity.

September 9, 2014 0 comments
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FinanceWealth management

Don’t ask for too much

by Thomas Schellen September 8, 2014
written by Thomas Schellen

This article is part of an Executive special report on wealth management and private banking. Read more stories as they’re published here, or pick up September’s issue at newsstands in Lebanon.

 

Banque Libano-Française, a Lebanese alpha group bank whose assets stood at $11 billion at the end of June 2014, does not operate a private bank and its 2007 established wealth management unit has never focused on advertising itself and its asset management services. This notwithstanding, the unit has grown its wealth management and capital markets activities, not the least via developing a fund that is registered in Luxembourg but fully managed in Beirut. Executive talked about private banking prospects and challenges with BLF treasury, capital market and wealth management global head Georges Khoury and Jamil Koudim, head of fixed income and fund specialist.

 

What is your competitive environment from the perspective of BLF? Are you working mainly with customers of the bank or are you competing actively for new customers? 

GK Let’s face it: in Lebanon there is not a lot of private banking. The only competitors that we have are the international players, whose numbers are shrinking today. As we are talking private banking, we have a maximum of three or four [competitors] in Lebanon. Our competition is the prime bank, the big bank in Lebanon, and so far, we don’t want to differentiate ourselves from other players. What we are looking to go after is the diaspora, which exists in the GCC, in South America and some in Europe, particularly in France. Our objective is the Lebanese diaspora. No more, no less.

 

Cost structures of wealth management units and fees charged for private banking services have become a key issue in positioning vis-à-vis the client. What is your approach?

GK Customers are shopping around a lot because there is a lot of competition and sometimes they come with rates that we cannot afford to pay. But we have a policy in our private banking, [namely] that a customer who asks for more and more, is not fruitful for us any longer.

 

Asking for more? 

GK I mean, they always want higher interest rates and lower debit [rates and] lower commissions. This is not what we target. The more important thing for us is that the customer [receives] very good service, a good follow up, and is smiling at the end of the day.

 

Does pampering the customer play a role in your approach? Do you send clients to Brazil to watch football or to England for the Premier League, or perhaps the Salzburg Festival for cultural perks?

GK I wish. My club is Man United. We would hope to have something like that. We have more as far as concerts, and the Byblos Festival. We always offered customers pampering and we used to have a very nice dinner, the semaine gastronomique where we invited the best chefs from France…

 

Do you still do that?

GK We stopped it two years ago; we are thinking of doing something different.

 

What other competitive edge do you claim for your unit when compared with other private banks? 

GK The BLF Total Return Fund.

JK It is a solution for clients who want to generate a return from market movements but at the same time have money outside of Lebanon [that is] relatively safe in a non-volatile sort of investment. You can find a lot of funds that you can invest in but this is managed by us, so it is an internally run product. This complements the personalized approach of our private banking. 

GK The fund is custodial in Luxembourg so your money is safe. Also it is the only fund in the Middle East that only goes international, 80 percent investment grade and 20 percent non-investment grade. We will celebrate two years in September with a close of 14 percent [net return since inception].

 

What is the fund’s result for 2014?

JK Year to date we are 4.6 percent up; since inception it is 13.55 percent.

 

What do you see as the future of private banking in Lebanon? Is there any?

GK I think if you [adhere to] the right way in your private banking, facilitate the customer [experience], help them, be transparent, follow them and deliver, it will continue. But for me globally, I think private banking is shrinking a lot.

 

Are we in Lebanese private banking shrinking like private banking in Switzerland?

GK No we are not like Switzerland, unless the regulations change. There are only two countries in the world now with banking secrecy: Luxemburg and Lebanon. I don’t know how much the Americans will push us to get out of that issue, but we are going to continue and banking secrecy for me is very important.

 

How important do you see banking secrecy for being able to do private banking? 

GK For me it is number one.

September 8, 2014 0 comments
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CommentWealth management

Growing more detailed

by Daniel Diemers & Walid Boustany September 8, 2014
written by Daniel Diemers & Walid Boustany

This article is part of an Executive special report on wealth management and private banking. Read more stories as they’re published here, or pick up September’s issue at newsstands in Lebanon.

The GCC continues to be a standout region for wealth creation. Investable and liquid assets grew by 15 to 20 percent each year from 2009 to 2013, reaching around $2.2 trillion in the region, according to our forthcoming study “GCC Private Banking 2014–2015.” Wealth management centers such as Dubai, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Kuwait have seen particularly robust growth in individuals’ assets, fuelled by increasing domestic wealth and inflows from politically unstable countries elsewhere in the Middle East and North Africa.

