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Real estateSpecial Report

The thrill is gone

by Maya Sioufi July 7, 2012
written by Maya Sioufi

The happy marriage between Mr. Bank and Ms. Real Estate seems to have lost some of its luster of late, becoming more of a relationship that both parties are resigned to accept for the sake of keeping the house — Lebanon — together.

On the surface, if we do the math, there is no need for the couple to seek counseling over the current exposure of Lebanese banks to the real estate sector. Out of the $44 billion which was lent to the private sector by Lebanese banks last year, a total of $13 billion was handed to the real estate sector in the form of housing loans or construction loans — that is around 30 percent of the total private sector loan book of banks and 19 percent of the total loan book. By comparison, the Spanish real estate and housing market, which is under severe pressure, accounts for 54 percent of the total loans of their local banks, forcing the banking sector to ask for a hefty bailout. Demand in Lebanon, according to experts Executive spoke with, is also primarily based on end users as opposed to speculation; given this, the banking sector’s exposure may not be worth rattling about. Of the $6 billion the construction sector added to economy last year, according to Bank Audi estimates, developers received $1 billion from banks and had to fund the rest themselves either through presales of flats or their own capital. “The real estate sector relies on around 80 percent of their own financing so it is not highly leveraged and it is not pressured to sell,” says Marwan Barakat, chief economist at Bank Audi. “That’s why there isn’t much pressure on [housing] prices.”

Omar Shantouf, general manager at FFA Real Estate, concurs: “Developers are not that highly leveraged and they can afford to sit on projects. They might sell one or two apartments at lower prices but they won’t advertise this, there is no such thing as a fire sale in Lebanon.”

As for housing loans, 36 percent of total property sales were funded by loans from the banking sector in 2011, up from 9 percent in 2007, and the remainder was funded by homeowners’ capital according to Bank Audi research. “That’s a moderate level even though it increased in past years,” says Barakat.

The honeymoon is over

Many heated debates at the dinner table, however, have centered on whether Lebanon’s lady of real estate has gotten a little big for her britches in recent years. Indicators of activity within the real estate sector are starting to paint a gloomier picture. Cement deliveries, an indicator of current construction activity, dropped 4 percent in the first quarter of 2012 after increasing 6 percent in 2011. Construction permits, an indicator of future supply, dropped 4 percent in the first quarter after dropping more than 6 percent in 2011.

Economists and financial experts Executive spoke with played down any concerns: “95 percent of our projects are sold to end users, people buying to live in it and not to speculate,” says Ziad Maalouf, chief executive of Capstone, a private investment firm. “Today, there is no risk of seeing a bubble in the market explode.”  In the construction sector, banks have handed out a total of $7 billion in loans, which represents 16 percent of total lending to the private sector. “The share of the construction sector to total loans is similar to the one of the construction sector to GDP so we didn’t over lend to [real estate]” adds Barakat, given that the share of the construction sector to the country’s gross domestic product stood at 15 percent, according to the 2010 National Accounts of Lebanon, the latest official breakdown of figures for GDP available.

While banks may lend according to the economic logic they devise, they are now faced with developers who are finding it more challenging to offload flats, which a few years ago were selling like hotcakes. “Banks are becoming more selective because of the situation in the real estate market today. They are worried about demand and supply,” says Maalouf.  As banks become pickier, they look for trendier projects. Demand has shifted from large-sized apartments, over 200 square meters, to medium-sized apartments, between 100 and 200 square meters, and from Beirut to the suburbs according to Bank Audi research.  “If you go to the bank and ask for financing for a project with flats of 600 square meters in size, no one gives you a loan. You have to go with the right project and the right sizes,” adds Maalouf.  With land prices still increasing and flat prices in tow — albeit at lower levels than in previous years — homebuyers are finding it more and more difficult to pay for a roof over their heads (see page 56). “Homebuyers can’t afford to buy houses anymore because the prices of land have gone up in the lift and our income is going up the stairs,” says Antoine Chamoun, general manager at Bank of Beirut Invest.

Competition on the rise

Homebuyers have also been visiting bankers more regularly in recent years. Housing loans leapt by 33 percent last year — receiving the bulk of the increase in private claims — to reach $6 billion. The central bank had a significant role to play in giving banks incentive to lend their liquidity and in helping the Lebanese folk fund their pads. The central bank’s circular of May 2009 provided an incentive for banks to lend in Lebanese lira by reducing their reserve requirements as long as rates applied to clients are within a certain limit — 40 percent of a one year Lebanese Treasury bill plus 3 percent. “It created a boost in terms of supply and demand,” says Basil Karam, head of retail at BankMed.

“The central bank helped us developers by helping home owners buy flats, helping banks to lend and helping activity in the country,” adds Maalouf. “It is the best thing that happened to the sector.” This has fueled the development of a love-hate relationship between homeowners and bankers. For bankers, it became a lucrative business. Struggling to deploy their excess liquidity — deposits stood at $120 billion, or around three times GDP, in the end of the first quarter — with interest rates globally at record low levels and a dearth of investment opportunities within Lebanon and in the shaken region, extending loans to the housing sector became a thriving business and everyone jumped on the bandwagon. Yet what that also meant was that the central bank indirectly propped up a housing market, where prices were continuously rising and thus impacting the affordability of housing in the country.

“Banks have been under pressure on their interest margins in the past few years because their liquidity is not yielding [returns] anymore both outside and inside Lebanon, so they are having to lend more,” says Barakat. As banks increase their offering for home loans, competition is getting fiercer and along with it, the advertising wings of the banks are becoming more active to lure clients their way. Billboards for home loans seem to be popping up on almost every corner. 

With rates on loans in Lebanese lira being controlled by the central bank, the competition is now on the dollar loans. “Some banks are reaching their allowable limits in extending subsidized loans in Lebanese pounds,” says BankMed’s Karam. “They will have to focus more on dollar-based loans and cut prices to attract more loans. In dollars, there is price competition, big time.” 

Chamoun agrees, saying that, “The competition on loans in Lebanese pounds [subsidized loans with the central bank and with the Public Corporation for Housing] is low because the features of the loan are imposed and there is very little difference among banks on these loans, but on the dollar, banks are putting their own features.”

While there is room to increase lending further to the housing sector, growth is unlikely to be as significant as in previous years given that it was coming off a low base, according to Barakat.  This could lead to continued competition in the sector and “it should be like this and the best offer should win,” adds Chamoun.

Increasing competition would be a welcome respite for homebuyers struggling to keep up with the elevated real estate prices. As for developers who have funded their current projects with low leverage, they are largely sitting on their pile of stock, putting  upcoming projects on hold and staying firm on prices. For developers quick to adapt to the changing dynamics, projects outside Beirut with smaller flat sizes are being developed, and thus those selling homes will likely have to do with transactions that were not as large as they previously enjoyed.

