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Comment

‘Qatargate’ breaks open

by Paul Cochrane March 6, 2013
written by Paul Cochrane

When Qatar won the bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup back in 2010, football fans around the globe were astounded at the decision. Many were suspicious, given that they could not even place the tiny Gulf peninsula on a map. Few knew Qatar even had a national football team. Moreover, Doha seemed a rather hot location for a summer World Cup. 

Indeed, right from the opening whistle pundits put forth that Qatar bought the bid. Qatar and FIFA have since been trying to make the case that it was merit and not petro-cash that affected the decision. The Qatari diwan and FIFA could not have been happy, then, to see the cover of France Football magazine when it graced stands at the end of January with “Le QATARGATE” emblazoned on the front. What lay inside was a 20-page report laying out how Doha bought the bid and pushing FIFA to remove Qatar as a host.

In what the magazine terms “acts of collusion and corruption,” the exposé shows how Qatar used its generosity to influence members of FIFA’s Executive Committee (EC) to vote in their favor, made donations for youth initiatives through its sports academy Aspire in countries with voters on the EC and provided $1.25 million to “sponsor” the African Confederation congress to win over four Africans on the EC.

On top of that, millions of dollars were offered to reinvigorate Argentinian football to gain a vote, and famous footballers were paid millions to sing Qatar’s praises to the press. 

Some of the most revealing news focused on France itself. France Football reported that in November 2010, then President Nicolas Sarkozy organized a dinner for Qatar’s crown prince, Union of European Football Associations’ President Michel Platini and a member of an investment fund that owned struggling football team Paris Saint Germain (PSG). Possibly coincidental, but certainly eyebrow raising, Platini voted for Qatar at the FIFA bid just weeks later. In 2011, Qatar’s sovereign wealth fund, Qatar Holding, bought a stake in PSG and the remainder in 2012. PSG has since spent more than $250 million acquiring high profile players, including David Beckham with a $1 million per month contract. Added to this, Qatar set up French TV channel beIN Sport and spent $200 million for the rights to broadcast French football until 2016. 

But what does France Football’s expose mean? An investigation has now been started that could strip Doha of the 2022 tournament, which would then be given to the runner up, the United States. There is widespread conjecture that this will not happen though, as it would be exceedingly damaging to FIFA — potentially opening investigations into the transparency of Russia’s bid for the 2018 cup — and would be a crippling blow to Qatar’s image, not to mention its budget plans with a staggering $65 billion to be spent hosting the cup. 

Also, Qatar is pushing for the scheduling of the event to be switched from the sweltering summer to winter time instead. This will face fierce opposition from European football leagues, with whose seasons this would coincide (although perhaps not the French). 

What is very clear is that Qatar is never going to shake off the notion that its petrodollars bought the 2022 World Cup. But whatever happens over the scheduling, and if Qatar actually remains as host, Doha will have to make damn sure it pulls off a spectacular event, which right now is looking a bit wobbly given the infrastructure needed — metros, train lines, thousands of hotel rooms — and that the technology for the much touted air conditioned stadiums has not even been tested yet. 

In the meantime, another “Qatargate” is in the offing: how did the gulf monarchy manage to become an “associate member” in the International Organization of the Francophonie (IOF) last October without going through the observer stage, having less than 1 percent of its population speaking French, and being a British colony until 1971? Curiously, Qatar appears to have intensely lobbied African countries to support its membership in the IOF. 

 

Paul Cochrane is the Middle East correspondent for International News Services

 
March 6, 2013 1 comment
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Society

Turning Japanese

by Nabila Rahhal March 5, 2013
written by Nabila Rahhal

Driving down a narrow road off Monot Street in Ashrafieh, you find a French style, 1920s building with a purple neon sign displaying the word ‘Noa’ from a first floor apartment. The trendy and ultra-modern pub-restaurant serving Japanese cuisine is the last thing you would expect inside such a building, but this is one of Noa’s many charming twists. 