For the near future, the Middle East will remain an attractive but complex wealth management opportunity. Private bankers must pay close attention to its cultural and economic characteristics as well as regulatory issues, especially when operating across borders. Many local banks have built up their own wealth management offerings, which increasingly compete with those of larger international players. While some mid-sized international players have recently reduced their presence in the Middle East given its unique challenges, the region remains an important target market because so much private wealth is held and managed offshore.

We believe that to capture future asset growth in the region, private banks must adroitly manage three wealth management trends: the growing affluent customer base, increasing sub-segmentation within the high net worth individual (HNWI) client base and digital wealth management.

The growing affluent customer base

The affluent segment in the Middle East is the fastest growing wealth management segment. In 2013, affluent customers (i.e. with $200,000 to $1 million of investable assets) in the GCC had estimated net assets of over $500 million — a growth of over 20 percent per annum since 2009. Their ranks are expanding as ‘retail’ customers and the ‘mass affluent’ (the growing middle class) graduate to the next level of wealth.

Some of these newly affluent clients are the product of market performance and the broader impact of GCC economic growth. Others are Arab, Asian and Western expatriates. This is driving overall demand for basic investment services and financial planning, as well as product platforms and advisory offerings that provide advice and ‘best in class’ product solutions.

There are nonetheless important differences between local and expatriate affluent clients. Expatriates need multi-account openings on- and offshore, with convenient transfer of funds via partner banks, foreign exchange products to hedge currency exposure and better access to tax, pensions and insurance solutions. Meanwhile, many affluent GCC citizens want financial planning solutions, superior customer experience and, increasingly, Shari’a compliant offerings.

Sub-segmentation in HNWI

Interestingly, as wealth has grown in the region, private bank offerings have begun to resemble each other. Wealth managers offer many of the same ‘perks’ such as waiving brokerage fees and offering exclusive gifts. This suggests that local private banking clients are uniform in their needs and expectations. But the reality is that there are distinct HNWI sub-segments in the Middle East that demand more focused offerings.

A prime example is female HNWI investors, who control 20 percent to 25 percent of HNWI assets. In our research, wealth managers have found that women have distinct banking needs and behaviors — for instance typically investing more conservatively and focusing more on wealth preservation. In some GCC countries, ‘ladies’ branches’ are already available for retail and mass affluent clients. However, dedicated wealth management offerings for female HNWIs are not yet common.

Another attractive sub-segment is the ‘next generation’ of larger, typically ultra-HNW families (those with net assets of over $50 million). A large ultra-HNW family can have more than 20 to 30 young adults who expect lots of attention but do not actually control many assets. Their needs are fundamentally different from their parents’ generation. Private banks must decide how to cost effectively service this next generation without losing them to competitors or creating uneven service levels within one family.

Going Digital

Finally, our research has confirmed the importance of digitization to private banking. Wealth managers see changing client expectations and moderate growth of self-directed wealthy clients who embrace digital tools. As more HNWIs use technology to manage their wealth, the industry is slowly moving toward 24/7 multi-channel, digital offerings. This requires building a clear digital agenda, especially for younger and technology savvy clients. Typical elements of this agenda include: a 360 degree view of clients’ assets and behavioral profiles to provide competitive, personalized advice; real time, mobile access to portfolios, research and advice; enhanced quality and personalization of advice using big data to identify the most relevant opportunities for each client; and a greater selection of tools and other advisory applications designed for tablet and PCs.

Opportunities for those who look

Although wealth management in the GCC has never provided better opportunities, the market is subtle and contains extremely varied segments — whether women, newly affluent or younger generations. To win in this market, private bankers will need to tailor their offerings accordingly and master how to deliver them through the latest digital technology.

September 8, 2014 1 comment
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Turtle
Economics & Policy

Lebanon’s competitiveness: Bottoming out

by Thomas Schellen September 5, 2014
written by Thomas Schellen

Lebanon is not in bad company for a peer group. According to the just published World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report (GCR), we are among those countries that are — and in many cases have been for quite a while — transitioning from a medium stage of development where efficiency gains drive improvements in competitiveness to an advanced one where innovativeness is the key differentiator.

In WEF terminology, this phase is called the transition stage from efficiency driven to innovation driven economies, and it is the second most advanced of the five stages in the GCR. Inconveniently, though, Lebanon is the 2014 bottom scorer in the Global Competitiveness Index (GCI) among the 24 countries in this category, with a score of 3.68 points that translates overall into rank 113 of 144 in the report’s latest edition, which was released this week.

