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The Buzz

Morning briefing: 3 Dec 2012

by Executive Staff December 3, 2012
written by Executive Staff

OPEC member Qatar will ask firms to tender for a 1,800 megawatt (MW) solar energy plant in 2014 costing between $10-20 billion as the world’s highest per capita greenhouse gas emitter seeks to increase its renewable energy production.

More from Gulf Business

 

Saudi Arabia's General Commission for Tourism and Antiquities has imposed a ban on smoking at all tourism facilities.

More from AME Info

 

South Sudan could restart oil exports through Sudan by the end of the year after successful talks between both countries on border security, a top Southern official said on Sunday.

More from The Daily Star

 

Israel has stopped payment of $120 million in tax revenue to the Palestinians, as the government of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu punished them further for their successful UN statehood bid.

More from The National

 

Companies

Germany’s Merck Serono said it would team up with an Abu Dhabi firm to produce medicines for the domestic and regional markets, the first multinational of its kind to make branded products in the United Arab Emirates.

More from Gulf Business

 

Etihad Etisalat (Mobily) has said Saudi Arabia's stock market regulator has approved a 10 percent bonus share.

More from AME Info

 

Saudi mining firm Maaden signed deals worth 977 million Saudi riyals ($260 million) with US firms Fluor Corp and Bechtel to help develop an industrial city in the country's north, it said. 

More from Arabian Business

 

The Board of Zain Group has appointed Scott Gegenheimer as its new Chief Executive Officer. Gegenheimer replaces Nabeel Bin Salamah, who announced in October that he would not be renewing his contract.
 

More from AME Info

 

December 3, 2012 0 comments
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Real Estate

Building regardless

by Thomas Schellen December 3, 2012
written by Thomas Schellen

Screech! Honk! And a few polite words. That is what it takes for the 40-ton dump truck on a busy intersection at noontime in the middle of Beirut’s Ashrafieh district to make cars give him enough space to squeeze a left turn onto the district artery, Independence Avenue. Neither the narrow side street from which the trucker emerged with a load of sand and rock, nor the main street, is suited for heavy vehicles. But a fleet of his colleagues will repeat the exercise every 20 or 30 minutes throughout the day, and not only on this one sunny November day. They are hauling excavated soil from a massive construction site on the southern slope of the Ashrafieh hill over the course of several weeks, so that the foundations for another multi-story apartment block can soon be poured.

The project where these lorries are loaded is not the only hyperactive property excavation in Ashrafieh in the fourth quarter of 2012, not by a long shot. Other earth removal motorcades are operating on other sites all throughout the busy district. Construction is ongoing along the district’s perimeter, at its very center and highest point, and on many of the narrow streets in between.

Projects are digging deeper and building higher than ever before, with residential towers reaching 20, 30 and even more than 40 floors into the urban sky. Around the 600-meter-short Omar Haimari Street, which marks the district’s highest stretch, just 40 steps away from Independence Ave, three massive developments are under way, including the 43-story Sky Gate, which, at only half its final height as November ended, was already visibly redefining the Ashrafieh skyline. It, and what is slated to be the even taller SAMA Tower that is reaching toward its 195-meter target height just west down Independence Avenue, are but two of a tide of projects altering the Beirut cityscape, and the fabric of suburban areas and the countryside around the capital, in profound and unprecedented ways.

The numbers don’t tally

At the changeover from 2012 to 2013, Ashrafieh is only one of many hotspots of construction activity; other hardcore development areas are the central district managed by urban renewal company Solidere, and parts of the ring road around the Beirut Municipality territory where some trash lands spotted with ugly commercial structures have been discovered by developers. Outside of the capital and immediate suburbia, residential clusters in the Metn region and leisure areas higher up the mountainous surrounds are flush with projects.   
What makes this fin-de-2012 image of high-gear development activity a puzzling picture is that it is being splashed across the small Lebanese canvas at a time when all indicators on real estate are, at face value, negative.

According to indicators compiled in the Bank Audi third-quarter economic report on Lebanon, cement deliveries, the number of real estate sales transactions and issuances of building permits were all down in the first three quarters of 2012. Property sales fell 9.2 percent for the nine-month period from a year ago, and contracted by an even higher 11.4 percent when comparing just the third quarter of 2012 with the same period in 2011.

The eight-month figures on cement deliveries were down to 3.4 million tons in 2012 from 3.7 million tons in 2011, and in square meters (sqm) worth of construction permits, issuance contracted to 10.7 million sqm 2012 from 12.4 million sqm in the first nine months of 2011. This constitutes drops of 7.9 percent on cement and 14.3 percent on licensed floor space. When factoring in the drop in property transaction numbers, the trio of real estate sector indicators shows, at least in theory, downturns on completed, ongoing and planned projects.

The caveat here is that these numbers are likely not entirely accurate. Property registrations are often delayed for purposes of tax avoidance and building permits don’t always translate into the same actual built-up area. Even cement figures have been suspected to be muddied by grey exports.

However, while developers and intermediaries in the real estate industry almost uniformly say that the situation must not be called a crisis, developers tell Executive that the slowdown in their activity in 2012 is real and the outlook for 2013 is muted.

