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Finance

Lebanon’s banking sector still well-fueled

by Maya Sioufi March 12, 2013
written by Maya Sioufi

The country’s engine is still running. Despite all the pressures that the Lebanese banking sector faced last year, they still managed to grow their deposit and asset base and extend their lending arm to the country’s private and public sectors. Their profits are not as rosy though.

Lebanon’s domestic bank assets recorded annual growth of 8 percent last year to $152 billion, about three and a half times the size of the economy. The growth is slightly below the 9 percent registered in 2011 and falls short of the 14 percent average growth of the past five years, but given the issues that the sector is dealing with — upheaval in neighboring Syria, instability at home and increased international scrutiny, to name a few — this asset growth is welcome news. Deposits flowing into bank coffers also rose 8 percent — in line with the Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh’s expectations — to stand at $125 billion, 82 percent of the sector’s assets. This growth is commensurate with that of 2011 and down from a five-year average of 14 percent. “Banks are still attracting deposits because the interest rates offered are higher than the ones in Europe and the United States,” says Marwan Mikhael, head of research at Blom Bank. “The good thing is that this increase was enough for the banks to finance the government and the private sector at the same time without a crowding out [effect],” he adds.

More loans, less profits

Outpacing deposit growth was lending with a 10 percent increase; this is down from 13 percent in 2011 and the 18 percent average growth of the past five years. However, given the country’s dire economic conditions, this growth is still encouraging. The vast majority of these loans, 89 percent, went to the residents. “It was just more of the same: tepid deposit growth, margins stable, interest income growing [by] mid-single digits, fees flat to down and revenue generation offset by provisions,” says Nadim Kabbara, head of research at FFA Private Bank.

Pursuant to the conservative nature of the sector and to hedge against the adverse impact of instability at home and in neighboring countries, mainly Syria and Egypt, banks continued on taking provisions last year with the ratio of provisions to doubtful debt reaching 79 percent. “They have taken quite a bit of provisions for Syria and I don’t think it will be that material going forward. The fact that the language [of management at local banks] changed from ‘we don’t know what is happening in Syria’ to ‘we want to be ready for when Syria comes back’ is a bit more positive,” adds Kabbara. Another indication of the resistant quality of the sector’s balance sheet is the ratio of non-performing loans to total loans, which stood at 3.3 percent last year, down from 6.8 percent in 2011.

The less cheery picture comes from the profitability of the banks.  While the consolidated figure of the total banking sector was not yet available as Executive went to print, the results of the five listed banks, including the country’s three largest banks, show a contraction in profits. Pressured by the regional and domestic instability, which compelled the sector to prudently take specific and general provisions, the consolidated profits at Lebanon’s five listed banks — Bank Audi, Blom Bank, Byblos Bank, Bank of Beirut and BEMO Bank — registered a 2 percent drop last year to stand at $966 million, down from a growth of 2 percent the previous year. These profits exclude the $44.5 million extraordinary gain that Bank Audi booked from selling 81 percent of LIA insurance; including the sale, net profits were up by 2.4 percent to $1 billion. Assuming these five banks reflect the performance of banking overall, 2012 would be the second year of contraction for profits of the banking sector. Net earnings dropped 5 percent in 2011, the first drop in nine years.

Future forecast

For 2013, Mikhael doesn’t expect provisions to hit profits, as “there are not much left to be taken,” he says. As regional instability persists and as the country’s economic growth remains subdued — with the International Monetary Fund expecting the economy to grow by 2.5 percent this year following a 2 percent growth last year — the banks are set for another challenging year. Crisis management seems to be the name of the game. “If you can try to forecast what provisions could look like, you can have an idea as to what profits should be. At the end of the day, banks don’t want to show declining profits; confidence in the banking sector is paramount,” says Kabbara.

“The main challenge for banks now is to continue on growing internally and to expand regionally by finding the main places where banks can diversify their sources of income,” adds Mikhael.

Be it Turkey, a country that Bank Audi and BankMed have taken a bet on; Australia where Bank of Beirut is venturing; Iraq where Byblos is advancing, or any other country with lucrative growth prospects, banks are going to have to act fast and diversify their sources of revenues in order to overcome what looks to be another testing year for the country’s economy.
 

March 12, 2013 0 comments
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The Buzz

Morning briefing:12 Mar 2013

by Executive Staff March 12, 2013
written by Executive Staff

Economics and policy

Israeli restrictions and closures coupled with the worsening fiscal situation of the Palestinian Authority is causing "lasting damage" to the competitiveness of the Palestinian economy, the World Bank warned on Tuesday.

More from Reuters

 

Toppled president Hosni Mubarak, awaiting trial over his role in the deaths of protesters, believes Egyptians should rally around his Islamist successor and end violent protests, his lawyer said yesterday.

More from AFP

 

For the first time since 2006, Lebanon recorded a primary deficit after the Cabinet of Prime Minister Najib Mikati raised the salaries of civil servants and military personnel at the beginning of 2012.

More from The Daily Star

 

Egypt's wealthy benefactor Qatar has dampened speculation of rapid extra funding to help Cairo through a currency and budget crisis, as pressure grows at home on the Islamist government to come clean about the state of the economy.