This is not a comfortable or even hopeful placement given that most countries in this group score between 4.04 points and 4.51 points, yielding midfield rankings between positions 40 and 80 in the WEF’s list.

The negative impression of Lebanon’s state of competitiveness from being a downward outlier in this peer group is exacerbated by the fact that the country looks stressed by any GCI measure. When compared with other countries in the Middle East and North Africa, Lebanon this year came in 14th place of 17 ranked Arab MENA countries. Only Yemen, Libya and Egypt were shown as less competitive in the region, noting that Syria and Iraq were not ranked.

Adding to the damage, Lebanon dropped by 10 places this year when compared with its ranking in the 2013 GCR. But while drawing a lot of attention — news reports on the GCR release this week focused by a huge margin on positions and ranking gains or drops — these relative positions are not ultimate truths. Leading development experts raise big questions regarding the relevancy of rankings as indicators because small changes in a country’s score can cause outsized and potentially misleading leaps up or down in a ranking list.

Lebanon’s drop in this regard thus might be somewhat acceptable if the relative weakening were because nearby ranked countries improved their scores but, alas, the reality is much worse. Year on year, the drop is actually a reflection of a fall in the Lebanese score from 3.8 points in 2013. Moreover, according to both hard facts and perceptions, the 2014 drop represents a continual weakening in the country’s competitiveness.

Over the past three editions of the GCR, Lebanon dropped 200 basis points in its score (3.68 in 2014 vs. 3.88 in 2012) and lost 22 places in the global ranking. Relative to the global leader, Switzerland, Lebanon is now 2,020 basis points behind, compared with a gap of 1,840 in 2012.

Crumbling pillars

The theoretical score range of the GCI spans from 1 (lowest) to 7 (best), or 6,000 basis points, but the actual range of the scores is narrower, extending this year from 2.79 points for Guinea at the bottom to Switzerland’s 5.70 points. A country’s score is determined by a compilation of perception factors based on a proprietary survey of business leaders and hard data taken from sources such as the International Monetary Fund, UNESCO and the World Health Organization.

The overall score combines the scores reached in 12 pillars, which in turn are computed from scores in a number of fields that vary per pillar between 4 and 21. Except for the pillar measuring the macroeconomic environment (based on fiscal and credit rating data), opinion survey results contribute to all pillars and are the primary influencers in determining the scores in eight pillars.

Over the past two years, Lebanon’s score in the macroeconomic environment pillar fell from a weak 3.32 to a disastrous 2.56, making the country rank second worst in the category. Except for a reduction in inflation, the country weakened in every field of the macroeconomic environment pillar in both absolute and relative terms.

The second, survey driven, area where the country’s score dropped precipitously when compared with 2012 was institutions. As far as fields building this pillar, Lebanon is currently the country where business executives see the lowest public trust in politicians and second worst in the assessment of wastefulness in government spending. It is no comfort at all that there are still five countries in the world which scored lower in the institutions pillar.

Lebanon’s best performing pillar in 2014 is health and primary education, with a score of 6.29 and a ranking of 30th in the world, followed by higher education and training with a score of 4.39 and ranking of 67th. Individual fields where Lebanon scored far above its global position were, besides life expectancy and some disease non-prevalence fields, the survey responses on quality of math and science education, where respondents perceived Lebanon at a score that equates to place 5 in the world, quality of primary education (16), quality of management schools (17), control of international distribution (20), which is protectionism to some, and soundness of banks (27).

Notwithstanding the fact that the comparatively high perceptions of Lebanon in areas such as banking sector soundness and quality of business schools will not surprise readers of Executive, the extreme variance of opinions in ranking the quality of government spending and the quality of math education is a reminder that the perceptions of — in the Lebanese case — about 40, albeit presumably highly reputed, business leaders as a survey base calls for a healthy skepticism and scrutinizing for biases.

Addressing biases

The presence of biases is a reasonable assumption in any country, and in the context of Lebanon’s visibly and demonstrably deteriorated economic and security position when comparing the survey timings of spring 2014 and spring 2012, it can also be presumed that changed mood factors could influence survey responses on a factor such as ‘reliance on professional management’ where the assessments dropped from 3.9 in 2012 to 3.3 in 2014. Such a swing seems unlikely to be based in reality — otherwise, Lebanese business or news media would have reported waves of firings of qualified managers.