As BankMed’s Karam points out: “Lebanese will continue to borrow to buy homes but the average ticket size wont be the same.”

July 7, 2012 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

Financial quotes of the month

by Executive Editors July 7, 2012
written by Executive Editors

“There will be no more adventures. Greece’s place in Europe will not be put in doubt.”

Greece’s New Democracy leader Antonis Samaras following the narrow election victory of the pro-bailout party

Beirut MP Nabil Du Freij:“Taxes are increased when the economic conditions are improving, not when the economy is slowing.”

Simon Baugh, director of media and public relations at BAA, owner of London’s Heathrow airport, the world’s busiest international hub:“Even with a third runway, with the space Dubai has it’s not possible [to compete with Dubai]. Its growth is too big.”

“The ball is now in Greece’s court. It’s in their hands to win back the confidence of the people of Europe.”

German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble

German chants at the Germany versus Greece Euro 2012 football game: “Without Angie, you wouldn’t be here,” To which the Greeks replied: “We’ll never pay you back. We’ll never pay you back.”

“The government should work on two fronts: increase revenues to cut short the rising public debt and boost growth to lower the GDP-to-debt ratio. Otherwise, it would speed up the country’s economic collapse.”

Nemat Frem, head of the Association of Lebanese Industrialists

“Even if they cannot achieve all of it in one fell swoop, I think if people have a sense of where they are going that can provide confidence and break the fever.”

US President Barack Obama on Europeans and their sovereign debt crisis at the G20 economic summit in Mexico

Mohsen Derregia, chairman of the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA), on the $1.75 billion losses due to LIA’s investments in products managed by Goldman Sachs and Societe Generale: “We will have to see how these structured products were created, valued and managed. Then we will talk to the investment houses and see if we can claim a refund.”

“There are still a lot of unknowns for the market, which will be looking for direction from the street, the presidency and progress by the constitutional committee.”

Wael Ziada, head of research at Cairo-based EFG-Hermes following the victory of Muslim’s Brotherhood Mohamed Mursi as Egypt’s president

“Every woman needs to be self-sufficient. You hear these yummy mummies talk about being the best possible mother and they put all their effort into their children. I also want to be the best possible mother, but I know that my job as a mother includes bringing my children up so actually they can live without me.”


Cherie Blair, the wife of Britain’s former Prime Minister Tony Blair, at Fortune’s Magazine’s Most Powerful Women event
July 7, 2012 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

Ratings removed from reality

by Natacha Tannous July 7, 2012
written by Natacha Tannous

Lebanon is an anomaly in many ways, and no less so when it comes to international credit ratings. While most of the world still depends on Fitch, Standard & Poor’s (S&P) and Moody’s to grade investment risk — even after their errors in the lead up to the global financial crisis — the reports of these ratings agencies simply do not carry the same weight in Lebanon.

Take, for example, S&P’s downgrade of the United States’ credit rating from AAA to AA+ last summer; the US equity index S&P500 fell 6.66 percent to 1,119 points the next day of trading. S&P’s recent lowering of its outlook for Lebanon, however, followed by a Moody’s downgrade of three Lebanese banks, resulted in… nothing.

There was no perceptible impact in the markets, with Lebanon’s credit default swap (CDS) spread — a proxy for default risk — remaining stable after both announcements, and shares of Bank Audi — the country’s largest by assets — staying level. 

Examining the ‘downgrades’

On May 28, S&P cut its outlook on Lebanon’s long-term sovereign credit rating to negative on the back of “domestic tensions and the escalation of violence in Lebanon [which could] potentially lead to a breakdown in the government.” As a result, on May 30, it also revised the outlooks of Bank Audi, BankMed and BLOM Bank from stable to negative due to their high exposure to the sovereign, given that “the banks’ financial performances are closely linked to Lebanon’s solvency.”

The following day, Moody’s revised the standalone credit assessments of 13 banks in Jordan, Lebanon, Pakistan and Ukraine. Bank Audi, BLOM Bank, and Byblos Bank, the three affected Lebanese banks, saw their credit assessment downgraded by one notch from Ba3 to B1 on the back of high exposure to Lebanese government debt, which Moody’s described as equivalent to 350 percent, more than 400 percent and just under 400 percent, respectively, of tier one capital, the core measure of a bank’s financial strength.

Moody’s said a second factor in its assessment was “moderate geographical diversification” outside of Lebanon, with foreign assets making up less than 30 percent of consolidated assets of Bank Audi, and around a third of those of BLOM Bank and Byblos Bank.

Limited market impact of agencies

“The valuations are not based on fundamental weaknesses of the Lebanese banks or [of] the economy,” emphasizes  Riad Salameh, governor of Banque du Liban, Lebanon’s central bank. “Hence the impact of these ratings on our markets have not been felt because most participants in Lebanese markets are players who know exactly the situation and can see the strong balance sheet at the Central Bank.” 

Salameh concludes that “downgrades in Lebanon don’t really affect the performance of banks and financing of the country.”

In fact, credit rating actions have less of an impact in Lebanon than in Western countries for three reasons: first, the country’s small international investor base; second, a sustained increase in deposits, and finally, a resilient population that trusts the banking system, allowing for competitive yields.

Small international investor base

The nature of the public debt and its holders makes any credit action somewhat irrelevant. In reality, even though banks have been trying to reduce their exposure to the sovereign, roughly 97.5 percent of the dollar denominated debt is still held by local investors, with the remainder mostly held by European and US funds forced to hold the Lebanese debt as part of their emerging market index-tracking strategy, according to Nassib Ghobril, head of economic research & analysis at Byblos Bank. 

When compared to the total amount of debt out there, Lebanon maintains a relatively small stock at some $54 billion, as well as a minor representation in broadly tracked indices (only 2.34 percent of JP Morgan’s EMBI Global index) — thus, international investor interest is low.

“The fact that the highly resilient and very well-capitalized banks hold most of the Lebanese debt… keeps a lid on credit default swap spreads and yields relative to the associated risks,” says Florence Eid, founder and chief executive officer of Arabia Monitor research and advisory firm.  “Additionally, given that banks tend to hold this debt to maturity, the illiquid secondary market also plays a part in eliminating some of the volatility.”

As a result, due to limited external funding, such revised outlooks or downgrades have limited impact.

Sustained increase in deposits

“Banks ratings are not as relevant in Lebanon, given that around 88 percent of their funding depends on private sector deposits; additionally they are concentrated,” explains Ghobril. “In fact, between 15 to 25 percent of depositors, depending on the bank, account for 75 to 85 percent of deposits, so if there is a panic, banks will rush to their large depositors to reassure them of market conditions.”

Ghobril adds that, “for events to truly affect deposit inflows or the rates, you would need extreme scenarios.”