Sales developments for the real estate projects of MENA Capital (which focused traditionally on the high end of the luxury market in prime areas of Beirut and whose largest project is Sky Gate) were negative in 2012 and 2011, confides Nabil Sawabini, the company’s chief executive. “The cumulative value of sales has been declining in the past two years; we sold more in 2010 than in [each of] 2011 and 12,” he says. Nonetheless, units in Sky Gate are about two-thirds sold, he adds.

Georges Chehwane, chief executive of developer Plus Properties, and of communications media and real estate conglomerate Plus Group, says regional uncertainty contributes to the slowdown, but adds that, “the main part is the large number of units that [have been] in the market since 2009, as there is a gap between the yearly demand and the yearly offer of supply. This is the main problem today in addition to the political situation in which people are not buying.”

The current real estate market confronts investors with a state of uncertainty, says Houssam Batal, chief executive of developer Prime Projects. “It is not very clear to say where [the market] will go. There is a feeling that there will be an oversupply in many product types. The main thing that is affecting the market right now is the political situation and instability, and the grey outlook related to Syria and to domestic issues that we have. The investors are worried about the dangers of bigger problems to come.”

Sadly for buyers, this does not mean that property bargains are going to abound next year.

“Demand has decreased, the economy is in a difficult situation and the future is somewhat blurred but prices for apartments and real estate, especially in prime areas, have remained stable and have increased in some cases. It is a weird economic picture,” says Ziad Maalouf, chief executive of Capstone Investment Group, a financial firm whose activities include real estate development.
Zardman, a developer that is fairly fresh in the market and claims to have seen moderate sales growth in 2011 and 2012 against market trends, also sees prices as moving sideways. “We have two sides to our business, addressing the middle class in the Metn region and the higher end market in Ashrafieh,” Makram Zard, the general manager of Zardman, tells Executive. “The Metn region was extremely good this year. Ashrafieh is doing well. I don’t think… that prices are dropping but sales are not quite as good as last year.”

Less for more

Maalouf’s and Zard’s assessment of unwavering prices fits with what other developers say, and statistics show that the cumulative value of property sales in Lebanon this year, despite the contraction in transaction volume, was up from last year. Correspondingly, the average value per transaction is the indicator that in 2012 showed the most pronounced gain for the year-to-date.

At $6.3 billion, the total value of the nine-month tally of registered property transactions was up 4.8 percent, but the average value per transaction increased 15.4 percent year-on-year to $120,000 from $104,000 for the January to September period, according to government figures cited by Bank Audi in mid-November.

The trend of price inelasticity is long-term. Although demand for real estate had been slowing since late 2010, expectations for lower prices harbored by property seekers had been disappointed even back then, according to Maalouf. “I have heard of a lot of people since 2009 and 2008 who had been delaying the purchase of an apartment in the hope of buying the same apartment later at a lower price. But this has not happened,” he explains.

At the junction of 2012 and 2013, the real estate market in Lebanon is a buyer’s market in terms of choice and options in up-market locations as long as a buyer has cash-stuffed pockets or a high and growing income. In terms of pricing, it is not a buyer’s market at all.

The market for the most important development resource, land, is also not a buyer’s dream. To the contrary, developers are faced with a very hard seller’s market, Maalouf adds. “Land prices have actually increased, despite everything. The weird thing is that expectations of land owners do not reflect realities. This is a catch for developers,” he explains. “On one hand you have buyers who see the prices for real estate as high and on the other hand you have land owners who have unrealistic expectations.”

 

Why so buoyant?

The reasons why even the oversupply of Lebanese properties does not generate much downward pressures on prices in the market for residential units are complicated.

One key factor is financial. Many developers in Lebanon self-finance, and the absence of funding pressure allows the economic self-interest of many developers to keep focused on achieving the maximal rate of return that they fixated about when embarking on their project. Developers in this category typically wait out the market if bid prices are below their expectation and can do so because they have no lending officers breathing down their necks.

Development activity may even be a one-off business for many and they base their profit modeling on building cost and land pricing, often adding in an upward revaluation of the plot during the development process — a reevaluation that, according to Zardman’s Zard, can be far higher than the amount that the interest component in a land financing agreement would represent.

Applying standard models where project companies are financed by equity from investors and by debt, or source revenues via off-plan sales, makes the developers more sensitive to market trends. This leads to more client-responsive pricing behavior and also supports rational adjustments of development activity, such as switching to more moderate unit sizes. According to Zard, developers like him — whose land value calculation in unit sales prices is based on land cost at purchase plus regular interest — transfer land value gains early on to the customer. “This is one of the reasons why our sales have been excellent when compared with the market,” he claims.   

Oft-quoted rationalizations why property prices in Lebanon would not follow cyclical patterns that are familiar from other markets are the high density of the population, the small surface territory of the nation (167th among 249 countries and territories in the world by land size), and the even smaller size of land accessible for development. According to Chehwane, roughly half of the national territory is off limits for property development because of terrain conditions, agricultural usage and ownership by religious orders.

Weighing in on the demand side of the equation are not only the young families living in the country but also the outsized theoretical buyer pool of the so-called Lebanese diaspora, which comprises millions of Lebanon-born and descendent citizens of countries in South and North America, Oceania, Europe and Africa. The second notable source of external demand is from Gulf buyers. “The Lebanese market for real estate is very dependent on Lebanese living outside the country and also on foreigners,” says MENA Capital’s Sawabini.