For Lebanon, questions seem warranted even on hard data. For example, the country’s ratio of female participation in the labor force is reported as one of the lowest in the world (position 138), which seems counterintuitive to statistics on high ratios of female graduates in universities, the known ratio of women to men working in the banking sector (nearly 1 to 1 in 2010), general impressions in the workplaces and even voices of outspoken women who decry a perceived counter gap in gender presence.

The challenges of data security and balancing for biases have certainly not escaped the attention of the GCR’s authors. Following audits of its surveying methodology in 2008 and 2012, the WEF has stepped up efforts to counterbalance or exclude heavily biased survey results, which in the past three years meant discounting survey results from three to four countries per year.

One country that was ranked in the top 30 in 2012 and 2013 but not covered in the 2014 GCR was Brunei Darussalam, because according to the WEF the 2014 survey of business executives in this country (and two other countries, Benin and Liberia) was “not completed to minimum requirements.” In several other countries, including Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and Oman, the data quality of survey responses raised red flags in one year or another because of inexplicable large swings in responses or obvious incongruencies between survey responses and developments on the ground.

Making sense of positions

As the GCI has now reached its tenth edition, it appears to be ever clearer that the exercise of collecting survey based scores and hard data gives readings whose annual fluctuations provides a mixture of high grade entertainment values and quotable numbers for conference presentations, small talk at business dinners, economic–political debates and magazine articles.

A more important challenge now seems to be to understand how well the GCI readings chart a country’s competitiveness journey and how far the index readings can help a country in improving its competitive positioning.

In the 2014 GCR, the WEF asserts that statistics corroborate the validity of the GCI as a “sound estimate of the level of productivity” in the countries which the index has covered for the past 10 years. To this effect, the GCR cites two equations that measure bivariate relations between GCI and per capita GDP and between GCI and countries’ economic growth rates after netting out the convergence effect. Under the second statistical quest, the GCI scores of the 144 countries could be related to the net growth rates of these countries, because “the growth rate of GDP per capita of country i is a positive function of the GCI score and a negative function of time t,” in the formula used for computing the relationship, the GCR said.

The result of the computations is that the report assures that “the GCI’s estimate of the determinants of competitiveness … is validated on a statistical level.”

This validation may still not explain completely why Lebanon scores far lower on competitiveness than other countries in the peer group that is transitioning from efficiency driven to innovation driven economies and which are classified as members of this group mainly by having per capita GDP of $9,000 to $17,000, except for oil exporting countries where GDP is discounted as a differentiator.

This group includes large countries such as Brazil, Russia, Turkey, Mexico and Malaysia along with demographically mid-sized and small countries such as Poland, Uruguay, Croatia, Argentina, Barbados, Costa Rica and Mauritius. Two thirds of the 24 countries in the group are ranked between 40 and 80 in the GCI. There are four upward outliers, topped by the United Arab Emirates (12) and Malaysia (20); another four countries are laggards, and here Lebanon is the least competitive player behind Suriname (110) and Argentina (104).

Another issue deserving of consideration may be the degree to which GCI readings fluctuate. According to a very quick review of 2014 GCI results by Executive, country scores and rankings are most static in the top 20. In this group, a quarter of countries appeared in exactly the same positions as they did in 2013, 14 economies moved by between one and four positions and only one country, the United Arab Emirates at plus 7, changed its ranking by more than four spots.

In the 20 to 40 cohort, positions are still fairly stable and small movements of up to four places predominate. However, in all other cohorts of 20 from place 41 to 144, the number and intensity of fluctuations are higher — in the 81 to 100 cohort for example 13 countries moved by five or more positions up or down — and below rank 74 (Botswana) no country appeared in exactly the same position in 2014 and 2013.

But how to dig out?

In summary of the perspective offered by the GCR over the past three years, some countries, like the Philippines, Mauritius, Greece, Portugal and the United Arab Emirates, have achieved strong gains in their competitiveness and other countries have maintained their positions. Lebanon on the other hand was among a handful of countries that lost a significant number of positions over the past three years, such as Argentina (-10), India (-12), Egypt (-12) and Iran (-17).

In their write-up introducing the 2014 GCI, the GCR authors said — in a text rife with cautionary terminology such as ‘seems’ and ‘may be’ — that the report comes at a time “when the world seems to be finally emerging from the worst financial and economic crisis of the past 80 years and returning to a pre-crisis situation.”

Although the text’s following sentences suggest otherwise, this statement’s face value begs the question if we can now presume to return to normalcy or better start to ponder an impending new crisis.

