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Business

From Jal El Dib to Disney World?

by Ellen Hardy February 3, 2012
written by Ellen Hardy

Growing up in Jal El Dib during the civil war, Mayella Zard remembers, “everybody was crying, but I was thinking I was going to become a princess… all my focus was on my costumes and makeup.” Her enterprising parents organized theater shows to occupy and entertain neighborhood children during difficult times, to great success. Even when the war ended, the shows remained a fixture of the local community. When Zard graduated from university with a degree in business auditing and finance, she saw the potential of her childhood pleasures. With just one other staff member, she set out to professionalize the productions and expand their audiences in order to turn a profit. Eleven years later, OM2 has 35 full time staff on its payroll and an international network of freelancers who contribute to the productions, seen by tens of thousands of children in Lebanon and an increasing number across the region.

OM2 produces one or two plays every year, always on a social or educational theme: 2012’s is the environment. Productions are shown at the company’s own theater in Antelias, the Odeon, and also tour the country, visiting schools in more than 40 municipalities. OM2 has also expanded into creating tailor-made productions for corporate clients, and for voluntary associations like the Red Cross. Of the 25 or so theater companies in operation in Lebanon, estimates Zard, OM2 is one of the few producing original productions in Arabic. Her mother, Giselle, writes all the scripts, often in consultation with child psychiatrists. OM2’s large network of craftsmen and creatives is also important in putting together the scenography and costumes possible on each budget.

Building a functioning network of state and private clients took years of hard graft. When OM2 started out, Zard had neither data on her market nor a map of schools in Lebanon, so she did the rounds herself. It might have felt like she was visiting “a thousand schools a year”, but she managed to build relationships with schools and municipalities so that they would commit to the production every year. She also encouraged the wider public, sometimes through a proxy who would sell tickets for a commission. Over the years, OM2 has come to the attention of the government — one of the first productions was held in the presidential palace — and of banks and other large businesses.

International dreams

Zard estimates that OM2 entertains around 100,000 children in Lebanon each year, at 10,000 lira ($6.63) per ticket: a conservative turnover estimate of $663,000, not taking into account adult audiences, supplementary projects and productions overseas; for example, OM2 has put on productions in the Jerash festival in Jordan for the past six years. In recent years OM2 has started branching out into books related to the productions, and will soon be launching an animated TV character, Maryam, who represents OM2’s values in the live theater productions, in books and online. Recent talks have raised the possibility of franchising the company — schools in Qatar are looking to reproduce the experience for their children — making the wartime hobby for a family in Jal El Dib into a region-wide player in the big business of children’s entertainment. 

Zard still retains much of her original enthusiasm for the magic of the theater that made such an impression on her as a child. Asked what she sees ahead for her business, she focuses instantly on the quality and technology of the productions. 

“Disney World is a thing I think about,” she says. “All we need is funds, and not just thousands, millions sometimes.” And not just funds, but as many staff as the business can support. “My mum used to ask me, ‘what do you want for a gift on your birthday?’,” smiles Zard. “I used to say, one extra employee!”

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Finance

Culling the small fish

by Joe Dyke February 3, 2012
written by Joe Dyke

As you walk into Hissam Exchange in Hamra the first thing you see is the frame on the wall. Encased behind the glass is a certificate declaring that the business is permitted to trade currencies by the Lebanese government. The family company has been operating in Beirut for nearly a decade, but the room is still barely big enough for four people — working on such a small scale there is little excess.

Yet Hissam’s family business may soon be squeezed out of existence. Under new plans to be introduced by Banque du Liban (BDL), Lebanon’s central bank, even the smallest money changers (classified as Category B) will have to hold at least LL500 million ($330,000) in capital to operate, up from the current LL100 million ($66,000). Larger ones deemed Category A will have to hold LL750 million ($500,000) in capital to continue to operate, up from LL250 million ($166,000). Hissam’s brother Sakar admits that the new rules will almost certainly force them to close down. “If I had $330,000 I would not be here. I would be living up in the mountains with my family,” he jokes.

They will not be the only ones. Mahmoud Halawi, head of the Lebanese Money Changers Association (LMCA), estimates that the new regulations might put up to three quarters of their members out of business. “Out of 400 [licensed] money changers, we estimate that up to 300 could close because of feasibility — there is not enough work in Lebanon for this,” he tells Executive.