More from Reuters

 

US President Barack Obama on Monday met Arab American leaders who urged him to deliver a message of hope to the Palestinian people on his Middle East trip this month, even though he has made clear he will not use the visit to launch a new Israeli-Palestinian peace initiative.

More from Reuters

 

Companies and business

The GCC banking sector continues to remain robust, with assets increasing by 11 per cent in 2012 to $1.47 trillion, according to a report.

More from Khaleej Times

 

Saudi Binladin Group, one of the largest construction firms in the kingdom, is currently meeting fixed income investors as it plans to issue a new local currency Islamic bond, or sukuk, four sources aware of the matter told Reuters on Monday.

More from Reuters

 

BankMed has announced net profits for 2012 totaling $126.7 million, up by 7.9 percent from $117.5 million in 2011.

More from The Daily Star

March 12, 2013 0 comments
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Society

Striving for real Middle Eastern journalism

by Philippe Skaff March 12, 2013
written by Philippe Skaff

It is no secret that newspapers and magazines are losing their economic viability. Advertising budgets have been slashed due to numerous factors, from consumer skepticism toward conventional advertising to the new and innovative, tech-oriented channels and the recent trend in experiential marketing where consumers interact with products. Traditional ink on paper is living its last days, and it is becoming increasingly difficult to maintain the large staff required for quality news gathering. 

Part of the decline is due to the resistance of the modern consumer toward top-down messages. Eventually, newspapers and magazines will become elitist, intellectual tools for the select, information-rich few, leaving the masses and the middle class in front of their screens — mainly their television screens. This is where the values of democracy are most at risk: the more people watch TV and the more they become mass media-rich, the less information they actually get. 

On the face of the matter, all TV models draw from the American model. Around the world, we see the same Hollywood (or Hollywood-style) films, the same soap operas, the same comedy shows, the same sexy announcers with emphasis on youth and beauty, the same sporting events, etcetera, and therefore we come under the illusion that globalization is at work, right down to the very core of journalism. 

Western journalism is, and traditionally has been, at a distance from politics because it emanates from societies that fervently value the separation of journalism from political interests. While total independence is hardly ever achieved, the problem is significantly less acute than in the Arab world, where, behind every TV station, newspaper and magazine, there is a man of immense political and/or financial power and influence, or even a whole country with a heavy political agenda. In such climates there cannot be independent journalism. In most Arab countries, the typical citizen has gone straight from a lack of information (from state-generated and operated media) to what he or she now sees as freedom of information. In fact, what we are seeing is nothing more than diversity of manipulation. 

Make news, not war

The presence of multiple agendas, even contradictory ones, is no guarantee of truth. They all serve to maintain an illusion of transparency and freedom of speech. In fact, TV stations have replaced the party system in the Arab world, and, to some extent, sects and religions as well. We are still waiting for real investigative journalism. 

Traditionally, they say wars make TV stations: the Gulf War made CNN, the second invasion of Iraq made Al Jazeera. But look around: we have reached a stage where our stations are making the wars, not the other way around. And in today’s terms, that makes them a smiling, young, sexy Big Brother.

Things are a little different on the Internet, which has spawned a distinctive form of journalism, or rather anti-journalism, through the form of blogs. These do-it-yourself statements usually state unchecked facts that generate unfounded opinions, cluttering the air — and our minds — with rubbish. The Internet steadily undermines journalism and its values, encouraging the spreading of rumors without any investigation. It can at times serve as a voice of the people, but if people are already contaminated or even brainwashed by Big Brother in a society where journalism is still captive, corrupt and/or clouded by bias, it is merely a reflection of mediocrity. 

If democracy is to put down lasting roots in our region, we have to start by separating political and confessional interests from journalism as much as we can. The job of the news media is to hold public figures to account, not to promote certain ones and/or tear down certain others. Real journalism cannot be part of either the government or the opposition; it has to be impartial and independent — or it ceases to be journalism. And without journalism, there can be no genuine democracy. 

 

Philippe Skaff is the chief executive of OB-3 and former CEO of Grey Group MENA

March 12, 2013 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyLebanese in advertising

Media International Service’s Marwan Kai

by Thomas Schellen March 11, 2013
written by Thomas Schellen

Established as an independent media agency in 1981 and preparing to celebrate its 20th anniversary of operating from Dubai this year, Media International Services (MIS) has cultivated market niches where it could sustain its stance in the face of bigger players sweeping the regional advertising game. Executive sat down with Marwan Kai, chief executive of MIS.  

 

See also: Why the Lebanese rule advertising

The top advertising agencies in the Middle East ranked

 

How do you evaluate 2012 and what do you expect from 2013?

The year 2013 looks to me quite similar to 2012 in terms of volumes and trends and the way the business is evolving. The industry continues to be affected by the political situation in the Arab world, and growth is becoming very challenging to achieve for everybody. 

In terms of geography, where do you see things going?

Many people, including MIS, had a lot of hope in the Egyptian market, and that market has been badly affected. The Levant area is facing lots of uncertainties and the investment there has gone down rather than up. We are all aggressively searching for somewhere in the region where proper growth can happen. 

That does not sound like a walk in the park for an independent media agency…  

It is becoming more challenging year after year. Companies have to be quite focused on their offerings, and at the same time, diversify their offerings. More importantly, they need to offer clients and advertisers a properly integrated solution across different platforms. That is the way we are moving forward as far as MIS is concerned. 