Lebanon has only seen outflows of deposits three times since 2004, with a 5 percent outflow during the eight weeks after the Hariri assassination, which reversed afterwards, a 3 percent decrease in July 2006 when the war with Israel started (which stopped after the cease-fire) and a less than 1 percent outflow when the Hariri government collapsed in January 2011.

And currently, given the global uncertainties and near-zero interest rate environments in developed economies, there is evermore reason to believe that Lebanese deposits will stick, as moving them elsewhere would be just as risky.

Trust and competitive yields

Lebanon is one of the world’s largest recipients of remittances as a share of gross domestic product, with remittance inflows reaching $8.4 billion in 2010 (the latest figures available), totaling around a  fifth of GDP, according to the World Bank. The Lebanese Diaspora generally ‘believe’ in the country, notes the International Monetary Fund, and thus as long as there is trust in the banking system, the outlook of ratings will not affect markets. This is reflected in lower yields on Lebanon’s sovereign debt, even though political and geopolitical risks are growing. Depositors trust Lebanese banks even when things go wrong since the banks pay them relatively attractive interest rates, which have been effective over the past 20 years.

The Lebanese difference

History and experience provided enough confidence for investors to make their own assessment of the embedded political risk in the country, explaining Lebanon’s competitive yields compared to countries with similar credit ratings. The Lebanon 2026 bond issued in November 2011 with a 6.6 percent coupon, for a size of $725 million, currently trades above its offer price.

“This reflects mainly two aspects, which are unique to Lebanon credit risk,” explains Jamil Hallak, head of credit trading MENA at Deutsche Bank. “First, the bond is trading at a premium above re-offer and performed nearly 2 percent; and second, the average credit risk spread of Lebanese bonds curve is trading 100 basis points (bps) tighter than the CDS, which reflects the strong and real appetite for Lebanon credit risk.” 

In fact, markets have a dissociated attitude from the rating, since the debt is trading at rates that are similar to those of BBB rated countries. Looking at Egypt — which has the same S&P rating as Lebanon (rated B) but had a relatively stable political situation for years until the start of the uprising last year — the Egypt 2020 bond, with a 5.75 percent coupon carries a credit risk spread of 610 bps, compared to Lebanon’s 2020 bond with a spread of 428 bps. Further, Egypt’s five-year CDS is trading at around 700 bps, whereas Lebanon trades at only 490 bps.

Hence, political uncertainty is reflected in the case of Egypt and shows pure distress, whereas the Lebanese bond market is enjoying historically low yields. Lebanon’s five-year CDS yield is even lower than that of Spain and Italy, which trade at 573 bps and 512 bps, respectively, and are both rated BBB+.

A revision upwards?

If Lebanese banks continue to cut their exposure to government, while at the same time the government does not intend to decrease its borrowings, then the country will have to rely more on external funding — assuming that the Central Bank will not continuously fill the gap. In this case, credit ratings will begin to matter, as “the rating of Lebanon is an important issue for the international investor, especially when the country is not investment grade,” says Governor Salameh.

However, in order to have its outlook revised, the country must address several issues; Lebanon must reduce public spending, implement structural reforms — such as balancing the budget and establishing a proper debt management plan — as well as restore political stability and security. This will lead to an improvement in the country’s credit rating and its access to international capital markets.

Until these issues are tackled and international investors drawn to the country, ratings from companies like Moody’s will likely remain little more than letters.

NATACHA TANNOUS is Executive’s foreign correspondent in New York

July 7, 2012 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

The expert opinion MENA stock tips

by Executive Editors July 7, 2012
written by Executive Editors

Eurozone debt issues dominated market headlines yet again this month. The hefty 100 billion euro bailout of Spanish banks did not calm investor nerves, neither did the Greek elections which left the near-bankrupt country in the Eurozone for now. With credit rating agency Moody’s downgrading 15 global banks and financial institutions in June, the highly volatile and uncertain environment seem likely to grip the markets in the foreseeable future. For this month’s investment recommendations, Executive spoke to Henri Chaoul, chief executive officer of Master Capital Group and recently appointed chief investment strategist at Al Khabeer Capital, and Walid Abousleiman is the chief executive of Aksys Capital.

Henri Chaoul

Top recommendations: short the Euro and invest in private equity

More pain to come in Europe?

“There has been some binge drinking, and you can not keep on drinking and assume the hangover will go away. You will need to stop, and digest it and it will have to be painful,” says Chaoul when asked about the European sovereign debt crisis. He believes that unless Europe addresses its structural problems, injecting cash — such as the chunky bailout of Spanish banks — will only postpone the problems. He does not expect a solution anytime soon and sees more issues ahead as he warns that French and German banks hold the bulk of the debt of European peripheral countries. “The German taxpayer will prefer to recapitalize his bank then to pay for the retirement of a Greek who retires at 55, whereas the German retires at 65.”  With this cautious stance, he would recommend shorting the euro versus the US dollar.

Short European markets too?

“Exactly the opposite” says Chaoul. He recommends starting to build positions in Europe as he sees a full pricing of the European crisis. This contrasts with the US markets, which has not yet priced in its fiscal problem, according to Chaoul. “The US is coming toward a fiscal cliff which will lead to a huge break on the growth of economy” says Chaoul. As this year is a presidential election year, the Democrats and Republicans have been avoiding tackling this issue and “come November 6 (US presidential election day), they will be left with only five to six weeks to figure out how to fix this fiscal problem.”  He states that he won’t be surprised if the US faces another credit rating downgrade.

Top investment recommendations?

With an uncertain and highly volatile environment, Chaoul favors “a flight to safety” and recommends investing in gold and silver. He also strongly recommends that investors start investing in private equity (PE) as he sees huge opportunities in the region, especially in Saudi Arabia and Egypt. He would invest in Syria for its cheap entry point and he sees some “gems” in the manufacturing industry. As for Lebanon, he would not invest in the highly illiquid Beirut Stock Exchange; neither would he invest in government bonds.

Walid Abousleiman

Top recommendations: Short the euro, invest in gold and buy Solidere

More pain in Europe?

Abousleiman believes that Europe is “still in the middle of the crisis” and unlike Chaoul, he would not recommend exposure to any European financial instrument for now, including equities. He would stay on the sidelines and keep an eye on the austerity measures implemented by European governments. Abousleiman recommends shorting the euro relative to the US dollar.

Top investment recommendations?

 Abousleiman recommends holding a third of the portfolio in cash or cash equivalents, a third in gold and a third in US large cap equities. He would stay away from fixed income, both government and corporate. As for the Middle East and North Africa markets, he would invest in Saudi Arabian equities and to a smaller extent in Qatari equities. As for Lebanon, he would buy Solidere for its “good entry point” but he would not invest in any other Lebanese stock. He also recommends both government bonds and term deposits, which offer attractive rates.