Halawi claims that the hike is aimed at forcing out smaller companies, but believes it would hurt the industry as a whole. “Even the remaining changers will not benefit because the big exchangers cannot spread out as much as small ones, so in the end we will not be covering the whole market.”

A conspicuous cull

Hissam Exchange and other legitimate businesses may be the victims of a slew of bad press brought on by a minority of exchanges taking part in money laundering activities that eventually caught the eye of international regulators and tarnished the banking sector’s image. 

The continued concern over the lack of regulation on the influx of currency from Syria was exacerbated in December when the United States Department of the Treasury highlighted the role of money changers in its allegations against the Lebanese Canadian Bank (LCB). The US federal government has now filed a suit in Manhattan Federal Court which seeks $480 million in damages from the now sold out LCB and two Beirut money changing businesses, the Hassan Ayash Exchange Co. and Ellissa Holding.

Paul Morcos, founder of the law firm, Justicia Beirut Consult, and an advisor who works closely with the BDL, is in favor of the overall plans but believes the raising of the capital limit has more to do with improving foreign relations than cracking down on fraud. 

“We are facing demands from the international community to enhance the system. Lately many exchange industries have been mentioned in American reports and that’s why the banking authorities are taking these measures; in order to show they are controlling the exchange,” he says. “The capital increase will massively restrict the establishment of exchange and negatively affect exchange business.”

Halawi has been pleading with the BDL to reconsider their plans, urging them to introduce the rules over a period of time, rather than as an instant hike. “After we discovered what the Bank was planning we sought a meeting with them and after several requests they agreed and we explained the reasons for rejecting this law,” he says. “We are asking them to decrease the capital limit and extend the time period so that the exchangers can take the plans into account and have 10 years to fulfill the requirements.” 

He believes the government’s plans will cause Lebanon’s already large illegal money changing market to grow as exchangers seek to protect their livelihoods. “In Lebanon we estimate that there are more than 2,000 unlicensed traders and they are only going to increase [if the bill is passed].” The BDL did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Not blind to the problem

There are however legitimate concerns about the industry that are also being addressed. A larger exchange dealer also in Hamra, who did not wish to be named, claimed he was glad the regulations were to be introduced as it could help rebuild the confidence of the international community. “We will survive the raise because we are well run. What really affects us is the situation in Syria and the attitude of foreigners to Lebanon. We have stopped accepting Syrian and Iranian currency already but we need more foreigners coming here and changing money.”

The move is the most recent step in the long process of attempting to rein in money laundering in Lebanon, which began with Law 318 regarding commercial banks in 2001. That law defined what constitutes money laundering in the country and established the Special Investigative Commission (SIC) within the BDL to investigate it. 

In the years since, the exchange industry has grown hugely, with larger changers now offering a diverse range of services including FX Trading and share buying, increasing the pressure to impose further regulations. In addition to a rise in capital, the new rules will force money changers to have at least one compliance officer and invest in anti-fraud software. More significantly still, they will be legally obliged to report suspicious transactions. 

Camille Barkho, manager of Amerab Business Solutions — a firm that provides advice to banks and other financial institutions about how to avoid money laundering — believes the idea that money changers are innocent victims in money laundering is ridiculous: “They know… Once they know [about fraud] they might make suggestions to the customer: ‘I cannot do that, but if you want I have a friend with certain commissions who can do it’.”

He adds that there are real concerns about the lack of control over the industry, but admits minimum captial requirements have little to do with the issue. “Let me give you an example: you can go to an exchange dealer, deposit cash in unlimited amounts, then ask for a transfer for a cheque to another country or another bank without you being identified. This is a very clean tool for money launderers.”

Yet regulating the industry will likely be a difficult business, with all the exchange dealers Executive spoke to expressing concern over the lack of information provided by the government. Halawi confirmed that the LMCA is in consultation with the BDL about establishing joint training to help firms understand the new laws and implement the changes.

Some of the industry appears to have started preparing, and Barkho has noticed an increased concern among Lebanese money changers. He claims that until two months ago Amerab had never received any work from the industry, but now money exchangers have been approaching them two to three times per week as companies struggle to comprehend the new regulations. 

First pennies on the dollar

The international pressure to act is so great that these changes may prove to be the first of many. There has also been chatter in the financial world that the government is planning to table an amendment to strengthen Law 318 later this year, with increased powers for the SIC and tougher penalties for offenders among the possible proposals. Under the current laws the SIC is only allowed to point out where institutions are failing to comply with the legislation but can do little to punish them for doing so. 