Not a newcomer to this business, Fadi Saba, owner of Noa, founded the Sodeco area nightspot Zinc in 1997. More recently, he wanted to create a place that reflected his maturity. “After all these years, I cannot start a small project, nor can I cannibalize myself and recreate Zinc,” explains Saba, and so Noa came to be. Saba uses the words “food, booze and mood” to describe Noa and says his concept is an even blend of the three, a cross between a pub and a restaurant. 

Though such blends can overemphasize one aspect over the other — leaning too close to a pub that serves food or a restaurant with good music — Noa does well in balancing the two, mainly in thanks to its divided layout. Shying away from open spaces, which he finds frigid, Saba kept the original apartment’s layout. Noa’s entrance leads to the wide main room, the dining area, which in turn opens up to several other rooms: one with high tables houses the bar, another houses the DJ, one has a sushi counter, another is a lounge style room with low purple divans and finally there is a room for private gatherings. This division lends the venue a dynamic and fresh feel. 

Designed by the architect Serge Abi Saleh, each room is different but comes together splendidly with the others to give Noa its chic vibe. The whole venue is dimly lit, bar style, with live DJ music. Yet, aspects of fine dining such as fancy cutlery and an extensive wine list are incorporated. 

Noa’s menu, based on Saba’s extensive travels to Japan, is a light one and was chosen to be complimentary to a drink. With that in mind, and with the small sharing portions meant to create a cozy mood, one is advised not to visit Noa starving. 

Those who are fond of traditional sushi offerings such as sashimi and maki will not be disappointed with the food’s fresh taste, and those with more adventurous tongues will discover authentic Japanese staple items such as creamy hotate (scallop tartar) and namasu (Alaskan king crab). One disappointment was the tempura, which was a tad over fried and bland. The drinks menu has all the usual offerings plus saki-based drinks, Saba’s attempt to spread the saki culture in Lebanon. Executive’s party tried the saki caipirinha, and found it a smooth substitute for vodka.  

In its third month of operation Noa, which fits 120 patrons, is filled almost every night, according to Saba. His target “audience” is the well-traveled individual between the ages of 30 to 60 years who can afford to pay for a fine dining experience. On the night Executive visited, it was obvious that Saba had captured his desired audience, although $130 for nine pieces of sushi, one appetizer, one main fish dish and two drinks is on the pricey side, no matter how fine the dining is. 

Saba hopes to return the $1.5 million invested in Noa in the next three years, taking into consideration the dismal current state of the hospitality industry in Lebanon. He admits that he began working on the project a year and a half ago, and when the hospitality situation became what it is now, it was too late for him to postpone. “I have to assimilate to the situation —  I have to succeed,” says Saba. Indeed, so far Noa’s ship would appear to be on course and hauling in the catch.  

March 5, 2013 0 comments
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Business

Flipping ‘Murphy’s Law’ in Lebanon

by Eli Khoury March 5, 2013
written by Eli Khoury

Suppose we stop whining and speculate on Lebanon’s grand future. I mean it. For a minute, let us not look at the abysmal figures and awful indicators that we analyze daily about our country. Instead, let us imagine how good life in Lebanon would be if only we could improve the miserable conditions that we live and operate in. 

An excellent example of an inspiring, no-hopes-barred description of how great life could be in Lebanon a few years from now was written under the title ‘Beirutopia’ by the British Ambassador to Lebanon, Tom Fletcher.

In his blog, Fletcher hints at a future where Lebanon is as competitive as Singapore and as rich as Qatar, where the constitutional settlement “for the first time is truly Lebanese”, where no elected politician holds his seat on a sectarian base, where Hezbollah General Secretary Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah is among the leaders attending Lebanon’s centennial of statehood, and where the president reminisces on how she got hitched to her partner in one the country’s first civil marriage ceremonies.

Fletcher’s view on Lebanon 2020 are so heartwarming and bright that one hopes his telling becomes foretelling.