Thoughts on private equity?

Unlike Chaoul, he would not recommend investing in PE and believes there is no appetite for PE in the region because of the lack of security and political stability. “If you’d asked me, before the Syrian crisis I would say it’s a good investment. For now I’d shy away.”

July 7, 2012 0 comments
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Banking & Finance

For your information

by Executive Editors July 7, 2012
written by Executive Editors

United States takes bulk of Lebanese financial sector’s foreign investment

The financial sector in Lebanon had a $7 billion exposure to foreign debt and equity securities as of the end of last year, representing an 11 percent increase on 2010, according to the central bank. The bulk of the exposure was in long-term debt securities (56 percent) followed by equity securities (42 percent) and a minimal exposure to short-term debt securities (2 percent). For the investment in equities, the United States received the bulk of the flows accounting for 58 percent of the total followed by the United Kingdom at 12 percent, Bahrain at 8 percent, France at 4 percent and Saudi Arabia at 3 percent. For the long-term debt securities, the US and the UK were again in the lead accounting for 31 percent and 22 percent of the total investment respectively. They were followed by the United Arab Emirates and France at 9 percent and 4 percent, respectively. As for short-term debt securities, China accounted for the majority at 38 percent of the total investment.

Beirut most expensive Middle East city for expats

Beirut is the most expensive city for expats to live in the Middle East, according to consultancy firm Mercer’s 2012 Worldwide Cost of Living Survey, which ranks 214 cities. Beirut ranked 67th — up eight spots on last year (read more on cost of living in Lebanon in our report on page 29). Abu Dhabi, which was ranked the most expensive in last year’s survey, dropped to second spot this year. It was followed by Dubai, Amman and Riyadh. The survey took into account the prices of over 200 factors from housing to food and clothing to transport. Fuelled by a higher yen against the dollar, Tokyo was ranked the most expensive city worldwide, displacing Angola’s capital Luanda. Luanda was followed by another Japanese city, Osaka for the third spot. Moscow and Geneva came in fourth and fifth respectively. Paris, Amsterdam, Rome and London dropped in the rankings on a weaker euro, higher unemployment and falling incomes. Karachi, Pakistan’s largest city, was the cheapest for expats to live in among the 214 cities surveyed.

World Bank raising $500 million for the Middle East

The World Bank is looking to raise $500 million for a fund dedicated to the Middle East and North Africa region to take advantage of investment opportunities following the turmoil in the Arab world, according to Reuters. The International Finance Corporation (IFC), a unit of the World Bank focused on supporting the private sector in emerging economies, will set up the fund, into which it will inject $100 million. The fund’s first closing is expected in the next three months. The IFC, which has already invested $3 billion in the region since the beginning of the turmoil, is investing another $2.2 billion to $2.4 billion over the next year. The IFC intends to increase lending by 20 percent to Europe, Middle East and North Africa, to reach a total of $6 billion this year.

Lebanese loans on the rise

Outstanding loans to the private sector held by the banking sector in Lebanon reached $44 billion at the end of 2011, up 13 percent relative to 2010, according to the central bank. The bulk of the increase went toward housing loans, up 33 percent year-on-year to stand at $6 billion (see page 68). The construction sector recorded $7 billion in loans, up 13 percent on 2010. The manufacturing sector was up the same amount, standing at $5 billion. Services and trade loans increased 10 percent year on year and amounted to $15 billion. The agricultural sector accounted for a meager $426 million in loans, increasing by 16 percent relative to last year. The central bank also recently released data on the number of cleared checks for the first five months of the year that rose by $5.29 million, up from a similar rise of $5.23 million during the same period last year to come in at $28.75.

Fitch downgrades Egypt

On the eve of the presidential elections, Fitch, one of the top three global credit ratings agencies, downgraded the long-term foreign currency rating on Egypt to B+ from BB-. The outlook on the rating is negative, which implies that it could be downgraded further in the next 12 to 18 months. “The downgrade and negative outlook reflect increased uncertainties surrounding the political transition following yesterday’s ruling by the Supreme Constitutional Court to annul parliamentary elections and dissolve parliament,” said Richard Fox, head of Fitch’s Middle East and Africa sovereign ratings. Standard & Poor’s, another of the top three rating agencies, has a B rating on Egypt which is one notch lower than Fitch’s; Moody’s has a similar rating at B2. Mohamad Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood was declared Egypt’s new president in the country’s first democratic presidential elections, gathering some 52 percent of the votes. His rival, Ahmad Shafik, Egypt’s former prime minister under deposed president Hosni Mubarak’s rule, gathered around 48 percent.

Qatar invests in French hotels, China and gold

Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), the country’s sovereign wealth fund, is continuing its spending spree, this time deploying $2 billion for a 49 percent stake of billionaire Eike Batista’s AUX gold business. The sale follows the decision by EBX Group, the holding company, to shelve plans to take the company public. Back in October, Batista, Brazil’s richest man, had claimed that AUX holds 7.2 million ounces of gold reserves following the acquisition of Vancouver based Ventana Gold for $1.05 billion in March of last year. QIA has also requested approval for a license and a $5 billion quota for investments in China under the nation’s Qualified Foreign Institutional Investor program (QFII). It aims to deploy the capital mainly into the equity markets. Qatar is also set to acquire four French hotels from American hotel group Starwood Capital, though no details on the transaction were available as Executive went to print. The hotels to be purchased include the renowned Martinez hotel in Cannes on the French Riviera and the Concorde La Fayette in Paris.

Top three winners of “Grow My Business” competition announced

A competition pitting Lebanese start-ups against each other for the best business plans to enhance growth of their companies ended with the announcement of the three winners. The top prize of LL50 million ($33,000) went to ADTech, an electronics retailer start up. The second prize, LL20 million ($13,000) went to Oliver Tree, which develops products based on olive oil. The third prize, LL10 million ($6,600), went to Wixel Studios, a developer of web games, web animations and websites. The jury was composed of members of the Beirut Traders Association (BTA), MIT Enterprise Forum-Pan Arab Region and Bank Audi. “Our aim is to create employment opportunities,” said Hala Fadel, chair of the MIT Enterprise Forum of the Pan-Arab region.  Nicolas Chammas, chairman of BTA, added that, “The purpose of this competition is to give a tangible added value to small-and-medium-sized companies, to uplift the professional standards of the commercial sector as a whole and to contribute to the sustainable development of the national economy.”