Morcos says he believes plans may be afoot to take the regulations beyond money exchangers and into other sectors. “There was a plan to control professional bodies in this regard but there are certain handicaps in trying to control non-financial bodies,” he says. “You have to be delicate not to put any handicaps on their operations, especially in terms of professional secrecy.”

Yet, as ever, there is a big difference between writing laws and implementing them. While the government appears keen to improve the laws on money laundering, whether it has the will or means to effectively enforce them remains in question. 

“We have driving laws but still when you go out and drive in Lebanon it is crazy,” Barkho says. “The Lebanese can have very well written policies on anti-money laundering but if they are not implemented, they are nothing.”

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Business

Healthy returns in an ailing society

by Rayya Salem February 3, 2012
written by Rayya Salem

Despite billions of petrodollars spent on healthcare in Saudi Arabia, the kingdom’s targets for healthcare service have not been met in recent years. With the government’s push to include more private investment in the field, and Saudi Arabia’s burgeoning demand for medical services in a country that has high rates of diabetes and other ‘lifestyle’ diseases, the kingdom may have the potential to offer the highest returns in the Gulf Cooperation Council to those who can build and operate cost-effective hospitals and medical networks. Thus, models are now emerging in this market — traditionally seen as almost impenetrable — that many are suggesting will offer substantial returns for investors without skimping on quality healthcare.

“Any successful [private healthcare] project which is looking to expand across the GCC should consider a joint venture approach with an experienced partner on the ground,” wrote Mohammed al-Qahtany, chief executive officer, Al Aman Investment of Kuwait, in a 2009 report by Ithmar Capital titled ‘Meeting the GCC Healthcare Challenge 2050’. “This ensures both local support and at the same time enables the project to benefit from the accumulated experience of the organization as a whole. Joint ventures have a successful track record, and this is the way to move forward.” It seems some major investors took notice. 

The doctor strikes a deal

Dr. Sultan Bahabri founded and served as CEO of the 894-bed King Faisal Specialist Hospital in Riyadh; now as chairman of the Riyadh-based Ebram Investments, he has formed a joint venture with the new Beirut-based Rizk Red House Healthcare (RRHH) to develop a chain of 10 specialty hospitals throughout different cities in Saudi Arabia over the next eight to 10 years. The $1.35 billion project was announced in December 2011 after Red House chairman Mazen Beaini, and Bahabri, decided on a strategic vision that would require exceptional medical operating experience. Beaini then looked to Sami Rizk, the former general manager of Ashrafieh’s Rizk Hospital, as the man for the job, and RRHH was formed as a partnership. It is not hard to see why the trio has come together. 

The Saudi government has long planned to transition healthcare from the public to private sector. However, it has been slow to do so and continues to buoy the majority of the industry, as most estimates put government expenditure at more than two-thirds of total healthcare spending. As part of a plan to increase the profile of healthcare in the country, the government announced that an extra-budgetary spending of $18 billion will be allocated to healthcare and social services under a five year plan, begun last May. As part of the initiative, 120 healthcare centers and hospitals will be built and four expanded. 

To reach the target of 3.5 hospital beds per 1000 people by 2014, the kingdom will need to add more than 41,600 beds to its total of 55,000, as of last year. But so far the private sector has been hesitant to make bold moves, as the nature of the capital-intensive industry requires many years before significant returns are seen. 

Bahabri points out that returns for healthcare providers are around 6 to 8 percent worldwide, “but in our region it is about 10 to 12 percent.” In the last three years, he says, some private groups have seen returns of 22 to 25 percent, mainly because governments started to buy those services, a trend that will likely continue. Globally, revenue streams are differentiated according to each medical specialty. For example, diagnostic centers tend to provide exceptionally high returns compared to other domains. “Some specialties make [profit] after three years of operation; [for] some it takes eight years to make money back,” says Rizk.

Saudi Arabia’s health ministry still owns and operates more than 60 percent of hospital beds in the kingdom, but even so, a recent report by management consultants Booz & Co noted that: “many private companies are either majority owned by the government or have government officials on their board in the GCC — private investors will be wary of going head-to-head with such companies.” 

Another reason private sector investment has not surged is because regulation is nascent, with the government announcing in 2010 that it would set up an authority to track private facilities.

Lifting the lid

In March of 2011, King Abdullah issued a number of royal decrees to encourage foreign private investment in healthcare, in which the cap on loans to private hospitals rose from SR50 million ($13.3 million) to SR200 million ($53.3 million).