Beautiful, promising and positive as it is, reading this vision did leave a bitter taste.  Why does that which feels so clearly possible so viciously appear to be impossible? Could it be some sort of destiny that we will be forever ruled by incompetence?

Or could it be that what is impossible under the wrong management of our nation can be made possible, and much sooner than we think, if we put the right governance in place? To ponder that means to turn ‘Murphy’s Law’ on its head and assert not that what can go wrong invariably will, but that in Lebanon, if it can be done, it will.

Can we, the private sector and civil society of Lebanon, alter the course of events and create change management or, hopefully, a management change? I think we can. Let me elaborate.

It seems logical and safe to say that the prevailing political conditions are the primary hindrance to a healthy economy and productive environment. There are huge incentives for my industry to pour all of our passion and efforts into changing these detrimental conditions. Advertising and media, being a central talent of the Lebanese in general and one of the country’s largest exports, will likely benefit most from an improvement of our national conditions.

It might also be safe to say that the people who manage, create and work in advertising and media are people who, like those in many other industries, are decently educated and relatively progressive citizens; citizens and entrepreneurs who have dreams and care about where they would like to achieve them and how.

Based on these assumptions, can communications tell our citizens the truth and nothing but, so that they can finally act on what is in their best interest? And would they listen?

Let me put this to you in the way we do it: as a brief of targets to achieve in a communications campaign.

Here is my opinion, as one person in media, on what that brief contains: for authority to exist, our state has to have a monopoly over armed power. For security to exist, our nation needs its borders to be accurately defined and steadfastly protected from intrusions. For peace to exist, we need to be able to assert a productive balance of our national prerogatives and implement neutral foreign policy against pressures of global interests and regional conditions.

It is overdue that we receive the respectful treatment that is owed to us from both of our neighbors.

For communal harmony to exist, our political system needs a communal senate in duo with secular proportional representation in the Parliament, and the Senate has to be inclusive of one of our greatest assets, the diaspora. For social progress to exist, governance must be decentralized, as people’s interests are best represented at the level of the their immediate environment and not in the whimsical hands of a central junta.

These are but some of the points in my brief. And finally, for a solution to exist, brave women and men need to act.  

 

Eli Khoury is chairman and CEO of Quantum Group and M&C Saatchi MENA
 

March 5, 2013 0 comments
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The Buzz

Morning briefing: 5 Mar 2013

by Executive Staff March 5, 2013
written by Executive Staff

Economics

U.S. oil futures fell to their lowest level in 2013 on Monday, declining for a third consecutive session in reaction to slowing growth in China and indicators that oil markets are amply supplied.

More from Reuters

 

A slide in Egypt's foreign reserves slowed sharply in February, central bank data has shown, but their low levels kept Cairo under heavy pressure to secure an IMF loan.

More from Reuters

 

Companies and business

The value of Lebanese retail sales fell by 12.3 percent in 2012, the Beirut Traders Association-Fransabank Retail Index has said.

More from The Daily Star

 

The organisation overseeing global website addresses and internet policy says more sites in the Arab world should have local domain names.

More from The National

 

The president of the Association of Banks in Lebanon predicts that local banks will continue to maintain steady profits in 2013 despite the difficult environment in the country and the Middle East.

More from The Daily Star

 

Abu Dhabi-based First Gulf Bank has fully repaid federal government funds it received in the wake of the global financial crisis, it said on Monday, a move other banks in the country are expected to follow in 2013.

More from Reuters

 

Saudi Arabia's government has promised to offer discounted jet fuel to foreign airlines setting up in its domestic market as the kingdom pushes ahead with its fledgling open skies policy.

More from Arabian Business

 

And finally…

Fast food chain McDonald’s Arabia has denied having horsemeat in any of its products.