Lebanon issues $2 billion Eurobonds

Three Eurobonds worth a total of $2 billion were issued by Lebanon’s Ministry of Finance for the purpose of redeeming early and cancelling treasury bills in Lebanese lira held by the central bank. These Eurobonds will be listed on both the Beirut Stock Exchange and the Luxembourg Stock Exchange. The first Eurobond, worth $800 million with a June 2025 maturity and a 6.25 percent coupon, and the second Eurobond worth $700 million with a June 2018 maturity and a 5.15 percent coupon, will both be exchanged for five-year T-bills maturing in 2016 with a 6.18 percent coupon. The third and final $500 million Eurobond, maturing in June 2015 with a coupon of 4.1 percent, will be exchanged with five years T-bills similar to the ones of the first two Eurobonds as well as with three year T-bills maturing in 2015 with a coupon of 6.48 percent.

July 7, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

For your information

by Executive Editors July 7, 2012
written by Executive Editors

More extra-budgetary spending

Lebanon’s Council of Ministers agreed to approve extra budgetary spending of LL11.5 trillion ($7.7 billion) for the rest of the year, a 12 percent increase on LL10.3 trillion ($6.9 billion) that had been agreed earlier in June. Lebanon has been without a budget since 2005 and the debate over extra-budgetary spending has severely hampered the government’s ability to function. Despite attempts from the opposition to block the cabinet’s decision it is believed that President Michel Sleiman has agreed to sign into law the overspending bill even if it is not passed in parliament. The released figures show that the government allocated LL1.79 trillion ($1.19 billion) for salaries and wages, LL4.23 trillion ($2.82 billion) for subsidies and transfers LL1.47 trillion ($980 million) for debt servicing and financial charges. The cabinet also took a decision to allocate LL150 billion ($100 million) to development projects in Tripoli and LL450 billion ($300 million) for similar initiatives in other areas of the country. It is anticipated that the government will finance the expenditures through the issuance of treasury bonds. Lebanon’s sovereign debt is approximately $54 billion, which amounts to a debt-to-gross domestic product ratio in the range of 140 percent.

More traffic in productsand people

Activity at the port of Beirut, which is a good indicator of the vitality of the trade sector, increased on a yearly basis. The volume of merchandise loaded and unloaded at the port reached 2,851 tons in the first five months of 2012, representing an 8 percent increase on the same period last year. What is more, the number of containers at the port went up 5.3 percent over the same period to year-on-year to reach a total of some 249,600. A corresponding rise in traffic for January to May was recorded at the Rafiq Hariri International Airport. The number of aircraft passing through the airport went up by 2.9 percent year-on-year to 25,000 planes, while the number of passengers increased by a significantly higher proportion of 15.6 percent, tallying 2.21 million in the five-month period. The volume of freight at the airport also registered an increase. The cargo unloaded rose year-on-year 9.1 percent to 18,200 tons, while the cargo loaded increased 7.7 percent to 12,350 tons.

Trade deficit balloons

Lebanon’s trade deficit increased by a third for the first quarter of 2012 compared to the same period in 2011. Total imports reached $6 billion while exports were $1.15 billion, constituting a deficit of $4.8 billion. The deficit is the highest recorded in five years in terms of both volume and value despite an increase of $199 million in exports over the same period last year. The average monthly deficit in the first quarter was $1.6 billion with an average value of $2 billion in imports and $385 million in exports. The main factor behind the rise in the value of imports was a higher minerals, fuels and oil bill. The rise in receipts for exports was primarily due to an increase in the international silver and gold prices, with exports of unwrought gold, un-mounted diamonds and precious metals increasing in value by 86 percent, or $249 million, from the first quarter last year. Excluding this buoyant sub-sector, the value of exports actually dropped 8 percent to their lowest level in nominal terms for the past five years. The drop was most pronounced in exports to other Arab countries.

The blackouts of summer

Severe electricity rationing gripped much of Lebanon as the nation’s power production crisis intensified in late June. The hours of electricity rationing were significantly increased following breakdowns at power plants in the north and the south of the country. The cabinet met to discuss a plan agreed in late March to lease, for a maximum of three years, power-generating barges to produce 270 megawatts, and to construct power plants producing up to 1,500 megawatts, in order to meet some of Lebanon’s current production deficit of up to 1400 MW. The government signed a deal with a Turkish company, Karadeniz, in April, to provide the first barge in August and the second a few months later. However, the deal had been left pending because, according to the Minister of Finance Mohammad Safadi, the company had failed to meet the government’s terms. Implementation of the contract is expected to begin soon after the cabinet’s approval at a session in late June. The nation’s electricity provider, Électricité du Liban, has also been rocked by protracted strikes from workers, severely affecting bill collection and power plant repairs. The Minister of Energy and Water Gebran Bassil said that all of Lebanon may experience power cuts of up to 15 hours per day when demand peaks in the height of summer.

Municipal defense force for Dahieh

Lebanon’s first local civil defense operation is being established in Beirut’s densely populated and largely impoverished southern suburbs to fill the void left by the central government’s failing emergency services. The center is intended to offer support for emergencies including fires, natural disasters and war. The municipalities are purchasing a small fleet of fire trucks and emergency vehicles and are training firefighters, paramedics, drivers and administrators. The $10 million civil defense center in the Ghobeiri municipality will be the first of its kind operating independently from the National Civil Defense. The center will serve the neighboring municipalities of Burj Al Barajneh, Haret Hareik and Mreijeh. It is part of trend within municipalities to step in and cover for the failings of central government. The decision to move away from the National Civil Defense structure was a result of municipalities noticing slow emergency responses to a number of incidents around the country and follows similar local civil defense motivates in Italy, the United Kingdom, Turkey and Iran. The bulk of the funding has come from the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development, with the remainder coming from The Municipal Unions. It is anticipated that the center will work in the coming few months to establish an infrastructure response team to treat breakdowns in the suburbs’ ailing water and electricity networks.

Our failing nation

Lebanon ranked 45th in the 2012 ‘failed states index’, moving one place up from its 2011 spot at number 44. The survey, which includes 177 countries, is compiled by the The Fund for Peace and published by Foreign Policy. The index assesses a number of factors to determine the stability of states, including demographic pressures, poverty and economic decline, group grievance, uneven development, legitimacy of the state and external intervention. Scores are given with 10 being the worst, or ‘failed’, and one being the best, or most stable, and Lebanon’s report card was most damning regarding: factionalized elites (9.1), security apparatus (8.4), group grievance (8.4) and refugees and internally displaced people (8.2). Lebanon’s overall score of 85.8 out of 100 places it firmly in the third-worst category “alert” out of a total of eight.  Neighboring Syria slid up the ranks in the failed state index, from 48th in 2011 to 23rd in the 2012 survey.

July 7, 2012 0 comments
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Editorial

Burning the wrong tire

by Yasser Akkaoui July 7, 2012
written by Yasser Akkaoui

The right to public protest is fundamental in a democracy — citizens need to be able to demonstrate when they judge certain situations to be unacceptable in order to pressure those responsible to remedy the situation. There are ways to protest effectively, however, and then there are ways to be an obnoxious, self-defeating disturbance; Lebanon of late has been rife with the latter.