What were the most important contributions that you see yourself having made, as a Lebanese media player to regional advertising? 

Of two important milestones that MIS has contributed to achieving in this business, the first is working for international media, and I was lucky to be one of the first players to enter that arena. We started representing CNN 14 years ago at a time when the level of business for international media was very small. We have put international media business very much on the map with clients and agencies and institutions here. The second milestone that MIS has contributed to was the growth of cinema advertising.

In this context of institutions and countries advertising in international media, how do you assess projects like Dubai’s campaign to win Expo 2020?

Expo 2020 is a very smart move and will contribute to further growth. International media like CNN can only stand to benefit from such initiatives coming out of this region. With European economies struggling as they are, it is only logical that places like Dubai and Abu Dhabi are able to attract events like the Expo and Formula One. 

Events like Expo or the World Cup will require more than a run-of-the-mill advertising strategy. Will the regional media industry be up to the task?

These are very sophisticated global events and they require sophisticated media support. I think the business of publishing, of media and advertising, is evolving in the Gulf, and the gap that existed in the past is getting smaller and smaller. I have no doubt that the region will have the expertise to cope and manage these global events very well. 

What do you expect will be the future of Lebanese advertising players in the regional industry? 

We all recognize that international companies are today the ultimate decision makers, and so we all look at the future with a question mark of how large the role of the Lebanese will stay in this industry. Ad agencies have all been bought up by multinationals; on the media owners, media agencies and media reps side, we are still in a very strong position.

In your view, can Lebanon learn from the successes of the Lebanese players in the regional media? 

The Lebanese government and Lebanese private sector have a lot to learn from what we can deliver because we have delivered outside of Lebanon. Our ultimate frustration as Lebanese expats living abroad is that we have contributed in building the whole Gulf Cooperation Council… but are not allowed to contribute and give back to our country to make it what it should be. I am obviously not saying that we are physically not allowed but the current political structure is put in a way where they do not want you to come back and contribute or do anything for the country. It is sad, very sad. 

Do you see any chance to remedy that situation? 

Not in the foreseeable future. 

March 11, 2013 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyLebanese in advertising

Omnicom’s Dani Richa talks Lebanese dominance

by Maya Sioufi March 11, 2013
written by Maya Sioufi

 

With 25 years of experience at Impact BBDO, a leading regional advertising agency, Dani Richa has assumed different roles within the company, including chief creative officer. Chairman and chief executive of the Omnicom subsidiary since 2009, he is one of the most influential ad executives in the region. Executive sat with Richa in his Beirut office to discuss Lebanon’s prominence in the ad industry and the main changes in the market in recent years. 

 

How did the Lebanese become so dominant in the region’s advertising industry? 

It was triggered by the [Lebanese] Civil War [which started in 1975]. You had clusters of regional clients and agencies that moved to Cyprus and started operating out of there. We were all offshore [in Cyprus] and covering the Middle East from there. Then Dubai started becoming what it is today and in the late 1980s and early 1990s, companies started moving their head offices to Dubai. This is how the Lebanese took the industry from Lebanon to the region. 

 

Why did Lebanese agencies partner with multinational advertising companies? 

A lot saw the need of partnering with multinationals to be able to attract multinational clients that tend to work globally with agencies. The trend was to sell a part or to affiliate with an American or multinational agency and from the 2000s onward, as the region gained importance, those international groups became majority shareholders. In our case, three years ago Omnicom became majority shareholder of Impact BBDO. 

 

Why are multinationals in the region still run by Lebanese CEOs? 

At first, it was because they started the industry. Now, we are still running the show because we developed it, were very successful at it and we have an equal intellect to our Western counterparts with a language and cultural advantage. Also, on average, we have 25 to 30 years of relationships in the region with key clients. They trust us because we helped them build their brand. For the foreseeable future, I think you will continue to see Lebanese leadership in advertising. 

 

What are the main changes that the industry has witnessed in the past couple of years? 

We went through a phase where brands were talking at people through ads on TV, in newspapers, in magazines and on the radio and then it evolved and we started having a two-way dialogue through direct marketing and direct response. Now, it’s not just brands talking to people and people talking to brands, it’s people talking to people about brands. The brand has to work three times as hard to be there and be talked about in a good way. The successful brands, the ones people are talking about, are the ones that have a positive [impact] on people’s lives.

 

In 2007 and 2008 in particular, allegations surfaced of serious corruption in the advertising and media industry.  Has the advertising industry cleaned itself up? 

Corruption was part of the world back then, it was everywhere. It’s not relevant today. There is a much greater focus on compliance, with absolutely no room for gray area. You are operating by American laws and they are strict. I would say that in this region there were cases [of corruption] but in recent history I think the industry has become more professional in that regard.

 

How has the industry performed in recent years and what is your expectation for 2013? 

The big hit was in 2009 and 2010. Lots of agencies had to restructure; it was survival of the fittest. In 2011, recovery started and in 2012, there was a small growth. The year 2013 is a big question mark because of the change that happened in the region. We are yet to see the result of this change. I am optimistic; we have adjusted to a new reality. We are almost continuously in crisis management mode and we work accordingly. The only way you can do it is by saying, ‘I can’t change the economy or the regional turmoil but what I affect is my business.’ I see 2013 as a good year looking forward.