More from Gulf Business

March 5, 2013 0 comments
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Comment

Raping the women of Tahrir

by Bridgette Auger March 5, 2013
written by Bridgette Auger

"I cannot possibly imagine what kind of joy a man can get out of taking a girl’s virginity with a knife, along with a mob of three hundred people,” said Hussein el-Shafie, regarding the events of January 25, 2013.

In a scene repeated many times that night, hundreds of men in Tahrir Square, many bearing knives and clubs, swarmed around a victim. One man lit a can of butane to push back the attackers and make space for the rescue team to get in and extract a girl from the center of the crowd. The mob pulled off her clothes, violated her with their hands and turned on the rescuers, trapping them for two hours before police dispersed the melee with tear gas. 

On the 2nd anniversary of the Egyptian Revolution, activists from Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment (OpAntiSH) reported 19 cases of mob assaults, and of those cases, six required surgical intervention. One woman’s genitals were reportedly sliced with a knife, another needed a hysterectomy. OpAntiSH is a consortium of Egyptian non-profits and initiatives whose male and female volunteers have been working together since November 2012 to actively save women who are being mob assaulted during major protests.

Shafie, the community outreach manager at HarassMap — an initiative to end the social acceptability of sexual harassment in Egypt — was one of the OpAntiSH rescuers on January 25. He said that during the incident, “I asked one of them [the attackers], ‘What is it that you want?’ His answer was ‘We want these women [to go] inside.’”

Engy Ghozlan, a co-founder of HarassMap, explained that: “Sexual violence has been systematically used by the regime, by different forces to get women out of the public space.”

The attackers have a clear method whereby they isolate and encircle one or several girls and then descend upon them. OpAntiSH wears identifying t-shirts and has women on their extraction team to clearly identify rescuers from harassers. While different political groups have been accused of paying thugs to intimidate opposition protesters and journalists alike, the phenomenon of gang assaults on women reveals a much darker and complex scenario. 

Activists say these attacks are rooted in a deep-set social acceptance of sexual harassment, which creates feelings of sympathy for the harasser and blame for the victim. When Shafie and other rescuers tried to take the bleeding girls to get proper medical attention, some hospitals refused to admit them. They were told to return in the morning when the forensic department was open because the injuries had to do with virginity and rape. 

The current security vacuum in Egypt allows for a lack of accountability, leading to an increase in all types of crime. Disillusionment with the revolution, as well as the government’s continued use of violence and their failure to combat social problems such as unemployment and poverty, has exacerbated an already tense environment within Egypt. Shafie said he believes that those who are already marginalized in society take their anger out on people below them: “We have that system of power hierarchy where whoever is empowered makes the lives of the people who are disempowered hell. There is that very basic notion that women are physically less capable than men. That perpetrates all sorts of gender-based violence and harassment is only one form.”

Egypt’s religiously conservative society, however, cannot be justification for this behavior. During his outreach work in local neighborhoods, Shafie explained that he responds to men’s excuses about women’s clothing legitimatizing harassment by saying: “You are pretending to be religious but you are doing something that is completely against all morals, all religions, all that God or whatever moral code that anyone follows deems right or good.”

But it is not just the responsibility of local communities to fight this phenomenon. A woman’s right to personal security in a public place is not just a woman’s issue — it is a human right. If either the Egyptian government or political groups who call for protests want to claim human rights among their tenets, they must address this sexual violence. Simply put: these brutal attacks against women must stop.

Women have proven themselves to be vital in the process of progressive change in Egypt — the fact that such drastic measures have been taken to silence them proves their efficacy and that they are a threat to the status quo. Activists have urged women to be aware of what they may face when attending a protest but, luckily for Egypt, many women still brave the streets to make their voices heard.
 

Bridgette Auger is a photojournalist whose work has been published by Global Post, The Guardian and Daily Beast

March 5, 2013 1 comment
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Economics & Policy

Making the reward worth the risk

by Carole Nakhle March 4, 2013
written by Carole Nakhle

Lebanon could be on the way to join the club of other Middle Eastern oil and gas producers, albeit on a smaller scale. Whether this ambition can be realized will largely depend on its ability to build successful and sustainable relationships between the government and the international oil industry.