The infamous Tariq Al Matar, the road leading to the airport, has been blocked with burning tires more times, and for more reasons, than is sensible to count over the past month and more. Pissed off about electricity cuts? Yallah, let’s burn tires on Tariq Al Matar! Upset over Lebanese pilgrims abducted in Syria? More tires for the airport road! There are so many protests happening that they are blurring together, with many protesters unsure which cause they are supposed to be angry about that day.

Besides releasing more toxic fumes for everyone to breathe, the roads being blocked around the country almost invariably run through the very same neighborhoods where the demonstrators live and work, meaning they are inconveniencing their neighbors, disrupting local commerce by driving away customers and creating a negative public image for their cause — as well as isolating themselves from the very powers they should be pressuring.

If you have no power at home, what good does it do to block newly-arrived tourists from reaching their hotels? Instead, occupy the offices of the Ministry of Energy and Water or stage a sit-in at the Grand Serail, where the actual power to do something about the electricity crisis lies today. Then, and only then, will the people who are responsible for your plight actually begin to care that you are upset and do something about it. The Électricité Du Liban workers’ strike has been the singular exception in this regard, in that union members have targeted their protests at the offices and headquarters of their employer, largely limiting hindrances to the general public while focusing pressure on those parties that can affect change regarding their grievances.

The thuggish bravado many ‘demonstrators’ exude, standing in the road blocking innocent bystanders from going about their day, masks a cowardice — they are afraid to confront those who are actually responsible for their current situation.

Thus, while proper civil action and public pressure can bring about positive change, the Lebanese cannot hope to move in this direction until courage replaces burning rubber as a symbol of protest.

July 7, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyLebanese Armed Forces

The LAF budget – closed ranks

by Executive Staff July 3, 2012
written by Executive Staff

“Whenever you have military contracting, there is bound to be some money creamed off the top,” according to Yezid Sayigh, senior associate at the Carnegie Middle East Center. How much is creamed off in Lebanon, however, is difficult to establish.

The Lebanese defense budget is one of the most opaque budgets in the world, being awarded the lowest possible rank in Transparency International’s 2011 Defense Budget Transparency report, on a similar level to Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Egypt and Iraq. This indicates a lack of auditing, a lack of public access to budgeting information and a lack of access and detailed knowledge by oversight committees and the legislature. Furthermore, “secret expenditures,” go completely without oversight.

“There is money but no accountability,” says former General Brigadier Elias Hanna. The low score is, however, in line with regional trends according to Leah Wawro, project officer at Transparency International and author of the report. “The region is one of the worst performers on defense budget transparency,” he remarks.

Opaque contracting

In addition to it being hard to define how much the Lebanese government actually spends on the military, what it spends this money on is also a challenge. Although the budget offers a general breakdown of expenditure, who gets paid to supply military hospitals, or Lebanon’s 59,000 soldiers with food, clothing and spare parts for their equipment and the like, is information the Army refused to release to Executive, despite numerous requests.

In the end though, all public contracting in Lebanon is plagued by clientelism, according to Transparency International’s latest national integrity system assessment of Lebanon (2009).

The Transparency International report goes on to note that: “Lebanese investors routinely pay bribes to win contracts and political interference exists in contract awards. Contracts are not awarded to the most qualified applicants.”

Such political interference also extends to the military, says Halil Khashan, professor of political studies at the American University of Beirut, adding that: “The army is cohesive not because it has a mission, but because of a system of patronage.”

A public tender is required for all goods and services exceeding $535 and the Public Procurement Directorate supervises the procurement process and approves all contracts exceeding $50,000.

Security services, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF), are subject to special procurement systems, with the LAF’s procurement overseen by the logistics arm of the army.

Requests by Transparency International concerning military procurement were refused on the grounds that these expenses were ‘secret’, according to Transparency International researcher Nadia Massih.

Lebanon’s military budget lacks any kind of auditing; the committees of Defense, Interior and Municipalities who are responsible for the civilian oversight of the defense budget have little actual control according to a 2008 report by the Henry L Stimson Center, a Washington-based think tank. “The situation is such that, for example, very few members of Parliament on the Defense Committee are even aware of what the defense budget is,” states the report. “And even those that are informed about the budget might not know how the budget is spent or who the relevant decision makers are.”

In Lebanon, bids are invited from a select group of registered companies. “Only those that subscribe to this kind of [military] contracting get access,” according to Yahya Hakim of Transparency International’s Lebanon office. “You have to be registered and listed to access the information for procurement, you have to pay for that information; around 1 million Lebanese Pounds for access to military procurement contracts.”

The norm, and improving

Where Hakim sees this as objectionable, Riad Kahwaji, chief executive officer at the Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA) think tank, says this is standard procedure for military contracts. “In all militaries I have worked with in my life; the United Arab Emirates, the United States, if you want to submit something, you have to put down a deposit,” he says.

The procurement process for obtaining contracts has been “very much modified and improved” over the past few years, according to Kahwaji. “There is a committee that functions under the [LAF’s] administrative department; each time they want to get anything; food, spare tires and so forth, a committee is formed and staffed with experts in that area.” The recommendations of this committee move up the chain to the department of procurement, the planning department has to approve it, then the director of administration, and finally the LAF command has to sign off.

Rather than going through middlemen, there is now a list of requirements companies need to fulfill.

“Whoever wants to bid has to provide evidence that he actually represents and owns an existing factory and is not selling through several subcontractors,” according to Kahwaji.

A general at a military hospital — who spoke on condition of anonymity — says that despite the bidding process being open, there is room for corruption. Although each bid needs at least three tenders before a committee decides, he says it was unclear what was negotiated between committee members and contractors before bidding companies hand over closed envelopes containing their bid.

One method through which deals have been made, the general says, is by low-balling  the value of the bid in the envelope even though a better deal for the company has been agreed on beforehand with the process guaranteed by bribes paid to LAF officials, he said.

Lebanon is, however, far from unique in this regard; many in the industry have come to expect that any kind of military contracting is bound to be opaque, with room for private transfers to grease the wheels. This is partially due to the exclusive realm of such contracts.

“Who knows about the tenders is always going to be an insider [in a] process where you have to be in the know,” says Kahwaji. “I have been around many armies and you cannot get a full picture.”

A former LAF staffer who worked in logistics — and was not cleared to speak to the press — confirmed this modus operandi: “You know how it works; connections are everything, everybody knows each other.”