Brand it, baby

Younger Lebanese who have acquired sufficient means to buy an apartment in the high-priced Ashrafieh market, by laboring as expatriate managers in Dubai or Riyadh, may be less attached than earlier generations to traditional ties of kin in their residential choices but they also display strong patterns of selectivity in property buying. It is the location and the “prestigious address” that matters greatly to them, according to Zard.

This means that developers are paying increasing attention to building a reputation and brand identity for their pricey towers.

Branding a project and defending this brand against copycatting is also crucial in differentiating a project, says Ayad Nasser, owner and chief executive of developer Loft Investments. “In Lebanon, 99 percent of the projects look the same,” says Nasser. “The entire market is focused on the 99 percent of the population [who buy those types of properties]. I am not marketing to a percentage. I am marketing to people who have that drive to live in a different project.”

The differentiation of his projects is not by location but by concept and design, services and quality, he claims, and in that space “it is very important to have a brand today. ”

Counting urbanity

But before discussing the future potentials of some branding or non-branding concepts on Lebanese real estate, or musing on the ironies of cement blocks bearing names such as ‘pretty house’ or ‘xyz gardens’, some much more elementary points call for clarification. Such as, how many floors of concrete are being cast presently in areas like Downtown Beirut or Ashrafieh? How many and what sizes of units are going to drop into the Lebanese market in 2013?
Prime Projects’ Batal, a university-trained professional in real estate, answers the question on the incoming supply by saying, “There are data reports suggesting that supply is broadening versus demand but I don’t know if these reports are reliable and accurate,” adding that he has no numbers on how many projects were going up in Ashrafieh in November 2012.

He is not alone. Loft Investments’ Nasser, who says his track record of delivery includes 270 apartments since he started out with a single suburban unit in 1994, is not convinced by market research or price comparisons. “I never consult statistics; I never do a marketing plan, nothing. We just feel it. I am very confident about my clientele. I have in my portfolio different clients who became friends and I know that 10 percent of those people will be my clients, so while I am buying the land [for a new project], I call them,” he says.

Nasser admits that he does not even know the asking prices in developments going up next to his projects, but he affirms on the other hand that Lebanon’s developers “need to assess the market and the government needs to put some rules.”

Both market assessment and better rules are points that Plus Properties’ Chehwane sees as paramount necessities. He is one of the players pushing actively for realizing a professional association of developers, which he envisions to have as its core activity the compilation and publication of sector data.

Chehwane adds that there are no statistics on the real property development situation in key areas such as Ashrafieh. When asked what he believes to be the number of projects and units under development in this very district, he answers , “100 projects, at least. I believe [Ashrafieh has] around 3,000 units today under construction.”

It is futile to query either public officials or private developers for an accurate number on buildings under construction in Beirut today. So to garner at least some idea of the actual number, Executive reverted to good ol’ fashioned journalism — a pad, a pen and pounding the pavement in a random part of Ashrafieh.

Within less than ten minutes walk on one trajectory only, ascending from the Hospital Dieu area toward Sioufi Gardens, Executive found six residential projects in progress, of which one looked ready for handover (14 stories), two 12-story ones were in advanced stages of construction and should be ready for occupancy in 2013, one was a six-story shell that was frozen and the two largest sites were in the excavation phase. One of these two will have 28 stories with 43 flats of 320 to 540 sqm. The other will comprise office, commercial and residential units in two towers of eight and 11 floors.

Next was a check of the cobweb of narrow passages and bumpy streets between this project site and Alfred Naccache Street. This little quarter revealed another five projects and one plot that looked ready for the start of excavation. The largest site here was an apartment complex nearing completion with four segments ranging from 13 to 20 stories. On the eastside of Alfred Naccache Street, three more new multi-story buildings added to the ongoing development tally of this southeastern corner of Ashrafieh, in an area fully coverable on foot within 15 minutes. 

Expanding the random walk of Ashrafieh to a wider grid, Chehwane’s estimation of at least 100 ongoing projects doesn’t actually look far off the mark; if anything, it is an underestimation.

Bigger fish to fry

One has to note here that getting better data is a strategic need for developers; however, it is not an existential problem for the property makers. Their concerns and hopes lie elsewhere. The most important factor influencing Lebanese real estate now is Syria, says Capstone’s Maalouf. “If there is regime change in Syria tomorrow, I think this will have very positive spillovers on the market here. I foresee a boom [under such circumstances] simply because the confidence in the Lebanese real estate sector is going to be regained.”

For his part, Chehwane sees only temporary worries in the current oversupply with units. “The moment that we will have a positive atmosphere and positive situation, 50 percent of the stock that is available in the market will be sold. We need one year like 2006 before the war or 2008 before the crisis, and you will have a very good situation,” he enthuses.

From another, more public perspective, development takes on a different angle. Only reviewing the last five years, the cumulative square meter figure for building permits issued between January and August of each year comes to 39.85 million sqm. That is an addition of roughly 10 square meters per resident of Lebanon in a very short time, in a country that already feels stuffed with concrete buildings.   

Despite developers chiming the marketable tune that land is scarce and unaffordable for them, it can be predicted that another tide of private real estate growth will happen, quite likely within a decade at most when considering the activity cycles of the past 10 years.

Factor that in and it becomes over-evident how urgently the Beirut metro area and the country as a whole need to achieve some crucial changes of behavior: Lebanon needs planning. It needs development norms and standards that are sustainable and applied universally. It needs infrastructure, namely infrastructure that is adequate and steers growth in directions that make sense for the future. Public and private property represent the spine and skeleton of Lebanon’s future living quality. The spine has to be straightened out.
 