On February 15 the Lebanese government announced the pre-qualification process for companies that are interested in obtaining licenses for oil and gas exploration and production off the Lebanese coast. This process will last until the end of March and eligible companies will be notified by mid-April. Bidding is then expected to start in May and to continue for six months before the first exploration and production agreement can be signed in February 2014. While this encouraging development is the official start of Lebanon’s first-ever offshore licensing round, it thus marks the beginning of a new and potentially difficult experience.

Interested oil companies will submit applications to convince the Lebanese government that they have the technical and financial capability necessary to carry out exploration and development programs in Lebanon’s offshore waters. At the same time, they need to convince their senior management and shareholders that locking capital and human resources here is a worthwhile undertaking.

Investors have limited resources and, especially since the shale gas “revolution”, have increasingly had more opportunities than the financial and human resources required to develop them. Inevitably, priorities will need to be established. Rational investors will allocate resources to those opportunities that offer the most attractive long-term returns and allow for the highest capital efficiency. They will therefore seek to achieve reasonable returns at an acceptable level of risk.

While the timing is good for Lebanon due to an era of consistently high energy prices, problems arise from shale oil and tight oil opportunities being developed in many countries, which open alternative propositions for many companies. And whether the high-price environment can be sustained, given these new opportunities, remains an open question for now.

Weighing investor risk

Investors typically consider a variety of factors next to the geological potential, such as commercial prospects, political risk, security risk and, of course, the fiscal terms. A government cannot influence geology, or even commercial prospects, which depend on technology and prices. Among the factors it can influence, the fiscal terms are perhaps the most important.

Lebanon will largely depend on international expertise and capital to explore and develop its potential for hydrocarbons. Most oil and gas producing countries follow this approach. Very few countries, such as Saudi Arabia or Mexico, adopt the ‘go-it alone’ strategy for their oil sector. The exploration and exploitation of oil and gas requires significant financial and technological resources that would exceed the capability of most oil producing countries. And the high risk of failure involved renders a purely national approach to the exploitation of petroleum difficult to implement and manage.

The geological risk is currently high in Lebanon. Its offshore waters are still virgin territory for exploration. Although seismic data shows promising potential, concrete proof can only come through drilling. Once a commercially viable discovery is made, investors’ perception of this particular type of risk will decrease significantly. At this stage, the Lebanese government should focus on encouraging exploration and competition in order to mitigate risk in the province.
Exploration and development activities are most responsive to fiscal terms. In Lebanon, comments have been made that the fiscal regime will be fair and competitive. That, however, is easier said than delivered, especially if a more dynamic, long-term perspective is considered.

Lebanon opted for a contractual fiscal arrangement called a production sharing agreement, which is a popular regime among developing countries and which emerged during the oil industry nationalization wave in the 1960s and 70s.
Under this system, the oil company acts as a contractor, which operates at its own risk and expense, providing all the financing and technology required for the operations. In case of a commercial discovery, it is rewarded a share of production, to which it takes title to; the rest goes to the government. Some would argue that contractual arrangements are tougher than concessionary arrangements. This, however, largely depends on the fiscal package in place. In Lebanon, the details of the fiscal terms haven’t yet been published.

Petroleum taxation has been, and continues to be, a controversial issue. The most common objective cited by host governments is to generate for the nation a fair share of the proceeds while providing an acceptable and sufficient level of profitability for international oil companies. Quite obviously, the key question then becomes: how is “fair” defined, and  by whom?

High rewards beckon

Oil price volatility, for example, ensures that views of what constitutes a ‘fair share’ constantly change. While governments may find a share of 50 percent acceptable with oil prices at $60 per barrel, they are unlikely to retain their view once prices climb above, say, $100. Similarly, a large unexpected discovery may be good news for investors and governments alike, but often will lead to unfortunate fiscal consequences for investors. Governments keep the question of a ‘fair share’ under almost constant review, adding fiscal risk to the many other risks that make up the oil and gas extraction business.