 

What campaign are you most proud of so far? 

It is “Cheyef Halak” [‘look at yourself’ in Arabic] as it was all about purpose. [Cheyef Halak is a social awareness campaign created by Impact BBDO and endorsed by LBCI]. 

March 11, 2013 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyLebanese in advertising

MCN Group’s Tarek Miknas discusses a changing industry

by Thomas Schellen March 11, 2013
written by Thomas Schellen

The MCN Group is a partnership of New York-based communications conglomerate Interpublic and the Miknas family holding. The Group gathers media, creative, public relations and corporate entities under one roof — and does so in the literal sense since the turn of the year. Executive visited Tarek Miknas, chief executive of the group’s flagship FP7 agency and board member of MCN, in the brand new corporate hive in Dubai’s Tecom district.

See also: Why the Lebanese rule advertising

The top advertising agencies in the Middle East ranked

 

The look of your space here seems a bit in-between, as if you wanted to emphasize the creative side…

Yes, and I can take you to the different offices [of group companies] on different floors… each has its expression of its personality, values and what it is all about. Normally you move into an office space and make this space yours. Here, we have the whole building of 14 floors. It is still a work in progress — even the car park is full of people carpentering and this sort of thing. As we get settled in, we will do a lot more meetings and we will use the space on the ground floor and make it come alive.

We met before for a conversation at the 2011 MENA Cristal, about one year after you took on your role at FP7. What has changed in the agency in the past two years? 

When you start a company, you are involved in each process and bring in the people you feel comfortable with from scratch. Moving into a company that has already been established and all this, it felt like there were pockets of people and people talking about people, and this clearly takes a lot of focus away from what people should be doing, which is advertising. Today, we don’t have those conversations anymore. It is now about ‘do you know this client? I am sure we can do this, this, this and this and improve their business.’

Was that a simple migration?

It takes a lot of effort to get there. First of all, you have to let go of all the “bad elements”, whether or not they are good in what they are doing. If they are creating a negative culture, you waste so much time.

Can you give us some information on the size and structure of MCN Group and the performance evolution of FP7?

MCN is our holding company, 51 percent owned by IPG [Interpublic Group] and the rest of it is private. Under that holding, there are diverse communications companies, most of which represent the big IPG companies that work together around the world. The biggest two companies are FP7 and UM, and total employment in the group is about 1,400 people. As FP7, we started out as a network, and, two years ago, we were actually in the red. So our focus was to build a solid, sound financial base that would allow the required growth plans to be initiated. After 2008, we’ve experienced a dip of about 10 percent in our top line; however, we have now steadily built ourselves back up to those top line levels, but with 200 percent growth in our profits. During this time, we’ve put a lot of focus on upgrading our talents and bringing in a lot of new, young energy into the organization, which has proved to be a successful strategy.

What is the greatest achievement of Lebanese media personality Tarek Miknas?

Me specifically? I thought this is about the Lebanese in general. I am so new at this.

Will Lebanon be able to maintain, or perhaps grow, its role in regional advertising?

Lebanon is a source of talent for this industry no matter where in the region. It makes sense economically to have a place in Lebanon; people have their homes there and there are no relocation issues, those kinds of things. Will Lebanon continue to expand and take on more geographies? I am not sure. One thing that troubles me is that even in my generation, people emphasize divided communal identities. I thought that people were over all of this [but it seems] there will always be this kind of conflict, and it will always  keep Lebanon one step behind. I don’t know how this is going to be solved in Lebanon. I don’t see a new leadership that is trying to be more inclusive and will say, ‘guys, let’s forget about all this and start to act with economic thinking, not sect-based’.

March 11, 2013 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyLebanese in advertising

WPP’s Roy Haddad talks Middle Eastern advertising

by Maya Sioufi March 11, 2013
written by Maya Sioufi

Appointed in July 2012 as Middle East and North Africa’s director for WPP, the London-based multinational advertising agency with a $20 billion market capitalization, Roy Haddad is among the most prominent names in the region’s ad industry. Formerly MENA chief executive of American ad agency JWT, Haddad is now responsible for a network that covers around 4,000 executives in the region and has under its umbrella several networks including JWT, Grey, Young and Rubicam, Ogilvy Group and many others. Executive sat with Haddad to discuss his new role, his thoughts on the region’s advertising market and the prominence of Lebanese in this industry. 

See also: Why the Lebanese rule advertising

The top advertising agencies in the Middle East ranked

What do you aim to have achieved within five years?

In China, there is a WPP academy, and we are contemplating launching something similar in the Middle East. It would provide training to executives in the marketing industry. [I also aim to] bring in more transparency to the market: this is the most significant challenge. [Lack of transparency] affects the MENA industry more than other markets and part of the problem is the lack of reliable research. The industry will gain from encouraging better data.

What are your expectations for the advertising industry in 2013?

I think it will be a tough year. Marketing works best in stable markets as it’s long term by definition. With very volatile markets, today becomes more important than tomorrow. Therefore I think we will see more aggressive promotion versus brand building. The other factor is the digital rally. The industry as a whole is in stage of reinventing itself. We are moving from [targeting] sociodemographics to targeting mindsets. When you start targeting mindsets, the whole brand experience lives better in digital than traditional media.