But regardless of such musings, and while noting in appreciation that the WEF is currently undertaking a review of the GCI for further improvements, it seems that the most pertinent question for all providers of competitiveness gauges is how to create tools by which countries can translate the insights from their GCI scores into actual gains in competitive positions, and do so structurally rather than on levels of symptoms or appearances.

For a country such as Lebanon, whose scores in the GCI are torn between high and low and whose performance lags against regional peers and per capita income peers, knowing that we are in a hole — and being reminded of it every time the light goes off or the water stops — seems certainly less instructive than getting new and practical ideas on how to climb out.

September 5, 2014 0 comments
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Leaders

Heads in the sand

by Executive Editors September 5, 2014
written by Executive Editors

The frustration and humiliation are just too much. Daily trips to the roof to check water levels, often followed by a round of phone calls begging private water delivery drivers to spare 1,000 liters, have been the norm for months now for many Lebanese. That we must pay twice for a basic service the state by now should have been able to provide without interruption is the clearest indication that those in power simply do not care about the citizenry. This year’s water shortage is far worse than normal, but likely a harbinger for the future. While the Ministry of Energy and Water’s strategy is drill now and pray for rain this winter, we humbly propose a more scientific solution: monitor and manage this resource.

Any successful resource planning is based on well researched, reliable data. This is not the case for Lebanon’s water sector plan. There are data deficiencies at every point of the water cycle, and in order for the country to properly manage this vital resource, more information is urgently needed. 

Most shockingly, the nation of proud skiers and posh resorts doesn’t even record the amount of snowfall it receives each year. Nor are there enough rainfall monitoring stations to give a full, nationwide picture of yearly rain. Rain and snow feed rivers and springs as well as refill groundwater aquifers. Understanding how much precipitation falls is a crucial first step for having any accurate idea of what Lebanon’s water resources really are. And basing a national strategy on incomplete data is folly. As a first step, the government must urgently invest in the equipment needed to accurately measure snow and rain fall — or resort to begging donor nations, as is its wont.

But the data problem does not end there. With around 20,000 licensed wells and an estimated 60,000 unlicensed wells, it is appalling that only 29 are dedicated to monitoring groundwater. Experts believe at least twice that number are needed to properly understand and keep track of the country’s groundwater. Knowing how much groundwater the country has is essential to devising a plan to properly manage it. And management will be crucial for the future. Every year there are water shortages in Lebanon, this year being particularly bad. If a real management plan is to be put into place, an accurate understanding of how much there is to manage is key.

Equally important is understanding how much water is being used each year. The country’s four water establishments — responsible for distributing water to consumers — do not keep records of how much water they pump out. Nor are there usage meters for individual customers. Again, this is unacceptable. One cannot be expected to conserve water if one does not know how much is being used. Flow meters and piezometers (which measure the level of water in a well) should be installed on all public wells and usage meters should be installed for each water customer.

Finally, private sector water distribution must be regulated. It’s bad enough that the country’s four water establishments have no clue how much water they’re giving consumers. Compounding the stress on groundwater supplies is the completely unregulated and unsupervised private water delivery business. We currently have no idea what impact all this private pumping is having on the quantity of Lebanon’s freshwater supplies.

What we do know, however, is that as stress gets put on the quantity of groundwater, its quality begins to deteriorate. This is already an indisputable fact in many coastal areas of Beirut — just ask residents of Raouche or Ramlet al-Baida who shower in salt water because the wells their buildings use are inundated with seawater. The more private operators are allowed to pump as much water as they like from places like Antelias, Jal al-Dib and Hazmieh, the more we risk further seawater infiltration. This magazine is a champion of private enterprise, but not when that enterprise threatens the health and livelihoods of entire communities.

But instead of regulating, the ministry’s response is to exacerbate this situation by drilling more wells and pumping more water. This extraction will be done without any planning to set up data collection systems in the future. Instead, the ministry wants to forge blindly ahead without any idea how much groundwater Lebanon currently has, its quality, how quickly it is being used or how quickly it is being replenished. While this may be an inescapable tactic to alleviate the immediate crisis, it does not qualify as even the start of the needed response when the country may be facing more frequent droughts and higher usage rates in the future. Don’t expect your morning routine of hunting for water to change.

September 5, 2014 0 comments
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FinanceWealth management

Feeling our presence

by Livia Murray & Thomas Schellen September 4, 2014
written by Livia Murray & Thomas Schellen

This article is part of an Executive special report on wealth management and private banking. Read more stories as they’re published here, or pick up September’s issue at newsstands in Lebanon.