The 2010 Lebanese Offshore Petroleum Law refers to the possibility of state participation, but officials confirmed that this will not apply in the first licensing round. The law also refers to the possibility of creating a national oil company. Such provisions, if implemented, threaten tighter government control. State participation can also increase the total government share of potential returns.  One addition to the long list of risks that investors normally face is the political risk, which is notable in Lebanon. The war in Syria is still ongoing and spillovers to Lebanon are looming. One could argue that oil and gas operations will take place offshore, but even far in the Mediterranean, maritime border disputes between Cyprus, Israel, Lebanon, Turkey and potentially Syria give reason for concern to those planning offshore operations and export options.
For societies, oil and gas resources too often are a curse rather than a blessing. Will cooperation and the rule of law, so plainly missing in today’s Eastern Mediterranean, prevail to turn them into a blessing for Lebanon?

The oil and gas sector has many distinctive features, which can be summarised as high risks and high rewards. One has to look through current troubles in making long-term decisions. Only the coming years will tell whether the risks investors need to take in Lebanon will be worth their while.

 

Carole Nakhle is an energy economist specializing in international petroleum contractual arrangements and fiscal regimes, world oil and gas market development, and energy policy

March 4, 2013 0 comments
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The Buzz

Morning briefing: 4 Mar 2013

by Executive Staff March 4, 2013
written by Executive Staff

Economics

Lebanese President Michel Suleiman has pledged to push forward salary increases for civil servants and teachers within a three-week deadline as private school teachers agreed to resume classes in the meantime.

More from The Daily Star

 

Egypt expects to seal a long-delayed $4.8 billion loan deal before parliamentary elections start next month, the finance minister said on Sunday, as the country runs dangerously low on foreign currency reserves and the budget deficit soars.

More from Reuters

 

Elsewhere in Egypt, John Kerry, the US secretary of state, pledged $250 million to support Egypt’s “future as a democracy”.

More from The National

 

The finance minister of the Palestinian Authority has resigned amid deepening economic malaise in the West Bank.

More from The National

 

Inflation in Saudi Arabia is running at acceptable levels, the country’s central bank chief said on Sunday, playing down concerns that the economy could be overheating.

More from Reuters

 

Oman’s oil production including condensates rose by four per cent in 2012 to an average of 918,000 barrels per day (bpd) thanks largely to gains from enhanced oil recovery projects, an oil and gas ministry official said on Sunday.

More from Reuters

 

Companies

Jordan's national carrier Royal Jordanian has stopped flying over Syrian airspace for security reasons, the airline's head has said.

More from Arabian Business

 

Qatar Telecom reported a 14.6 percent rise in fourth-quarter profit on Sunday as higher revenue in its home market, Indonesia and Iraq offset declining earnings from Kuwaiti unit Wataniya and Oman's Nawras.

More from Reuters

 

March 4, 2013 0 comments
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The Buzz

Gas prices across the Arab world

by Benjamin Redd March 4, 2013
written by Benjamin Redd

The price Arab consumers pay at the pump is drastically lower than in most other developing and emerging economies, according to data from the US-based consultancy AIRINC. While this is in part due to the rich resources deep below the lands and waters of many Arab states, it is mostly due to government manipulation.

Click here or on the graph below to see our interactive guide to petroleum prices in the Arab world and other developing economies.

This manipulation takes at least two forms: subsidies and price-fixing. In the hydrocarbon-rich Gulf, autocratic governments have effectively offered to provide basic services at no or little cost in exchange for allowing them to control the country. Subsidized gasoline is a key part of this agreement.