In fact, though both Ebram and Red House had been doing their own independent research on the Saudi healthcare market, it was not until King Abdullah’s initiatives were announced that the two got in touch. “As a Lebanese company headquartered in Beirut, we were motivated because of the foreign investment incentive,” said Beaini. “Now we have access to government authorities and groups like [Saudi] social security which has billions to invest.”

Mandatory healthcare insurance, which has been an obligation for the private sector since 2009, “will ultimately apply to all Saudi national employees as well,” according to a report on the Saudi healthcare industry by the National Commercial Bank, one of the country’s largest lenders. As of today, an estimated 20 to 30 percent of Saudis have voluntary health insurance according to Bahabri.

As such, the joint venture plans to construct hospitals in cities like Riyadh, Jeddah, Khobar and other areas outside major population centers. “Al Kharj, close to Riyadh, doesn’t even have one [civilian] hospital. All these areas already have infrastructure so we don’t need to build,” says Beaini, who insists that people should not have to come to Riyadh and Jeddah for quality care. Already, real estate consultants Colliers International have completed a feasibility study for the first hospital in Riyadh in November 2011 and will decide with Ebram what the specialty will be in each area where hospitals are planned.

Getting the money

The joint venture between Ebram and RRHH has adopted a fund-like procedure modeled on private equity but with the option to use other structures to raise 70 percent of the $1.35 billion cost not covered by government loans. Thirty percent of the $1.35 billion cost will be covered by soft loans that can be paid back with interest over 20 years, with a plan to go public down the line.

Till now, the joint venture has raised the seed capital, which covers 55 percent of required equity, and will officially launch a road show in the second quarter of this year to raise the rest of the money, mostly from international healthcare funds and operators. “We prefer institutional investors since we have worked with them before in our other projects,” says Bahabri, adding that they may approach investment banks as well. Funds will start to be deployed by the first half of this year.

So far, international healthcare operators have shown eagerness to invest, and cover the remaining equity in exchange for long-term (20 to 30 year) contracts as facility operators. “We have European, Canadian, Indian, all the big players in the healthcare sector,” says Beaini. “We have [even] been approached by Spanish contractors trying to get into partnership. If they have a proven track record in healthcare, this could be an added value for us.” 

Since most Saudis who seek care abroad end up in Germany, Britain, Thailand and India, it would make sense that potential operators will be found there, according to Booz & Co. Treatment in oncology, neurology, orthopedics and cardiology centers are most sought by Saudi patients abroad, the firm adds. 

Costs and returns

The time is ripe for such a healthcare venture in the KSA market, according to Bahabri, given the supply shortfall and the interest that will be drawn from the financial sector due to the innate financial setup. He says, “In KSA, we have a very healthy market for Initial Public Offerings (IPOs). We have [around] 20 health insurance companies listed and only one listed healthcare company on stock exchange [Al Mouwasat Medical Services], which is the opposite of the global reality,” where listed healthcare providers outnumber insurance companies. The planned IPO could pave the way for a more mature healthcare market. “The authorities are… encouraging us and other healthcare companies to go public because it’s low-risk and it suits pension funds and other funds that would like long-term sustainable income,” says Bahabri. The potential already exists due to rising rates of diseases like diabetes and the onset of an ageing population, as well as the penetration of supportive industries like health insurance. 

While $300 million has been marked for land acquisition (locations of the first hospital will be chosen in the coming few months), about $1 billion will be spent on design and construction (each hospital may have up to four surrounding speciality centers); equipment will most likely be leased.

Since medical equipment and technology must be imported, traditionally it has been a tricky piece of the pie for new private players who seek to provide healthcare in the GCC. But Bahabri says he has a plan to bypass those expenses: “We are going to change the rules of the game in a very conservative industry. If we are not going to be innovative, we will not be in it. You don’t have to own your CT-scan anymore. You don’t even have to lease it. You can share revenue with the provider and that would improve your margins.”

By comparison, each 300-bed hospital will cost around SR500 million ($133.3 million) as compared to the $70 million cost of the 300-bed Jeddah East Hospital under construction, a project of the Saudi Ministry of Health. “In the United States $450,000 to $500,000 is the standard cost per bed when developing a hospital, including construction, equipment and land,” says Rizk. “We are spending $450,000 per bed [including construction, equipment and land] but we are financing it differently.” 