December 3, 2012 0 comments
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A bitter pill to swallow

by Gareth Smith December 1, 2012
written by Gareth Smith

The death last month of Manouchehr Esmaili-Liousi, a 15-year-old boy suffering from hemophilia, has been reported in the Iranian media as the first fatality caused by the latest financial sanctions imposed by the United States and European Union.

While sanctions do not directly target Iranian pharmacies or the wider medical sector, 75 percent of the medicines for treating hemophilia are made in the US and the EU, and supplies have dropped by two-thirds. Drugs are also in short supply for patients suffering from cancer and multiple sclerosis.

The problem is that Iran’s central bank, the only official channel for transferring money abroad, is a major target of sanctions. Many international private banks are increasingly loath to handle transactions or accounts in any way linked to Iran, given the risk of attracting attention from the US Treasury Department.

Without a doubt, 2012 has seen an unprecedented tightening of the noose around Iran. US and EU measures against third-party buyers have halved Iran’s crude oil exports to between 1.1 million and 1.3 million barrels per day, undermining government revenues and helping send the rial into a decline that has seen its international value halved in a year. What’s more, the US congress is intent on legislation that would further reduce President Barack Obama’s room for maneuver in loosening sanctions as a quid pro quo in any negotiations. 

The military stand-off, especially in the Persian Gulf, has become an accepted day-to-day reality. Iran’s shooting at a US surveillance drone early in November reflects a trend that saw 2012 begin with extensive Iranian naval exercises in the Persian Gulf and threats from senior officials — including the first vice-president, Mohammed Reza Rahimi — to close the Strait of Hormuz if there were any move against Iran’s oil exports.

Talks between Iran and the permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany, which were revived in May after a lapse of over a year, failed to get beyond generalities. Real progress will not be made through such an unwieldy structure, and it is significant that Sergey Ryabkov, Russia’s deputy foreign minister and point-man on Iran, made it clear last month for the first time that Moscow accepts the need for direct contact between Washington and Tehran.

Reports that senior US and Iranian officials met quietly in Qatar in October may indicate the two sides accept this. The word in Washington is that a window of opportunity has opened with the re-election of Obama as president and will last until preparations begin for the Iranian new year, Nowruz, a festival that closes down the country for several days before March 21. 

The window may close then because when Iran goes back to work after Nowruz, politics will be dominated by the presidential election scheduled for June 14, when voters choose a successor to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the expiry of his maximum second term. But the window could then re-open, especially if, as widely expected, the new president has a better relationship with the rahbar (‘leader’), Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and a clearer unity of purpose replaces the current rivalries between the foreign ministry, the president’s office and the leader’s office. 

Loud whispers in Washington refer to a ‘more for more’ process in which the US would seek verifiable nuclear curbs from Iran in exchange for US concessions, including sanctions relief. But where the US bottom line lies — would Iran have to ship out all its 20 percent-enriched uranium? — is unclear, and considerable political opposition exists on both sides to any kind of deal. 

Another problem for US would-be peacemakers is the perception abroad that the Islamic Republic is vulnerable and even in danger of collapse. Despite sanctions, this is far from true. June’s presidential election will probably have a higher turnout than the 65 percent in the March 2012 parliamentary elections and will no doubt be hailed by the authorities as a victory over the scheming foreigners.

In fact, it may be that tighter sanctions, in ‘heating up’ politics, were partly responsible for March’s turnout being comfortably higher than parliamentary elections in 2004 and 2008, when it barely reached 50 percent. 

Continuing coverage of Iranians dying for lack of medicines may help the authorities to motivate voters. With the US claiming ‘success’ with the sanctions and the Iranian leadership ‘victory’ in its defiance, 2013 is unlikely to make either side any keener on compromise.

Gareth Smyth has reported from around the Middle East for nearly two decades and is the former Financial Times correspondent in Tehran

December 1, 2012 0 comments
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Finance

Private versus public exposure

by Maya Sioufi December 1, 2012
written by Maya Sioufi

With $42 billion tied up in loans to the private sector, accounting for 28 percent of commercial banks’ balance sheet, the dismal performance of the economy has banks reassessing their lending strategy.

“Banks are being flexible with some clients in terms of extending maturities,” says Ghassan Assaf, chairman of BBAC.  Anwar Jammal, chairman of Jammal Trust Bank, notes that, given the dismal tourism season, “We scrutinized lending to projects involving hotels and restaurants as any feasibility or payback program they give you needs to be revisited.” 

Loans in decline

For now, there has not been a significant rise in default rates, according to the chairmen of Lebanese banks that spoke with Executive, but if the deteriorating economic situation does not start improving soon, this scenario is bound to change. “Hopefully, we will have a smooth Christmas. It is important for tourism and for sectors linked to tourism,” says Saad Azhari, chairman of Blom Bank. 

The fatigued economy has not prevented banks from continuing  to extend their lending arm but the growth in lending has been declining in the past two years. “We are not lending to tourism and hospitality. We are lending to people who can export, unless it is something essential for the local market,” says Rami el-Nemr, chairman of First National Bank. For the first eight months of the year, banks lent an additional 6 percent to the private sector, down from an 11 percent increase in the same period last year and 17 percent in the same period in 2010. The private sector still swallows a larger share of banks’ lending capacity than the government — a strategy the banks have slowly been implementing in order to reduce their hefty exposure to the              country’s sovereign. 