However, these artificially low prices are leading to a question of future sustainability. The conundrum is summed up in a paper from the University of Cambridge’s Electricity Policy Working Group. Low prices lead to greater consumption, which increases the cost of government subsidies, which means governments must export more — thus taking energy resources away from a growing domestic market.

In countries without massive energy resources such as Jordan and Egypt the problem is far more acute. Last year, riots broke out when Jordan’s government announced a price hike. Of the Arab nations surveyed, the dearest gasoline was found in Lebanon, which does not subsidize fuel but still sets prices.

For many, the price at the pump is a daily reminder of the cost of living. However, in the Arab world it should also serve as a reminder of market interference and the price citizens are expected to pay for their government.

March 4, 2013 0 comments
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Comment

Syria’s fallen symbols of state

by Jihad Yazigi March 4, 2013
written by Jihad Yazigi

 

The Euphrates Dam, once the most potent symbol of the centrally planned development policies of the Syrian Baath Party, was taken over by rebel forces in early February. The fall of the dam is one of many recent successes of the opposition in the resource-rich northeast, which is now almost entirely out of the hands of the government.

While the economic importance of the dam in itself is limited, the news of the capture of such a major source of pride for the authorities reverberated across Syria. 

When it was built in the mid-1970s, the dam was the largest ever to be built in Syria and among the largest infrastructure projects developed in the country during the 20th century. It was supposed to meet several government objectives: help provide food self-sufficiency thanks to the new lands that it would irrigate, generate new power that would meet a significant part of the country’s needs and assist in developing the eastern part of the country, whose economic and social indicators were very low.

At the time of its construction, Syria was in a different world. The dam was built thanks to Soviet money and implemented at a time of strict central planning and strong government involvement in the economy, and the belief that the state could and should lead the economic development process was widespread.

Across Syrian society, the construction of the dam was seen as a proof of the prowess of Syrian engineers and of the economic and social development potential of the country. Eight turbines capable of collectively producing 800 megawatts of electricity were installed and some 640,000 hectares of land were supposed to be irrigated by the lake that was created behind the dam. The dam was named ‘Al Thawra’ — or ‘the revolution’ — after the new name of the town located near the dam.

However, disenchantment was quick to come. The project never fulfilled its expectations and both the land irrigated and power generated were well below their capacity. Problems associated with the project included low water flows from Turkey, a lack of maintenance and poor soil quality in reclaimed areas.

The dam’s fall into rebel hands now symbolizes the central government’s gradual loss of control of increasing parts of Syria. In the northeast, in particular, there has been a significant shift in power, which is all the more important because that part of the country is the source of most of Syria’s wealth in natural resources. The region, which covers the provinces of Hassakeh, Raqqa and Deir Ez Zor, is where all of the country’s oil fields are located and where the wheat, barley and cotton crops are grown. It is also at the junction between the Turkish and Iraqi borders.

The area around the city of Deir Ez Zor — where most of the light crude oil used to be extracted with an average daily production of 120,000 barrels prior to the uprising — has been in rebel hands for several months. 

However, the past few weeks saw quick advances for the rebels northwards along the Euphrates River, enabling them to control new cities and to access the fields where the country’s heavy grade crude is extracted; daily average production in that region was some 250,000 barrels in 2010.

Prior to the developments of the last few weeks, the government already had difficulties sourcing oil and has reportedly been bribing tribes and even some rebel groups to ensure steady supplies. The refinery of Banias — located on the coast and which processes around half of the country’s crude oil — has been out of business for several months because of the lack of crude.

It will be important to monitor in the coming period the levels of oil supplies in Damascus and in other cities that are still in government hands. Similarly, stocks of flour and bread, the staple food of the Syrian population, risk being in increasingly short supply. 

After two years of a countrywide revolt, the capacity of the government to provide steady, although minimal, supplies of most key commodities has already defied most expectations. It would be ironic if the fall of the Al Thawra dam, a source of pride for the regime for so long, became symbolic of President Bashar al-Assad’s loss of Syria’s northeast.