 

Roula Habis is a new managing partner at Optimum Invest, a Beirut based financial company. Formerly the general manager of Middle East Capital Group, she has 20 years of experience in financial products and joined Optimum to complement the firm’s fixed income business with her wealth management expertise. Executive sat with her to chat about the long term trends in the sector.

 

Optimum Invest describes itself as a boutique firm, meaning not a large player. Can a small firm offer value in wealth management? 

Classical wealth management is what people describe as asset allocation and diversification. You build a portfolio of stocks and bonds and might add some private equity into it. We will have this, but our approach is to go out of the box and find ideas for wealthy people in a way that is more like partnering with our clients and being their open eyes and ears.

 

Ten or fifteen years ago, local wealth advisors were mainly preoccupied with marketing fund products that were designed abroad, different from the tailored approach you’re talking about today. 

It’s the evolution, it’s the change. It used to be simply being an advisor or an intermediary, where you give them access to an open architecture. You would take funds from everywhere and you just build it for clients according to their profile and according to their needs in terms of liquidity. But this is offered by everybody, when you go to Citi, to HSBC, to all these big banks. You go and tell them: “I have a million, 10 million, 15 million dollars,” and this is what they would do for you. They will do an asset allocation and they will diversify according to the sector, to the geography, to the needs and to the rating from A to CCC. This is something which we still do. But we have to do something more.

 

How do you compete for Lebanese clients against those big name wealth management providers in Switzerland or in Dubai?

You know, it’s not that we are competing [against the big banks]. They are bigger, they have research departments, but their services are not as personalized as ours. And this goes back to what I started saying, which is that we in the Middle East, or in this part of the world, trust and knowing the person is very important before we go into placing their money.

 

Has there been any real progress in quantity or quality in the wealth management culture that we have in our region? Has there been a learning curve?

If you compare how much was invested in bonds and stocks versus private equity in 2004 and 2014, you would see that today there is a huge demand for private equity (PE). [Clients] know that it is long term but they know that it works well, it will pay well. If you go back 10 or 15 years, few people knew about private equity; those were really only the elite people who have always been investing abroad. But when you say private equity today, most investors would understand. They have seen the dotcoms, the internet bubble and then the biotech and the pharmaceutical companies, how they initially started with a clever idea or product and some PE investors who believed in it. There are many examples of great successes in this field but also resounding failures, and investors have become better at identifying good opportunities.

 

After the 2008 global crisis there was a lot of distrust among the HNWI (high net worth individual) community globally concerning wealth managers who were unable to anticipate or balance their losses. In response, global wealth reports were talking a lot about the need to rebuild trust. When looking at the industry today, what do people want most from their wealth managers?

You know what the people wanted in this crisis? Transparency and presence. Because when everything is great, everybody is calling you. However, when there is something that is bad, human beings have the tendency to, you know, disappear. This is what happened during this crisis. What people really wanted was for you as their advisor to be directly by their side, telling them exactly what was happening, why their portfolio was going down and perhaps take the appropriate decisions together.

The rebuilding of confidence came with the market as it started to recover. What mattered in the time of the crisis was to make sure that you stopped your leverage. If you were leveraged, instead of having to totally lose or double your losses because you were leveraged, the most important thing was either to liquidate to cover your leverage, or bring in cash from somewhere to cover your leverage. So the problem was the presence. This is why I am telling you it’s servicing. The most important thing is for the client to feel your presence near them, and this is what will make you different from everybody else.

 

How many wealth management clients are in Lebanon?

I don’t have a number. It is not large. But it would also depend on the threshold that you use to classify clients. Some would use $5 million, others $10 million. Each firm has its own threshold.

 

We have seen a global wave of new regulations on almost everything in the financial industry after the 2008 crisis …

Which was a good thing.

 

Has this increased the cost of doing business?

Of course. The regulatory environment is much tighter than before. In Lebanon, measures have been imposed by the central bank, the Banking Control Commission and now the Capital Markets Authority where you have to have a compliance officer, a legal officer and so forth. You need at least three or four persons in your back office and have a much bigger payroll on the back office side. This is okay for big financial institutions which can handle the cost, but small ones that are not performing well cannot really go on and have to shut their doors or sell their operations.

 

And have regulations become a bit more relaxed or are they still on the increase?