Why is the share of advertising expenditures relative to GDP at low levels in the region?

In the past, it was due to a lack of knowledge and the scarcity of media and distribution. [Today], one of the main reasons is volatility. Stability is key for long-term brand planning. Multinationals don’t invest at the right level here. We are victims of volatility and the lack of data in the region. This is a huge issue.

How is the presence of smaller advertising agencies affecting fees?

I think the lack of growth [in the advertising industry] in 2011 and the oversupply of smaller shops [led to] fees not being at the level they should be. At the heart of that is the doubt of clients’ over how much transparency is being dealt with. Big multinationals have a duty to be more transparent in their dealings with clients.

Would you look to acquire smaller agencies?

Organic growth is becoming harder to come by, so growth is coming from acquisitions. That’s why you see the Omnicoms and WPPs of this world. We are looking at opportunities here and there. There is a weakness in the region, as there are not enough startups. As for Lebanon, we are looking and searching [for acquisition opportunities]. To do an acquisition, it has to bring added value to our current offer and not more of the same.

In your opinion, why are Lebanese prominent in the industry?

Lebanon’s free economic system encouraged entrepreneurial thinking, so the advertising industry developed earlier than everywhere else [in the region]. What helped us is that we are very cosmopolitan. Lebanese executives can fit anywhere in the world because of their multilingual ability and their upbringing in a free economy. Another thing we need to realize is that Lebanese excel abroad because the local market is very small. The largest account in Lebanon is not enough to sustain [the industry] with the fees applicable in this market. The total ad market in billing terms is around $150 million in Lebanon so about $25 million in fees maximum. It is barely enough to sustain three or four decent agencies.

What is your advice to graduates looking to join the industry?

It’s about blood, sweat and tears. You need to have curiosity, as there is a high curiosity level that should go in understanding the consumer. You need to have the culture to be able to synthesize that curiosity into an actionable plan and have the courage to go out and implement it. We are in the business of imagination but in the art of creating conviction.

March 11, 2013 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

Welcome to the snake pit

by Zak Brophy March 11, 2013
written by Zak Brophy

The relations between the countries of the Eastern Mediterranean are, to say the least, a tad complex. Centuries of invasions, occupations, liberations and alliances have carved a map that is both ill-defined and often disputed. In recent years, the major gas discoveries under the sea floor and the prospect of more to follow have added new intricacies and calculations to the region’s geo-political hodgepodge. 

The countries at the table of the Levantine hydrocarbon bonanza are at different stages of exploration and production, and the dynamics being forged between the major players encompass a cocktail of saber rattling and fraternal embracing. The fact that the lines demarcating ownership of the sea floor and what lies underneath have not all been agreed upon further complicates the unfolding play.

See also: A beginner's guide to Lebanon's oil and gas

Why Lebanon's oil and gas may not solve the electricity crisis

“You’re always going to have problems when there are discoveries before the maritime borders have been agreed upon, and then you have regional disputes such as Turkey and Cyprus or Lebanon and Israel,” says Walid Khadduri, the energy and geopolitical risk editor at The Middle East Economic Survey. 

Cypriot sprint hampered by Turkey

At the nexus of the Levantine basin is the island of Cyprus, whose territorial waters border those of Lebanon, Turkey, Syria, Greece, Israel and Egypt. In late 2011, the discovery of somewhere between 85 and 250 billion cubic meters (bcm) of natural gas, and potentially additional oil, in the Cypriot Aphrodite field marked a major step forward for the island’s hydrocarbon sector, and they are now pushing ahead toward production and further exploration. But as Greek Cypriots have progressed with exploration, Turkey has raised the alarm on behalf of the northern, Turkish portion of the island, crying foul and seeking to hold back Nicosia’s endeavors. 

“Turkey can make a lot of noise and flex their muscles but I don’t think they will be able to delay Cyprus’ progress as their train is very much on track,” says Bassam Fattouh, director of the Oil and the Middle East Program at the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Ankara has repeatedly called for a freeze on Cyprus’ hydrocarbon activities and responded to the first drillings in Cypriot waters by sending warships into the island’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ). 

Turkey has, from two fronts, argued that certain blocks within the Cypriot EEZ are still contested and therefore not game for exploration. In response to the Greek-Cypriot government’s advancement into the second offshore licensing round in February 2012, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) awarded a concession to Turkish Petroleum (TPAO) for the exploration of hydrocarbons in areas that overlap with seven of the 12 oil and gas research blocks in the Republic of Cyprus’ EEZ to the east and south of the island. The move by the Turkish authorities is based on a weak legal argument that has elicited little serious response from global players. This is primarily due to the fact that their claim is premised on the continental shelf rights of the TRNC, which is not recognized by the international community. 

Turkey has also claimed that five of the Cypriot oil and gas research blocks on the western flank of the island infringe upon their continental shelf. Not only have they warned international oil companies (IOCs) against “unauthorized oil/natural gas exploration and exploitation” in these areas but they have also granted TPAO exploration and production licenses in their own blocks within these contested areas. 