July 3, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyLebanese Armed Forces

The LAF – Militarized Welfare

by Executive Staff July 3, 2012
written by Executive Staff

If you had a chauffeur driven car with free petrol, bodyguards at your side 24 hours a day, seven days a week, free babysitting and rides to school for the kids, as well as school fees for your children and health care for the family thrown in, you could be a Hollywood starlet; or, you could be a high-ranking officer in the Lebanese military cashing in on the regular package of benefits offered to you.

Addressing the costs associated with this type of spending is but one of the tasks facing the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) on its path to reform. “The waste in the Army is not the [number of people in the] Army — the waste is in the five or six cars following a Brigade Commander and in soldiers driving kids to school,” complains former General Elias Hanna.

The LAF is overseen by the Ministry of Defense, which enjoys the largest allocation of funds of any ministry, receiving $1.2 billion in the 2012 Draft Budget. The Lebanese defense budget ranks ninth globally in terms of military expenditure as a percentage of gross domestic product, with Lebanon spending 4.2 percent of its GDP on the military in 2010, according to the World Bank. Regionally, Lebanon was outspent in 2010 by Jordan, with 5.2 percent of GDP dedicated to military spending, the United Arab Emirates (5.4 percent) and Israel (6.5 percent), but surpassed Syria (which spent 3.9 percent that same year).

Even so, “the budget [the LAF] gets for an army in the 50,000s [of personnel] is nothing, it’s sad,” says Riad Kahwaji, chief executive officer at the Institute for Near East & Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA) think tank.

According to internal army documents, it is estimated that the LAF need at least $1.3 billion for essential force development, including communication equipment, training and weapons.

There are two causes for the lack in funding, says former Brigadier General Amine Hotait. “The first is the poverty of the state; we have a public debt approaching $60 billion.” The second, he says, is politicians  don’t see the point of adequately funding the army as they know it is impossible to compete militarily with Israel, with whom Lebanon is still officially at war.

“Why give money without use?” asks Hotait.

Paying the troops

The LAF, including the navy and the air force, comprise 59,000 personnel, 57,000 of whom serve in the Army. At least 85 percent of the Lebanese defense budget is allocated for the salaries, amenities and allowances for these men, according to the 2010 military budget — the latest approved by the cabinet. This has left the LAF largely reliant on foreign donors for their equipment, as the breakdown of the budget shows.

Israel, the region’s top military spender relative to GDP, spent 60 percent of its military budget on personnel in 2010, while arms acquisition comprised 30 percent. Neighboring Jordan, which also allocates 85 percent of its military spending to salaries, still managed to spend $1.6 billion on equipment orders between 2005 and 2008, according to a study by the Center for Strategic International Studies, a Washington-based think tank. Over the same period, Lebanon spent $90 million, mostly on spare parts and logistics.

According to the latest available information published by the Beirut-based research firm Information International in 2010, a regular soldier receives $437 per month in his first year, which increases on average $20 a month for each year of active service. A starting salary for a junior officer, such as second lieutenant, is $683, with average yearly increases of just more than $25 per month.

In 2011, parliament approved a pay increase of $76 million for the military and security forces, while in the same year military salaries, indemnities and allowances amounted to $1.64 billion, according to the Ministry of Finance. This number includes wages for the Internal Security Forces (ISF), General Security Forces and State Security Forces, though the Army received the bulk (almost 70 percent) of this money: $1.1 billion. The actual expenditure on salaries thus exceeded the budgeted salaries significantly. The 2010 budget allocated $838 million for salaries, indemnities and allowances, while in practice such costs were $1.18 billion over the period from January to November 2010 alone, according to Ministry of Finance’s wage and salary statistics.

A significant percentage of last year’s wages, $191 million (17 percent), were paid in indemnities and allowances, which also provide a social security network for soldiers’ dependents through a variety of allowances for their schooling and healthcare. These include hospital treatment expenses ($65 million), school benefits ($63 million) and illness and maternity benefits (almost $14 million).

This system has led to a ‘militarization of welfare’, say both Aram Nerguizian, an expert on the LAF and a senior associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, and Yezid Sayigh,  senior associate at the Carnegie Middle East Center.

“When you can’t give welfare to everybody, you have to distinguish between population groups to justify providing only for one group,” says Sayigh. “Here they distinguish through institutions; through the military.”

Some 500,000 people, roughly 10 percent of the Lebanese population, rely on the military hospitals, and coffers, for their healthcare, according to a general responsible for a military hospital [As Executive lacked military clearance for this article, despite numerous requests, he asked to remain anonymous]. Less than 10 percent of patients treated in military hospitals are active service members, the general explained.

The Army and the Ministry of Defense did not respond to repeated requests for comment over a three-month period.

The highlife of the officer corps

For Lebanon’s 3,400 commissioned officers, amenities include chauffeur driven cars, unlimited free fuel, free cell phones, bodyguards and follow cars for the officers and their family, according to Information International’s salary breakdown and former General Hanna. Hanna is concerned that this is not only a waste of financial capital, but also human capital, as soldiers are tasked with running errands for their superiors. “Why should soldiers be driving officers’ kids to school? How is that soldier protecting the nation?” asks general Hanna.

A Brigadier General will initially earn $1,560 monthly in wages. He also receives a housing allowance, a personal budget for military equipment such as uniforms, a rank allowance, field service indemnities and a chauffeur allowance worth $1039. In addition to this, he will receive free health care and education for his family. “The benefits are why people join, not the salary,” says Brigadier General Amine Hotait, adding that this is true for all ranks. “If they cut the benefits nobody can stay in the army.”

Benefits for officers are especially costly due to the high number of top brass (see diagram). According to the 1981 New Defense Law Lebanon is supposed to have 80 generals, yet the LAF currently has 420. In comparison, Britain has 46 for a force of 109,500, almost twice the size of Lebanon’s.

“The number has accumulated due to the need to reward combat during war time,” says another former Brigadier-General who spoke on the condition of anonymity. Hotait confirmed that the situation is illegal, but says efforts are being made to reduce the size of the officer corps by offering lucrative retirement packages.

Due to the promotional structure of the LAF, which does not have an exit policy for its employees, personnel costs are unlikely to decrease in the future. “There hasn’t been a policy of stop-gaps in promotion,” says CSIS’ Nerguizian. “There are no mechanisms to weed out the incapable officers; everybody gets a B even if they are an F student.” A European diplomat who has intensive contact with the LAF, but cannot be identified due to the sensitivity of the matter, was more explicit: “Anybody who does not commit criminal errors will be promoted; you will become a general someday.”

The New Defense Law of 1978 stipulated that the Military Council, consisting of the heads of all the departments within the Defense Ministry, should advise on all promotions. However, top appointments require political backing and approval by the Council of Ministers.

“The last five years [the Military Council] have been trying to get the number of generals down to 150, but it has been politically very divisive,” says Nerguizian. “The officers are there as clients [of political figures], and as long as they are there, you have access.”