Definitely on the increase. Right now things are stable in the sense that authorities have put the rules in place and are auditing you to see if you are implementing the regulations. But everything is still evolving. I would expect even tighter controls in the area of compliance and anti-money laundering, and more costs associated with that.

 

The World Bank said in an assessment of Lebanon’s financial sector that our capital markets are weak and should be developed by, among other things, growth driven by non-bank financial institutions and incentives for investment funds domiciliated in Lebanon. From where you are standing, is that realistic?

In Lebanon? Not yet.

 

The development of the Lebanese capital market, from what you are telling us, is not a very hot short term issue.

How can it be, with the situation the country is in?

 

So if the World Bank says there should be more efforts to increase the supply and demand of securities, or more mutual funds, or initial public offerings by more of the regulated entities such as unlisted banks and insurers, what do you make of that?

In principle it should [happen] and in absolute terms, [the development of our capital markets] has to be done in this way. What the World Bank wants is what we want. Don’t you think we want a bigger stock exchange? You can have good returns on Lebanese Eurobonds and the risk is limited and the country is very well controlled in terms of the banking and financial sector. Don’t you think we want to be active and create something? But we have a problem, and it is political and regional and this is what is stopping us. The problem is not local anymore. It used to be local, but what is happening today is beyond us.

 

Knowing that there are many problems of regional and wider scope that no one in Lebanon can control or remedy, what is the biggest problem for wealth management in Beirut today that you can solve?

Transparency and knowing what’s happening. Being clear and transparent so that you know what are the risks at all levels and before investing or doing anything you would know that this is the added value.

September 4, 2014 0 comments
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FinanceWealth management

Lebanon’s capital markets

by Livia Murray September 4, 2014
written by Livia Murray

This article is part of an Executive special report on wealth management and private banking. Read more stories as they’re published here, or pick up September’s issue at newsstands in Lebanon.

With the lack of active capital markets, banks have as of yet provided the largest source of outside financing to private companies, resulting largely in a lending monoculture. Yet, their conservative lending policies dictate a disproportionate amount of collateral on loans, leaving much of the market financially underserved. In most economies, capital market and traditional banking activities complement each other when financing companies. There is little doubt that the proper and rigorous development of capital markets would equally benefit the Lebanese economy.

Historically weak capital markets

Despite the fact that Lebanese companies across all sectors are highly underfinanced, the development of Lebanese capital markets throughout the years has not been treated with the utmost priority. With various draft laws surfacing to regulate the capital markets as early as the 1990s, it was not until 2011 that the Capital Markets Law was passed (along with the Insider Trading Law on the same date), in a move that would create the framework to establish proper regulations.

Before the passage of this law, capital markets were regulated as a peripheral activity from a department within Banque du Liban (BDL), which would approve new financial instruments before they were released, and supervised by the Banking Control Commission (BCC). The most recent World Bank report on Lebanon’s financial sector, published in 2013, noted in its assessment of Lebanon’s capital markets that this supervision focused on prudential issues — consistency with standards within the various organizations — largely overlooking market conduct.

This under-regulation compounded the inactivity of Lebanese capital markets, already shaken by a civil war, ongoing political and security instability, skeptical investors, as well as reluctant owners of family businesses who were not entirely sold on the idea of opening their companies to outsider ownership and scrutiny.

The most striking example of market inactivity is today’s Beirut Stock Exchange (BSE), the country’s sole securities market. With a mere 11 companies listed — most of which are financial institutions — it had an average daily traded volume of 230,000 shares over the past three months (May–July 2014). Although set up in 1920 as the region’s second stock exchange after Egypt, BSE activity pales in comparison to a genuinely active stock exchange such as the Dubai Financial Market which saw a 50-day average volume of 619 million shares as of mid-August. Until the 2011 Capital Markets Law placed it under the mandate of the Capital Markets Authority (CMA), the BSE was self-regulated under the supervision of the Ministry of Finance.

The CMA: A credible regulator?

The Capital Markets Law of 2011 called for a handing over of all regulatory duties to and for the establishment of the CMA. Within the CMA, the law called for a board, secretariat, capital markets control unit and sanctions committee. The mandate of the CMA includes “organizing and developing capital markets in Lebanon and promoting their use by investors and issuers alike,” “protecting investors from illegal, irregular or unfair practices, including the prohibition of direct or indirect insider trading,” and “sanctioning administrative violations of this law.” This law was the most inclusive and detailed document on capital markets thus far, and according to Chadia El Meouchi, managing partner at Badri and Salim El Meouchi law firm, it is of “high standards.”