 

Jihad Yazigi is editor-in-chief of The Syria Report

March 4, 2013 0 comments
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Finance

How Lebanon could raise $1 billion per year

by Georges Pierre Sassine March 4, 2013
written by Georges Pierre Sassine

In the past five years, Lebanon has attracted an average of $4.5 billion per year in foreign direct investments (FDI). But as the uncertain political environment causes FDI levels to decline and economic growth to plummet, Lebanon could tap into a new source of financing called “diaspora bonds”, financial instruments sold only to expatriate communities. 

In 2012, Lebanese emigrants sent more than $7.6 billion to their families, for the purpose of supporting their parents, putting relatives through school and other personal investments. Their impact on Lebanon’s development can be significantly increased if parts of their funds are mobilized for local investments, such as infrastructure, schools and hospitals.

Between roughly 4 and 15 million Lebanese live abroad, so if one in every 10 members could be persuaded to invest only $1,000, Lebanon could raise on average more than $1 billion a year. Diaspora bonds raise capital by providing emigrants advantageous interest rates, deposit guarantee schemes and other unique incentives. Israel raised $31 billion through diaspora bonds, and India raised more than $11 billion. Yet, there are also cases of failure, such as Ethiopia, which raised only $200,000. 

Examining the lessons learned from other countries, the success and failure of diaspora bonds can be linked to three key drivers. The first one is the profile of the country’s diaspora network, its size and wealth, how well organized it is and how easily it can be tapped into. The second is the relationship between the diaspora and its home government. And the third is patriotism — the emotional tie to the homeland and national identity. 

Lebanon scores differently across these metrics. It enjoys a large and relatively well-off expat community linked through various political, religious and business organizations. Yet both its relationship with the Lebanese government and its sense of patriotism could vary widely. Many could perceive the government to be corrupt and only have a handful of trustworthy institutions. And some expatriate communities, similar to the local Lebanese population, could be fragmented by a weak national identity.

Lebanon can benefit from the issuance of diaspora bonds only if they are designed to circumvent the country’s weaknesses and obstacles. For example, lack of trust in a corrupt Lebanese government would negatively impact the diaspora’s willingness to invest in diaspora bonds. For this reason, the government should be limited to setting the overall vision and creating incentives for the private sector to lead this initiative.

Another difficulty is the fragmented nature of the Lebanese diaspora, which might prove challenging to engage. The solution lies in ensuring that investments benefit the whole society without preference to specific regions or religious groups. For instance, national infrastructure projects such as a railway connecting north to south, or refineries to build Lebanon’s oil and gas industry, are possible uniting projects.

In order to strengthen the diaspora’s link to Lebanon, the single most effective tool available to the Lebanese government is to grant expats voting rights and encourage civic participation. About 10,000 Lebanese expatriates are registered to vote for the upcoming parliamentary elections. While the low turnout is a disappointment to many, others consider it a significant step toward larger diaspora participation next time around. 

Until then, Lebanon should start laying the ground work to issue diaspora bonds. It first needs to gather better statistics on the volume, wealth and location of its citizens abroad. The Lebanese government also needs to establish institutions focused on government-diaspora liaison through and beyond embassies and consulates. It needs to build alliances with diaspora networks including professional organizations like the American-Lebanese Chamber of Commerce, and academic organizations including university alumni chapters. It would also need to start negotiating with foreign countries to grant tax exemptions to Lebanese nationals investing in diaspora bonds, which would require identifying the right local projects to be invested in. 

There is no doubt that diaspora bonds will face obstacles in a country like Lebanon. But with the right design and the political will to carry it through, Lebanon can put its diaspora at the forefront of its economic and political development.

 

 

Georges Pierre Sassine is a public policy expert and holds a master’s degree in public policy from Harvard University’s John  F. Kennedy School of Government. He writes about Lebanon’s public policy issues at www.georgessassine.com   

 
March 4, 2013 0 comments
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