It seems that Ankara’s blustering has done little to deter investors. Bids were made for three of the disputed blocks in the west in the second licensing round, and whether the lack of interest in the other two is due to political instability is far from certain. 

“For blocks that received no bids, it is possible this could be linked, for certain companies, to Ankara’s threats, including the threat of exclusion from energy investments in Turkey,” says Anastasios Giamouridis of Poyry Management Consulting UK Limited. “However, there is always the chance that these and other IOCs simply did not identify a good fit with their own upstream or midstream strategies; or even sufficient prospectivity in the region.” 

While Turkey may fume at Cyprus’ progress, their hands are tied by a lack of support; The European Union, the United States and Russia all back the Greek Cypriots and many of the major IOCs have participated in the tender rounds. With Ankara diplomatically isolated on this issue and with military threats amounting to little more than, well, threats, Turkey is employing what economic weight it can to lean on prospective companies to dissuade them from working with Nicosia.

In the fall of 2011, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan cautioned IOCs that they would be excluded from Turkish energy projects if they invested in Cyprus upstream. This is not an insignificant commercial threat to prospective companies considering Turkey’s growing downstream market and the existing investments by leading IOCs such as Shell, BP and GDF Suez. What is more, Turkey is making moves towards its own upstream activities in offshore exploration and production in the Black Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean.

Israeli collaboration

While Cyprus faces hostility to the north, it has been fostering a much more amicable relationship with Israel to the east, which has had its own recent windfalls in offshore gas discoveries. In 1999 around 32 bcm were discovered in the Noa and Mari-B fields, which are Israel’s only productive gas fields to date and currently provide for some 60 percent of the country’s domestic natural gas demand. However, it was two major finds in 2009 and 2010 that really changed Israel’s energy prospects: The Tamar field, estimated to hold some 274 bcm, and Leviathan, which is around twice the size at 460 to 566 bcm.

Cyprus and Israel are several years ahead of Lebanon, Turkey or Syria in terms of their offshore programs so it is little surprise that they are forging greater cooperation in the this domain. “Lebanon has been preempted by Israel and Cyprus,” says Khadduri. A telling sign of the growing affiliation between the two countries was Israel’s response to Turkey dispatching its navy and air forces when Cyprus started drilling activities in block 12, which ultimately led to the Aphrodite discovery. Then-Deputy Foreign Minister of Israel, Danny Ayalon, said during a trip to Athens, “If anyone tries to challenge these drillings, we will meet those challenges,” in a clear rebuff to Turkey.

Strategic geo-political motives, such as a counter to Turkish pressure on Cyprus or a friend in an unfriendly neighborhood for Israel, are of course a significant part of the reason for Israel and Cyprus forging stronger ties. However, it is at the commercial level that the two countries have the greatest compulsion to build foundations for future cooperation. “The main question, and it is both technical and political, is will there be joint monetization?” asserts Giamouridis. While scores of articles have been written about the different proposals for cooperation between Israel and Cyprus with regards to getting their gas to market, nothing has yet been set in stone.  

In March 2012, Israel, Greece and Cyprus failed to put pen to paper on a previously agreed memorandum of understanding (MOU) on joint cooperation on energy matters, despite the fact that it had been left intentionally vague. “Any deal to build a pipeline between Cyprus and Greece is unlikely to be commercially viable and the MOU did not meet the security concerns of the parties involved, especially Israel, which would like to keep control of its infrastructure,” says the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies’ Fattouh. “Also, Greece and Cyprus would have to consider their fragile relations with their Arab neighbors, which would be strained by a closer alliance with Israel.”

 

Profits of partnership

There are several proposals on the table for cooperation between Cyprus and Israel for the unitization and monetization of their resources. While such joint projects may offer political and commercial benefits to both countries, they also hinge on a number of uncertain factors and could carry significant risks. Considering the long-term binding nature of these agreements, it is understandable why there is some trepidation.

One proposal under serious consideration is an approximately 1,100 kilometer-long pipeline between Cyprus and Crete that would continue on to Greece, from where it would connect to southeast Europe. The potential benefits to both Israel and Cyprus include access to a market with relatively high gas import prices, increased political leverage within Europe and economies of scale. Also, the scheme is complementary to existing and planned infrastructure developments in the region, such as the Trans Adriatic Pipeline; a pipeline linking Turkey, Greece and Italy; and another between Greece and Bulgaria. 

However, the commercial feasibility of this project is still far from assured, and a number of political and technical uncertainties are also curbing enthusiasm. 

Being tied into one market presents a risk on numerous levels. In the current market, southeast European buyers tend to purchase their gas through relatively long-term oil-indexed pricing mechanisms, which suit suppliers handsomely. However, by the time Cypriot and Israeli gas would be entering the market there is a chance that the markets will have liberalized and moved towards the model prevalent in Western Europe, where buyers are tending toward short-term hub-indexed prices.

If the pipe plans do not come to fruition, then the most credible alternative is to export via liquefied natural gas (LNG). Again there are strong commercial and political arguments for cooperation between Israel and Cyprus. Different Cypriot officials have announced on a number of occasions that they envisage LNG as the most likely monetization option. 