The appointment of Jean Kahwaji as Commander of Forces (COF) in 2008, at the relatively young age of 54, was supposed to be a step in the right direction, according to the European diplomat, as it is customary for generals who are more senior than the COF to retire as they no longer stand a chance of occupying the top spot; in this case however, none of the senior generals chose to retire, added the diplomat.

Lacking arms, and aim, for the army

The high personnel costs have taken their toll on arms procurement. Since 1990, the Lebanese government has not allocated more than 1 percent of the Lebanese Defense Budget for arms procurement. As a result of this lack of funds, the LAF has been mostly reliant on equipment it acquired from militias after the civil war, as well as donations.

The United States has been the largest military aid provider since Syria withdrew in 2005; until recently it provided up to $100 million annually. France, Britain, Belgium, the United Arab Emirates and the Netherlands have also donated trucks, anti-tank missiles, helicopters and border patrol equipment.

More recently Russia and Iran have offered their own military supplies to Lebanon. Such donations are not done entirely selflessly, as the maintenance of equipment is very costly, and requires reliance on donors, especially concerning specialized equipment whose spare parts are not freely available.

“The LAF isn’t hooked,” says Sayigh from the Carnegie center, “rather it has been obliged for many years to rely on donations and perhaps this is a good thing, since it partly means that the LAF has not sought to buy high-tech, high-cost prestige items that it doesn’t really need, can’t really use, and can’t afford to maintain.

Even if the LAF had the money to spend, Lebanon still lacks a national defense strategy that stipulates what mission it should be procuring weapons for. Although the Taif accord, signed in 1989 near the end of the Lebanese Civil War, stipulates the LAF’s primary responsibility is to protect the country against Israel, this role has been usurped.

“The external threat [Israel] is taken care of by Hezbollah, they are the reason Israel fears Lebanon now,” said the former Brigadier General who asked not to be named. “However, it is a partnership with the army; they are the ‘hand’ of the army. It is a partnership of the citizens, the army and the Resistance.”

Thus the LAF has effectively been pushed into the role of guaranteeing internal security, he says, which was originally the primacy of the Internal Security Forces (ISF).

 

A new target?

The ambiguity of the LAF’s actual task further complicates the consolidation of the military’s weapons arsenal, as taking out armed groups in a civilian area requires different gear and training than defending borders to protect the country’s sovereignty. A national defense strategy, and a clearly defined role for the LAF, may yet materialize, however, given that it was among the matters up for discussion last month at the National Dialogue sessions.

“The Army executes the policy of the government, it is not the role of the army to set its own policy,” says Kahwaji of INEGMA. “The politicians have to set a national defense policy which defines the role for the LAF, when that is done, the LAF has to fulfill its mission.”

Such a policy will also allow for a clearer assessment of personnel needs and a more streamlined policy of arms acquisition. But this is only possible if the politicians will choose to fund the institution beyond providing salaries, or enforce oversight to ensure these funds are well spent.

July 3, 2012 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyLebanese Armed Forces

The LAF – In Need of a Target

by Executive Staff July 3, 2012
written by Executive Staff

Lebanon’s military spending, relative to the size of its economy, is among the highest in the world. Given this, it is only right and proper for` the Lebanese to ask: What am I getting for my tax dollars?

The skirmishes in North Lebanon recently did well to highlight what the Lebanese are not getting from their money, with the commander of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) stating that he would not deploy his forces in Tripoli until he was certain they would not have to exchange fire with gunmen in the area.

This policy of ‘soft action’ throws in doubt the image the LAF fosters for itself as a cross-confessional entity that is the single most important unifying force in the country, the ‘heart of the nation’ with no sectarian affiliation, loyal only to mother Lebanon. Were this the case, though, shouldn’t the army be able to intervene when sectarian divisions begin tearing parts of the country apart?

The Lebanese defense establishment accounts for nearly 15 percent of government expenditure. The LAF is accorded the lion’s share of the defense budget, at least 85 percent of which is spent on salaries and allowances for staff. A large part of this spending has no military application; officers enjoy extensive perks ranging from free gasoline to soldiers acting as personal drivers to take their kids to school. Meanwhile, the LAF’s own internal estimates report that it needs at least $1.3 billion for essential force development, including communication equipment, training and weapons; between 2005 and 2008 only $90 million was spent  in this regard, mostly on spare parts and logistics. This has left the army with out-dated equipment, most of which was procured through donations.

The LAF’s battle against Fatah Al Islam insurgents at Nahr El Bared Palestinian refugee camp in 2007 painfully exposed the inadequacy of the Army’s equipment, with media reports that soldiers were dropping hand grenades from helicopters. The battle could not have been won without emergency United States and Gulf military support; the LAF nearly ran out of ammunition a few weeks into the three-month conflict. In 2010 the situation was so dire that then-Minister of Defense Elias Murr appealed to civilians to contribute money into a Central Bank account to buy the army arms.

While all this suggests the LAF is underfunded, evaluating whether funds are adequate is difficult when it is unclear what the Lebanese Army is actually supposed to do. A strategic plan for the LAF is non-existent, as politicians have failed to create a National Defense Strategy to articulate its mission. The recent resumption of the National Dialogue could, potentially, solve this problem.

According to the Taif Accord, the LAF mandate is to protect Lebanon against external foes, specifically Israel, with its secondary task to support the ISF. In terms of external security, however, Hezbollah has usurped the LAF’s role, being vastly better armed and trained to face the threat over the southern border. The army has, de facto, been relegated to supporting the ISF. But when the army stands aside as Sunni and Alawite militias battle it out in the north, how effective can it be in ensuring internal security?

The reason the LAF cannot intervene is because it is staffed with Lebanese: While warring with Fatah Al Islam was an easy choice — given that the militants were largely non-Lebanese — the army is loathe to move against any sect in the country, lest the army itself begin to fracture along sectarian lines.

Thus, it would seem that the LAF’s main function is as a conduit for financial support for a large portion of the nation, a ‘militarization of welfare’ if you will. The LAF and Internal Security Forces (ISF) are some of  Lebanon’s largest employers — with the LAF employing 59,000 soldiers, while some 10 percent of the Lebanese population is reliant on military affiliation for healthcare, according to military sources, not to mention education for their children and pensions. This situation is not uncommon in the region; Jordan and Egypt are both examples where a heavy reliance on the military has entrenched loyalty to the state.

But is that what the Lebanese want their army to be?

Without a National Defense Strategy to end the ambiguity surrounding the LAF’s role in the country, there can be no progress. Only with an articulated mandate can reforms be given direction, training and equipment acquisitions made purposeful, and standards set against which the army’s competency can be measured. Then perhaps, the Lebanese will know what their money is buying, and salute the protectors of the country for their service.

July 3, 2012 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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