Operations strategies

Unlike other development schemes, when building hospitals it is crucial that the operator and contractor are in sync from the design phase so as to coordinate patient flow based on what kind of specialty the hospital will serve, according to Rizk. 

Ebram Medical, which is legally designed as a public company, will have a board and audit committee, and will operate the hospitals but will form strategic alliances with international operators, hinting that Asian models from Thailand, Malaysia and India are preferred over Western operators due to cost-efficiency. “The challenge is not to build, it is how to operate… the investment part is easy, it is the operations and services that are hard,” says Bahabri.

Using a more sophisticated version of a cost-effective model already in place in the region, the group plans to bring in American doctors for 15 days every 3 months and schedule operations during the strategic interval. But costs will have to be kept close to the standards of the kingdom. “Today, open heart surgery in KSA is around 40,000 Saudi Riyals ($10,600) as opposed to $40,000 in [the] US,” cited Bahabri.

In 2010, KSA was already exhibiting higher prices in private hospitals as both the inpatient and outpatient visits are estimated to have increased by 5 percent and 8 percent that year, respectively, according to the National Commercial Bank’s report on Saudi Health Care published in July 2011. 

Issues and concerns

“Our strategy is ‘what not to do,’” says Bahabri. Certainly, it is not to imitate models of medical pinnacles like the Mayo Clinic in Minnesota, but instead to focus on delivery of a specific area of medicine and only provide post-hospital care in later phases after secondary care is established. Hospitals would be run like a network with “specific disease-based centers” surrounding them, according to Bahabri, which will collaborate with other research centers.

“For each disease you need a hospital, which has been the trend in last 10 years, and each facility will have a different strategy,” he says.

In addition to high expectations from demanding healthcare recipients and the cost of importing medical equipment, Saudi Arabia faces a shortage of local talent in terms of medical staff and will need to attract foreigners to fill the gap.

Though more than 100 nationalities work as physicians in KSA, Saudi doctors are preferred, according to Bahabri, who also points out that Philipino nurses are on their radar, as they have a well-established and respected history in the kingdom. To integrate the pool of medical experts, the hospitals will have their own training programs. In parallel, the government is trying to increase the number of Saudi physicians. In December 2010, Saudi Arabia‘s Education Minister announced plans to build medical colleges and hospitals at all 24 government universities in the country.

There is competition from other well-established players that have expanded in recent years, like Magrabi Hospitals and Centers, and Saudi German Hospitals Group, though no new major players have emerged in last 10 years and Bahabri says the joint venture’s focus on disease-based centers will differentiate its market.

Gulfward bound

RRHH — a Lebanese company based in Beirut — aspires to distribute their know-how in management, operations, design and construction, with a focus on the GCC across the Middle East and North Africa.

 Though there were 68 hospitals in the United Arab Emirates in January 2011, bed demand will more than double to about 165,000 and treatment demand will rise by 240 percent by 2015, according to a January 2011 report by the Italian Trade Commission. Healthcare costs in the Emirates could multiply by a factor of five to $60 billion. So far, however, billions of healthcare dollars are being spent outside the country, a major loss of revenue. The most recent figures from the Abu Dhabi Chamber of Commerce notes that UAE residents spent $2 billion on treatment abroad in 2009, though the government has a stated policy of encouraging private investment in order to supply its domestic medical needs. 

Centers for diabetes are particularly in short supply, with the International Diabetes Foundation noting that the GCC spends $5.5 billion a year on prevention and treatment of diabetes, accounting for 14 percent of its total health expenditure.

Lebanese companies may reap great benefits due to their long history of accredited medical institutions relative to the GCC, says Rizk: “The GCC respects Lebanese know-how in healthcare, we are renowned for it.”

Citing the potential of healthcare tourism in Jordan and Tunisia, Rizk stresses that the strategy must be patient-centered in the new healthcare era, where the type of design prioritizes cost-efficiency. As for markets in short supply of modern medical services, RRHH aims to expand beyond the conservative model of sticking to construction, design, and equipment placement, with plans to develop a strong network of services, management, healthcare tourism, maintenance, facilities management, biomedical engineering and talent management. 

“Our quality is because of the culture and this is what we will export,” says Rizk.

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Real Estate

Big is getting bigger

by Rayya Salem February 3, 2012
written by Rayya Salem

Increased competition in the retail sector has ushered in a new era, whereby malls have become the major players, as exhibited by the increased demand for space and rising rental prices. But there is little doubt that upcoming malls will irrevocably change the rules of the game in terms of operations, services, rents and fees. The price of doing business is definitely on the up. 