Once the CMA’s board of directors was selected a year after the law was passed in July 2012, it took them another nine months to completely take over activities from the BDL as capital markets regulator. “You can’t just get into the market, suddenly create a new authority and start spreading new rules and laws and regulations in the market,” says Firas Safieddine, vice chair on the board of the CMA, speaking of the delay.

While the capital markets control unit has been set up to supervise the market, neither the sanctions committee that the law calls for nor a separate capital markets tribunal have been set up because “they require ministers’ nomination followed by cabinet approval,” according to Safieddine. This creates something of a split situation whereby the CMA has some real and some not fully realized powers. The agency has teams working on licensing of financial products and on supervising both the business and market conduct of various institutions, but the functions of sanctioning and filing charges over violations have not yet been fully established. Until the sanctions committee is staffed, the CMA relies on other bodies to assist in legally executing these oversight functions. “We can revoke a license, we can send letters of warnings … [but] we currently fall short of having proper sanctioning,” says Safieddine.

A long-term failure to implement the sanctions committee could make the CMA border on irrelevancy, but this is a remote danger and the committee’s absence, according to El Meouchi, so far does not cripple the regulatory efforts. “It definitely hinders [the operation] from a legal perspective because you don’t have the body in place to enforce the regulations,” she says, but adds that in most countries “there is a transition period for companies to get used to [new regulations], and people will usually not get sanctioned during a transitional period, because they will give time and adaptation for the market to get used to it … And then by that time hopefully the committee will be in place.” She adds that for any new law there needs to be a learning curve, where the authority gives warnings rather than sanctions directly, and that Lebanon was only at the beginning of the learning curve.

The CMA is in the process of updating and releasing new regulations. They released 16 regulations so far which govern financial markets including disclosure policy, crowdfunding, insider trading, derivatives, securitization and collective investment schemes, as well as regulations concerning financial institutions and the suitability of people selling financial products. On this end, “we don’t have to go back to parliament and sit 10 years before a new regulation comes out. We are free to create our own regulations when it comes to capital markets,” says Safieddine. “We came in, we rewrote all the regulations that existed. Today we are drafting new, proper regulations, in collaboration with the World Bank. We’re writing regulations with the market, these regulations are best business practices.” Currently, every new fund or financial instrument has to get their approval before it can be released on the market.

The CMA is operating on a one-time contribution from the state budget of LBP 15 billion ($10 million), but are supposed to sustain themselves in the future with contributions imposed on listed companies, charges and fees for licenses, requests and submission, as well as profits from the stock exchange and, of course, aid and donations. So far they have spent about $3 million according to their annual report, which also estimates that they will be down by a total of about $6 million by the end of 2014. The remaining $4 million “will keep us going for another year or two,” according to Safieddine, though it is debatable whether this will be enough time to build up a capital market strong enough to sustain their activities.

Next tangible steps

The regulations are a first step to developing capital markets, but following suit is the question of supply and demand. For the development of active capital markets, the next steps include getting more companies to list and attracting the attention of more investors. While the World Bank’s most recent survey of Lebanon’s capital markets proposes a plethora of sweeping recommendations such as creating more appetite for institutional investment through insurance companies or by creating a national social security fund, stakeholders have proposed a few modest and tangible steps that could be taken at this time. The Capital Markets law calls for the BSE to be turned into a joint-stock company. This would provide incentive for the shareholders to increase activity because it would be run as a for-profit business. “Once you have a joint-stock company, you would have a board of directors and a CEO that would run it properly,” says Safieddine. “We [currently] have a stock exchange that is a government institution, that has a board without a CEO… So the demand for participation or investing in the stock exchange was by default, by the nature of the setup,” he adds.

Ghaleb Mahmassani, the president of the BSE, is equally eager to see the stock market turn into a joint-stock company. He tells Executive that the BSE has prepared a roadmap for this change but it is awaiting a decision from the council of ministers. “We hope that once fully privatized, the trust of operators and investors will increase and will help and boost other companies to register,” he says.

Other options to increase supply on the stock exchange include listing government-owned companies, as well as creating incentives for family-owned companies to list. El Meouchi proposes this be done through tax incentives, such as providing a tax waiver that would make it more attractive for companies to list.

While the supply and demand issue is sometimes regarded as secondary after the regulations, it will be of more and more relevance over time. And while Lebanese capital markets still have a long way to go before the regulation mechanisms are in full force, these beginnings are certainly a step in the right direction.

September 4, 2014 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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