Having Israel on board to develop liquefaction infrastructure would be commercially advantageous for Cyprus because it would allow the two states to achieve economies of scale. What is more, the commercial viability of the Aphrodite field alone is still unassured, but increased gas supply from Israel could increase profitability of an LNG plant in Cyprus. This would allow progress without having to wait an extra three to four years for gas reserves to materialize from Cyprus’ second tender round.

From an Israeli perspective, the motivations would also have a commercial dimension, but perhaps an even greater security calculation. “Every country wants to liquefy its own gas. Why would Israel take [its gas] to Cyprus?” says Khadduri. “This is for security reasons. They are worried missiles from Lebanon could attack their plants.”

A political plug in the pipeline 

Israel’s internal politics are perhaps one of the major obstacles to successful cooperation between Israel and Cyprus for the monetization of their gas reserves. Israeli politicians and strategists have always sought energy independence and now that they are unearthing their own resources there is a reluctance to sell off their bounty. However, it is primarily through energy exports that investors reap rewards and so Israel will be compelled to strike a deal if IOCs are going to be brought, and kept, on board. 

In October 2011, an inter-ministerial board, the Tzemach Committee, was tasked with fashioning a strategy on how Israel’s gas will be used. In August 2012, the committee recommended the export of up to 500 bcm of natural gas. It also advised that half of any field containing more than 200 bcm should be reserved for domestic use.

Three month’s later Charles Davidson, chief executive officer for Noble Energy Inc — the main investor in the consortium behind Israel’s major gas finds — warned, “[the committee’s recommendations] need to be finalized by the government. It’s a critical component. We can’t make any decisions about how to go forward on any of these projects until we know what [exports] are going to be allowed.”  

“There are definitely tensions,” says Oxford’s Fattouh. “The gas companies are saying that the only way that they can explore and exploit the resources is if they are allowed monetization, and that will be through exports. Of course some circles within the government are resistant to any exportation of Israeli gas supplies. Eventually they will have to reach some kind of compromise.”

Lebanon awakens

While Cyprus and Israel have been making considerable progress, Lebanon has by and large been inactive and watching on from the sidelines. However, now that Lebanon’s first tender round is in the offing and the legislative and administrative groundwork has at least partially been laid, a new dynamic will move from the theoretical to the actual. 

In terms of joint monetization of its hydrocarbon resources, Lebanon is highly unlikely to partake in any project based in Cyprus if there is any Israeli involvement. “Lebanon could not export via any shared Cypriot and Israeli infrastructure,” says Khadduri. “Lebanon is in a state of war with Israel, of course this could not be accepted.”

If and when Lebanon finally becomes a producer with export potential, and that is highly unlikely before 2020, its main two options to export gas will be as LNG from its own shores or overland via the Arab        Gas Pipeline. 

The main issue regarding Lebanon’s entrance onto the hydrocarbon scene in the Eastern Mediterranean is the as-yet unresolved dispute over 850 square kilometers of overlap between the Lebanese and Israeli EEZs. 

In the short term, at least, the dispute is unlikely to provide any major problems, yet it remains a thorn that will one day need to be torn out. 

It has been the Americans, in the form of Deputy Assistant Secretary for Energy Diplomacy Amos Hochsteinat and, until recently, the Head of Lebanese Affairs for the State Department, Frederic Hof, that have been the main interlocutors, but with no concrete success. 

“It seems the idea is to give two thirds to Lebanon and one third to Israel,” says Khadduri. “[Parliamentary Speaker Nabih] Berri is with this, behind closed doors at least. The one who is against this is [Free Patriotic Movement leader Michel] Aoun. ‘Why?’ you may ask. Well, you explain Lebanese politics to me.” 

As Lebanon launches its first tender round, it can avoid blocks that fall under the disputed zone, but eventually it will be in the commercial interests of both Israel and Lebanon to explore in this zone. 

“A conflict could arise if they don’t agree on the disputed zone and one side started using it without the agreement of the other. It would be suicidal for either side’s industry to aggravate this,” calculates Khadduri. 

Time will tell which Lebanese politician, if any, will be able to pull off the compromise that will be required for these 850 square kilometers to become fair game for the IOCs. 

In the past the Minister of Energy of Water Gebran Bassil has vehemently rejected the idea of any concession, but perhaps tellingly, at the last industry conference in Lebanon, no mention was made by the minister or his representatives on the EEZ. A public shift in stance from Bassil or Aoun is unlikely, especially in the pre-election period, but perhaps the cooling of rhetoric reflects a realization that sooner or later Lebanon will have to engage in some tough-nosed compromise.     

The wealth to be made from, and the energy security implications of, further oil and gas development in the Eastern Mediterranean are likely to eventually overcome the political obstacles. Yet, a complex web of commercial and strategic considerations is in the process of shaping the national programs and the affiliations between them.

As Fattouh reasons, “The politics will not so much affect the pace of development of the reserves but they will affect the flow and trade of this gas. By that I mean how and where it goes.”

March 11, 2013 0 comments
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The Buzz

Morning briefing:11 March 2012

by Executive Staff March 11, 2013
written by Executive Staff

Economics and Policy

Gold edged up on Monday, off a two-week low hit in the previous session on better-than-expected US jobs data, as the Federal Reserve is expected to continue to prop up the economy through 2013 with monetary stimulus, giving support to gold.