While European banks knock on their governments’ doors for bailouts, in Lebanon the sovereign owes its local banks $30 billion as of August 2012, 20 percent of the banking sector’s balance sheet. But the growth in lending to the sovereign has been slowing — for the first eight months of the year it increased just 2 percent, following a 6 percent decrease in the same period of last year. 

As Executive went to print, Lebanon was still in the process of raising $2 billion in Eurobonds to refinance $1.5 billion worth of debt maturing in 2013, while using the rest for treasury expenditures. In June, the country issued Eurobonds worth another $2 billion for the early redemption of Lebanese lira treasury bills and two months prior to that, in April, $950 million worth of Eurobonds were issued. So if the latest issue goes according to plan, Lebanon would have raised a total of $5 billion in 2012, as it had originally planned at the beginning of the year. 

Balance the budget

Due to attractive interest rates, the government has been able to depend on the country’s banks to fund its expenses year after year — a situation that becomes less tenable as growth rates of deposits flowing into the banking sector drop (see overview page 88). 

Lebanon’s debt-to-gross domestic product ratio has been consistently falling: from a jaw dropping 180 percent in 2006 to around 130 percent today. With GDP no longer growing at the high single digit rates that were enjoyed in the past — as the year ends the IMF expects a 2 percent growth for 2012 — the debt component needs to come down for the ratio to continue   on falling. 

“I believe banks will exert pressure on the government to balance the budget,” says Assaf. With deposits unlikely to start flowing back into the banks’ vaults at supersonic rates any time soon, the sector will likely continue conservatively allocating its resources favoring the fatigued, yet more lucrative, private sector over the heavily indebted public sector; unless the well overdue reforms are implemented. 

“If reforms which should have started years ago are implemented, it will create opportunities; they have to happen one day,” says FNB’s Nemr. 

  

December 1, 2012 0 comments
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After Ahmadinejad

by Gareth Smith November 30, 2012
written by Gareth Smith

As president of Iran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has been nothing if not controversial. Internationally, he has goaded the Israelis and their American allies with his views about the Jewish holocaust, while his government’s populist economic policies have stirred domestic controversy unknown since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

But with a presidential election due next June, Ahmadinejad is well into his last year in office, given the two-term constitutional limit. The change will be welcomed by most of Iran’s establishment, including senior clerics and close associates of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the rahbar (leader).

The election comes at a crucial time, with tightening Western sanctions that have halved Iran’s oil exports to around 1.1 million barrels a day and have helped spark depreciation of the nation’s currency, the rial, that accelerated dramatically last month.

Khamenei will be keen to see the poll pass off peacefully and won by a less volatile figure than Ahmadinejad. But recent Iranian presidential elections have been unpredictable — Ahmadinejad’s victory in 2005 was a surprise, and his re-election in 2009 produced the largest street protests since the Revolution.

Iranian presidential elections are partly managed, firstly because the Guardian Council, a constitutional watchdog body, vets candidates. But Iran has weak political parties, and the voting system is almost haphazard; if no one wins 50 percent, the two best-placed candidates enter a run-off, and with many contenders — there were seven in 2005 — 20 percent or so of votes can take a candidate through.

For Khamenei, one priority will be to avoid a repeat of 2009, when reformist candidates alleged the poll was rigged and the suppression of street protests sent Iran into a period of tightened political control.

The Guardian Council may well bar reformist candidates, as it did in 2005 before Khamenei intervened to reinstate Mustafa Moein and Mohsen Mehrali-Zadeh. But it may concern the leader that blocking reformists, who might then call a boycott, would hardly restore the legitimacy the system lost in 2009.

It is widely expected, however, that the Guardian Council will bar Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, or any other associate of Ahmadinejad. Mashaei has been at the center of Ahmadinejad’s tension with Khamenei — indeed the leader overruled the president in 2009 when he appointed Mashaei as first vice-president, instead appointing him chief of staff. Later spats over Ahmadinejad’s removal of the intelligence minister originated in the maneuvering of Mashaei, whom one senior cleric accused of sorcery. In any case, Ahmadinejad and Mashaei have failed to create a sustainable political current that could propel an Ahmadinejad ally into the president’s office. Their efforts to sponsor lists for local and parliamentary elections have fared poorly.

That suits Khamenei, whose priorities are a quiet election and a president with a safe pair of hands. The leader would like a new president to calm Iranian politics by mending relations with parliament, the leader’s office, senior clerics and the central bank. This might also improve economic management in the face of sanctions. It could also tighten co-ordination over the nuclear program between the presidency, the Supreme National Security Council and the leader’s office. Iran is open to compromise but has red lines over its ‘right’ to enrich uranium, and any agreement will require skillful negotiating, as well as carrying domestic opinion. Given the election’s importance, the media is already weighing up potential candidates. Ali Larijani, parliamentary speaker and establishment insider, is liked by Khamenei, but lacks charisma and won only 5.9 percent of the 2005 vote.

Mohsen Rezaie, Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) commander from 1981 to 1997, has also been suggested. But he appeared in 2005 even less appealing than Larijani, and withdrew shortly before polling.

Other names bandied about are Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, former parliamentary speaker; Manuchehr Mottaki, former foreign minister, and Saeed Jalili, the security official who has led Iranian negotiators in talks over the nuclear program.

A more effective candidate could be the charismatic Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, Tehran’s mayor since 2005 and a former senior IRGC officer, though he received only 13.9 percent of the vote in 2005. In an interview in September with the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera, Ghalibaf spoke of “moderation” in foreign policy while keeping “firm lines” on “fundamental questions”; as well as diverting oil revenue from current spending into productive investment.

This is exactly what Khamenei needs. This far out from June 2013, Ghalibaf looks like the man to beat.

 

Gareth Smyth has reported from around the Middle East for almost two decades and is the former Financial Times correspondent for Tehran

November 30, 2012 0 comments
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The Kurds quietly ascend

by Josh Wood November 30, 2012
written by Josh Wood

Past the sand berm marking the border between northern Iraq and northeastern Syria, a small military outpost sits amid the oil derricks that dot the parched landscape of this country at war. A few months ago, the flag of the Syrian regime flew here. Today, it is replaced with a green, yellow and red tricolor banner, flying above a few Kurdish fighters and a pickup truck with a mounted DShK machinegun. 

This is Kurdish land now, mostly.  

 

While the eyes of the world and the Assad regime turned to Aleppo this summer as fighting engulfed the city, Kurdish groups moved aggressively to wrest control of parts of their northeastern heartland in Syria’s Hassake province from the government, corralling the regime’s presence to a few towns and checkpoints along the highways. 

 

The endgame here for many is autonomy. Under Syria’s Baath Party, Arabization policies alienated the Kurds by limiting the use of their language, stripping many of citizenship and for the most part refusing to acknowledge that the ethnic group existed. Chronically mistreated, ignored and sitting on top of much of Syria’s oil (which generated some $4 billion in annual exports before the uprising and subsequent war), most feel entitled to a post-conflict deal that at least matches that of the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq, if not better.

 

And so they are getting ready: Signs are being changed from Arabic to Kurdish, local governments are being set up, armed forces are being trained. In Derek, which the regime called Al Malikiyah as part of its Arabization policies, there is a certain afterglow of liberation. One evening in late September, scores of youth gathered downtown cleaning the city’s streets, smiles on their faces as previously banned nationalistic Kurdish music blared through truck-mounted loudspeakers.

 

There is exuberance and hope here, but also danger. 

 

The Kurdish experience in Syria made many distrustful of those outside the community and there is a strong aversion to again submitting to Arab authority. The militias being readied here — most notably the Popular Protection Units or YPG — seem to be preparing themselves as much for a fight against President Bashar al-Assad’s forces as they are for a possible fight with the rebel Free Syrian Army, should it try to enter their territory.

 

While Kurdish groups are currently trying to stay on the sidelines of the conflict and are not attacking the remaining Assad forces, continued government occupation of the major oil fields in the Rmeilan area could bring the war to their doorsteps eventually.

 

There are also sharp internal divisions in Syrian-Kurdish politics. The Democratic Union Party — known by its Kurdish-language acronym PYD — is the most dominant party in Hassake. Despite publicly denying links to the militant Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in Turkey, offices of the Syrian group often feature portraits of PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan and Kurds martyred in battles against Ankara’s authority.

 

Opponents of the PYD — primarily those Syrian Kurds who identify with Massoud Barzani, president of Iraqi Kurdistan — accuse the group of working with the Assad regime, cracking down on dissent and ensuring PYD control of the area through its near monopoly on weapons. The PYD responds to its detractors — some of them not as hostile to the Free Syrian Army as they are — by calling them traitors.

 

In northeastern Syria, the PYD is currently able to keep dissenters confined to grumbling under their breath. But in Kurdish areas elsewhere in the country closer to the conflict — such as Aleppo’s Sheikh Maksoud neighborhood, the nearby town of Efrin and Kobane in Al Raqqa province — guns are easier to get a hold of and limited battles between Kurdish groups have already occurred.

 

The PYD’s alleged links to, and ideological inspiration from, the PKK also land the group in a tough spot regarding Turkey. The country’s prime minister, Tayyip Erdogan, has threatened to take action in Kurdish areas of Syria if Turkey deems that groups which have risen up there are a threat. Calls for autonomy on some level or another are also likely to be frowned upon by Turkey, a key supporter of Syria’s rebels, as it faces rising Kurdish dissent at home and increased fighting with the PKK in northern Iraq and southeastern Turkey this year.

 

For Kurdish groups in Syria to retain or expand the autonomy they have gained, it will likely entail a good deal of diplomatic brinkmanship and horse-trading — fail that, they will be at war.

 

Josh Wood is a regular contributor to The International Herald Tribune and Esquire Middle East

 

 

 

November 30, 2012 0 comments
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The Buzz

Morning briefing: 30 Nov 2012

by Executive Staff November 30, 2012
written by Executive Staff

Economics

Oil prices are expected to fall slightly over the next year as high production feeds softening demand at a time of slowing global economic growth, a Reuters poll shows.

More from Reuters

 

Tension between Egypt’s Islamists and seculars after President Mohammad Morsi’s power grab risks spurring borrowing costs and delaying aid vital to economic recovery, Barclays Plc. and Beltone Financial Holding said.

More from Bloomberg

 

OPEC delegates say the 12-member group is expected to stick with an output target of 30 million barrels per day for 2013.