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Lebanese Finance Minister Mohammad Safadi has presented a revised draft budget to cabinet which sees expenditure of $14.08 billion and a deficit of $3.48 billion, the ministry has said.

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Iran has agreed to supply 2 million litres of diesel a day to neighbouring Iraq, Iran's oil ministry news service Shana has said.

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Egyptian inflation has leapt as a sliding local currency pushes up food prices, badly hurting the poor who are suffering most during the country's economic, political and security crisis.

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But despite this, Egypt has rejected the idea of a stop-gap fund from the IMF.

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Qatar has discovered a small offshore field containing about 2.5 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, the country's first gas find since 1971.

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Companies and business

Sharjah Commerce and Tourism Development Authority, or SCTDA, released the tourism statistics for Year 2012 on the sidelines of the ITB Berlin on Saturday citing tremendous and continuous growth of Sharjah’s tourism sector.

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Emirates NBD is planning to double its lending to small and medium enterprises, or SMEs, in 2013 compared to last year and expects up to 15 per cent growth in retail revenues.

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Bahrain Air staff that lost their jobs when the Gulf state’s second airline folded last month are in line for a combined BHD2.2m (US$5.8m) payout.

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Authorities in Saudi Arabia are moving closer to introducing a two-day weekend for the private sector, which would bring the working week in line with the kingdom’s public sector employees.

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Comment

Israel openly pulling America’s strings

by Ahmed Moor March 11, 2013
written by Ahmed Moor

Congressional monitors, members of the media and others have observed that the level of partisan rancor in Washington is as high as it’s ever been in the modern era. Bitter public fights over spending limits, the healthcare bill, economic stimulus packages and the overall legislative agenda have all worked to reinforce that argument. The degree of partisanship has contributed to the politicization of “support for Israel” — formerly an issue that commanded broad support from Democrats and Republicans. The participation of Israel’s prime minister in lobbying on behalf of the Republican presidential candidate strengthened the tendency. And the recent Israel-related fight over the confirmation of Obama’s choice for Secretary of Defense has seen it develop into a deepening cleft.

American presidents typically possess the prerogative of deciding whom to appoint to cabinet-level positions within their administrations. The norm is one real manifestation of the American “checks and balances” system of governance whereby the executive, legislative and judicial branches are co-equal and sometimes adversarial. The subordination of a presidential pick to congressional politicking begins to violate that balance. For that reason, the congressional confirmation process is generally procedural and the president’s choice almost always prevails. Or, as the New York Times explains, “even in the current political environment, a president’s nominee with a Senate pedigree is supposed to have an inside track to confirmation.”

For that reason, the Republican decision to delay a vote on the confirmation of Senator Chuck Hagel — the Department of Defense nominee — is truly extraordinary. While Hagel has since been confirmed, the Republican act of defiance is even more notable because it comes in the service of the Israel lobby which regards Hagel as ‘insufficiently pro-Israel.’

In the past month the former senator from Nebraska has been vilified by members of his own party (he served as a Republican). Unnamed congressional staffers have attempted to portray him as unqualified, when in reality he only suggested that Israel constrain its colonization of the West Bank. The Council of Foreign Relations’ Elliott Abrams even called him “anti-Semitic” on National Public Radio.

The unrestrained and unsubstantiated attacks on Hagel carry implications for the Israel lobby and the US more broadly. The non-political elements of the American government and foreign-policy apparatus — in other words, members of the State Department and Department of Defense — will see their credibility in international forums and bilateral meetings diminished.

The perception that American policy-making and execution are coordinated and efficient began to suffer with the bungled Iraq fiasco, as described by the likes of former US Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Charles Freeman. Now the dignity of executive branch representatives is being similarly assailed and the effectiveness of those representatives will be diminished by it. One consequence of the undignified conduct at the Hagel hearings is that the Israel lobby, which historically thrived through its use of tactics designed to silence critics (a charge once highlighted by Hagel himself) has now been fully understood by a large segment of the American public. Any claim that a coordinated effort does not exist to steer and manage US policy on issues such as settlements and Iran is demonstrably false in light of the Hagel hearings. That the Israel lobby is so powerful, and that it works brazenly to align US policy with the policies of the Israeli government, is now an incontestable fact in Washington.

Another consequence of the public vilification of the former senator from Nebraska is that his tenure at the Department of Defense will likely be marked by a lack of faith in his subordinates. Or, as The Atlantic’s James Fallows notes through a quote attributed to a Republican senator’s former staff member, “It will be more important for a Secretary who will have to impose budget reductions and other policy changes on the services to show he’s not just a nice, thoughtful guy. He’ll need to show people in the Pentagon he can’t be taken advantage of — and also that he’s strong enough to stick up for them should they come under political attack. My sense is that Hagel didn’t clear that bar.”

In other words, Hagel may now be so damaged by the confirmation hearings, that he will struggle to effectively manage the Department of Defense, never mind the Chinese military.

Whether the Israel lobby’s active effort to sabotage the future Secretary of Defense’s effectiveness carries further consequences is an open question. And it remains to be seen whether members of the American foreign policy establishment will openly begin to challenge the Israel lobby’s influence on national security policy — and how their elected officials will react if they do.

 

Ahmed Moor is a master of public policy candidate at the Harvard University Kennedy School of Government

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