More from Reuters

 

Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati and leading businessmen on Thursday joined calls to keep the Lebanese economy away from politics, warning that sharp differences and regional tensions have already dealt a severe blow to most economic sectors.

More from The Daily Star

 

Companies

UAE investors are increasingly turning to real estate as a preferred asset class, a new report by Friends Provident International said on Monday.

More from Arabian Business

 

Gulf Air's CEO, brought in to restructure the airline's operations in 2009, has resigned, the struggling Bahrain-based carrier has said.

More from Arabian Business

 

Abu Dhabi tourism chiefs have said hotels in the UAE capital posted their best ever October in terms of the number of guests.

More from Arabian Business

 

Politics

The UN General Assembly has voted overwhelmingly to recognize Palestine as a non-member observer state – a move strongly opposed by Israel and the US.

More from the BBC

 

November 30, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

Offshore ineptitude

by Zak Brophy November 30, 2012
written by Zak Brophy

Lebanon entered 2012 with the resolute promise to tap “huge wealth” from offshore hydrocarbons. Determined to ride in the new year on a wave of applauding headlines, the Minister of Energy and Water Gebran Bassil announced the creation of the Petroleum Administration, paving the way for the sector’s evolution. 

In January the ministry announced that the board of the Petroleum Administration would be made public by the end of the month, the first licensing round for exploration launched within three months and the first contracts inked on paper by the end of the year. The bulk of the nation’s press obliged the minister, lauding a new page in Lebanon’s history, drunk on the promise of energy independence and untold wealth. However, as 2012 draws to a close the rhetoric rings hollow and the lofty plans remain stuck in the starting blocks. 

The initial clamor was not without some justification. The odds are stacked in favor of the prospect that Lebanon is sitting on a tidy offshore treasure trove. A 2010 report by the United States Geological Survey estimated an average of 1.7 billion barrels of recoverable oil and 3.5 trillion cubic meters of recoverable gas in the Levant Basin Province, a geological formation in the Eastern Mediterranean extending from Syria to the Sinai.  

What’s more, Israel and Cyprus have made impressive discoveries in recent years, which will have considerably whetted the appetite of international oil companies to tap into Lebanon’s seabed. In 2009, Tamar, a 237 billion-cubic-meter (BCM) gross natural gas field, was successfully drilled off the coast of Israel, and an additional 453 BCM of natural gas were discovered in the Leviathan field in late 2010 — the world’s largest deep water gas discovery in the last 10 years. In December 2011, the Cypriots tapped into what could amount to 226 BCM of natural gas in the Aphrodite field.

Sitting idle

Lebanon, meanwhile, has been left on the sidelines. “Israel’s and Cyprus’ relationship has been developing well, to the detriment of Lebanon,” says Malek Takieddine, a Lebanese lawyer specializing in the oil and gas industry. “The Ministry of Energy and Water wanted to pick up on the relationship with Cyprus but you need to have much more practical steps for that to happen, especially with regards to the appointment of the Petroleum [Administration] and the launching of the licensing round.”

In early July, industry bigwigs from around the globe came to the Lebanon International Petroleum Exploration Forum & Exhibition to see what the nation had to offer. The answer was sadly, not much. “Triggered by the success in Israel and Cyprus we cannot afford to idly sit by,” remarked Fadi Nader, advisor to the energy minister. Yet the impression was exactly that once the attendees had wafted through the hot air.  Minister Bassil promised the Petroleum Administration within a few weeks and then the Ministry of Finance gave a 45-minute presentation revealing pretty much nothing about the tax scheme to which prospective companies would have to adhere to.

While several International Oil Company representatives expressed a skeptical caution to Executive about the ability of Lebanon’s politicians to actually get moving, others have thrown in their lot and aligned themselves with local partners (only consortiums of three or more companies in an unincorporated joint venture can actually bid for tenders). For example the Scotland-based firm Cairn Energy has joined Cove Energy and Consolidated Contractors in anticipation of the race to the ocean floor.

The eleventh hour

Minister Bassil took the opportunity to score some local cheers by maintaining, “we will not compromise on our right to the full 860 square kilometers.” However, such grandstanding did little to inspire investor confidence and seriously irked the Americans, who had been working behind the scenes to negotiate a settlement to Lebanon and Israel’s disputed Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs); Lebanon has since dismissed the proposal.

Having stumbled and tripped at every step of the way, there was little reason to anticipate the creation of the Petroleum Administration before the year was out. And then in true theatrical style Minister Bassil pulled the rabbit out of the hat at the 11th hour — actually the 11th month, with the government agreeing upon the six appointees in mid-November.

“The [Petroleum Administration] must now start preparing the acreage pre-qualifications and tenders and lay the groundwork for the production sharing agreements once the companies and the consortiums are short listed,” says independent energy consultant Roudi Baroudi. In short: Now the real work begins.

November 30, 2012 0 comments
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The Buzz

Morning briefing: 29 Nov 2012

by Executive Staff November 29, 2012
written by Executive Staff

Economics

Gold ticked higher on Thursday, after suffering its biggest daily decline in nearly four weeks in the previous session, as the looming deadline for averting a US fiscal crisis kept investors on their toes.

More from Reuters

 

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has cut in half oil exports as producing companies grow increasingly worried that Baghdad will not honor the payment terms of an export deal struck in September.

More from Iraq Oil Report

 

The United Arab Emirates has "effectively closed the country's remaining forum for free speech" with a decree issued earlier this month that tightened the law on online dissent, Human Rights Watch said on Wednesday.

More from Arabian Business

 

Saudi Arabia and Sudan are seeking to start in 2014 deep-water mining of a Red Sea basin believed rich in gold and copper.

More from AME Info

 

Canada wants to return to level terms with the UAE on visa-entry requirements after it was dropped from the Emirates' free-visa system.

More from The National

 

Companies

TABCo Emirates, the UAE arm of the Kuwaiti holding company TABCo International Food Catering, plans to invest more than US$80m in expanding branches of US-branded food chain Elevation Burger in the UAE, Oman and Kuwait, its CEO has said.

More from Arabian Business

 

Zain Saudi extended the maturity of a SAR9 billion ($2.40 billion) Islamic loan for another 21 days on Wednesday, the fifth time the loss-making telecom operator has deferred payment.

More from Gulf Business

 

Kuwait's Environment Public Authority (EPA) has announced a plan to gradually switch to using shopping bags made of paper or bio-degradable material, as the Gulf country aims at zero plastic use by the year 2020.

More from AME Info

 

Net profits of insurance companies in Lebanon reached $111.4 million in 2011, up by 25.6 percent from a total of $88.7 million recorded in 2010, according to the Association of Insurance Companies in Lebanon.

More from The Daily Star

November 29, 2012 0 comments
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High stakes on the border

by Nicholas Blanford November 28, 2012
written by Nicholas Blanford

At the end of 2011, it was still unclear whether or not Hezbollah was playing a direct role in assisting the regime of President Bashar al-Assad. Syrian refugees streaming into Lebanon had insisted since nearly the beginning of the uprising in March 2011 that Hezbollah and Iranian Revolutionary Guards were among the Syrian troops sniping at protesters from rooftops. But there was little hard evidence.

Adding to the skepticism was Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah’s toned-down rhetoric on Syria around February and March 2012. Earlier, he had lambasted the West for seeking to oust Assad. Now, he was calling for dialogue and warning that continued violence would resolve nothing. Some diplomats and commentators took this to mean that Hezbollah was beginning to distance itself from a regime that seemed doomed.

However, at the end of 2012, few would still cling to the notion that Hezbollah is uninvolved in the Syrian conflict. Throughout the summer, there were growing whispers within Shia circles about various Hezbollah units deployed across the border or of the bodies of dead combatants being repatriated for quiet burial. The death in early October of Ali Nassif, a veteran Hezbollah commander, finally spurred Nasrallah to admit that some Lebanese Shiites, including some Hezbollah men, were fighting to defend their homes just across the border which were coming under attack by armed opposition groups.

On a recent trip to the Hermel area in the northern Bekaa, there was little disguising Hezbollah’s activities. As shells exploded across the border and the crackle of small arms fire could be heard nearby, a column of what appeared to be Hezbollah vehicles (Sport Utility Vehicles, usually Grand Cherokees, with tinted windows and no license plates) and minibuses filled with young men thundered down a narrow road heading to the border 300 meters away. Other Hezbollah vehicles raced up and down the potholed roads of the area; fighters in uniform rode rally bikes while others stood on the roadside communicating with radios.

It appears that there is some unease within Hezbollah’s ranks, both at a leadership level and among the cadres, regarding their continued assistance to a regime that surely will founder at some point. However, the fate of the Assad regime is a strategic issue for Iran and as such Hezbollah does not have the latitude to make independent unilateral decisions.

Indeed, it is evident that siding with the Assad regime to the extent that Hezbollah has is actually detrimental to the party’s domestic political interests. Openly supporting Assad and battling Syrian Sunnis in the armed opposition is deepening the divide between Lebanese Shias and Sunnis. Many Lebanese Sunnis already harbor deep feelings of bitterness, resentment, humiliation and frustration toward Hezbollah, stemming from the May 2008 events to the collapse of the Saad Hariri government in January 2011.

For now, there appears to be little indication that Iran and Hezbollah intend to change their position on Syria. And a glance at the balance of power on the ground suggests that the Assad regime could continue to hold out for a while longer, even if a restoration of the pre-uprising status quo has become impossible. The Syrian army is being whittled down to a hard core of mainly Alawite troops replete with armor, artillery and air power. The army is supported by a Hezbollah-trained loyalist shabiha paramilitary force as well as Hezbollah combatants. The regime enjoys the continued logistical backing of Iran and diplomatic support of Russia and China. Collectively, that represents a fairly formidable front against a lightly-armed, ill-trained, poorly organized bunch of militias that lack strategic coordination. The recent signs of unity in Qatar among the external political opposition is an encouraging first step (if it lasts) but there remains a long uphill struggle before achieving a cohesive and effective political and military front against the Assad regime.

Even if the opposition can remove the Assad regime from Damascus, it does not necessarily signal the end of the conflict. Iran and its allies may still possess sufficient military might in Syria to perpetuate instability to ensure that no administration antithetical to Iranian interests can take over in Damascus. The Iranian plan (of which Hezbollah is a component) may not be geared so much to saving Assad, but looking to see what advantages can be accrued from a prolonged period of turmoil and civil strife.

Toppling the Assad regime may only be the end of the first gloomy chapter in a depressingly long book.

 

 

Nicholas Blanford is the Beirut-based correspondent for The Christian Science Monitor and The Times of London

November 28, 2012 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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