“The cost of construction [has] reached peak levels, leading shop rents to the highest point ever and newcomers [malls] are modifying their prices,” said Michel Abchee, chief executive officer and chairman of ADMIC, the builder of City Mall in Dora and parent company of retailers BHV and Monoprix. 

Already, Beirut is home to the third most expensive retail rents among 13 cities in the Middle East, according to a September 2011 survey by property consultants Cushman & Wakefield. Beirut’s retail stood out as the only city in the region where retail rents in general increased, while the report zoned in on ABC Ashrafieh’s retail rents, which increased by 33.3 percent over the year ending June 2011. But it was a report released in the second quarter of 2011 by Ramco Real Estate Advisors (RREA) that exposed the trend of steady rises in mall rents, while pointing out that surrounding retail areas outside of the mall had stabilized. 

Considering the added pressure of new supply and the impact of a seemingly impending wage hike, local retailers will have to play it smart if they are to compete with large retail groups and international stores.

In with the new

Despite several established retail areas, some believe that supply is still limited. According to RREA, 95 percent of retail space in Hamra, Verdun, Ashrafieh and Gemmayze was occupied, as of July 2011. New mall operators will likely look to fill much-needed supply in areas outside the capital. Hazmieh will be home to Lebanon’s largest mall as Dubai-based mall developer, Majid Al Futtaim Properties, will deliver 60,000 square meters (sqm) of Gross Leasable Area (GLA) when the Beirut City Center opens this year, which will include more than 200 shops. 

Acres Development, a subsidiary of the retail group Azadea, will deliver its third installation of the Le Mall brand with a new mall in Dbayeh, which they intend to open in August. Although the Dbayeh building offers 25,000 sqm of GLA, more than double that of the existing Sin El Fil location, it is already sold out of retail space “even for a stand,” according to a representative at Acres. The mall is aiming for high foot traffic by the inclusion of attractions such as an eight-screen movie complex, along with two floors of food and beverage outlets. It has also been successful in luring new entrants to the Lebanese market. Several European and American brands have taken up the largest swaths of retail space; international apparel giants Decathalon and The Gap have both booked sizable space at 3,000 sqm and 900 sqm respectively. 

Go big or go home

Although tourism fell 23.6 percent last year compared to record numbers in 2010, according to the tourism ministry, tax-free purchases by tourists actually grew by 10 percent for the year, according to Global Blue, the reimbursement firm, although that was lower than the 21 percent growth recorded in 2010. However, if tourism numbers continue to fall and the retail market is flooded with more malls, it will likely force retailers to improve their services, and offer better prices. More than ever, increasing competition will push out low performers to make room for newer or international brands. “At renewal time, some [tenants] are asked to leave because there’s a waiting list… and malls want to improve their tenant mix,” said Abchee. 

According to the owners and managers of the Verdun 730 and 732 retail buildings, Aliamad Group, ground floor retail space always has a waiting list of around 10 companies with rents starting at around $700 per square meter. While each mall caters to a different category of shopper in various geographical areas, whether retail rents will stabilize across the board as new supply enters the market is something that only time can tell. But according to Abchee one thing is certain: “Those who are not client-oriented will fade out and lose their market share.”

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Society

Foam and fortune

by Ellen Hardy February 3, 2012
written by Ellen Hardy

If you fancy an evening of Lebanese food, implores Karim Haïdar, do not book a table at his newly opened restaurant, Zabad. 

“Please,” he says, “go to Karam [Al Bahr, a close neighbor at the Zaitunay Bay restaurant complex], because if you come here you’ll be disappointed.” Given Zabad’s tagline “Lebanese Cuisine by Karim Haïdar”, this might seem counterintuitive. But it is a serious attempt to prepare his audience for what many will see as an unorthodox dining experience. 

A traditional Lebanese table invariably calls for blizzards of mezze, steaming mountains of main dishes, pagodas of fresh fruit and platters of sweetmeats — even if half of it gets thrown away. But at Zabad, you will consume a finely-orchestrated procession of seven small savoury dishes and two sweet, from a set tasting menu that changes every few days and name-checks a raft of well-known Lebanese ingredients — tahini, moghrabiyyé, kafta — while presenting them in unheard of forms and flavors.

 

Food as art

A dollop of chickpea “espuma”, a scoop of moghrabiyyé with cheese foam, a single square-cut chip with a slick of basil coulis — this is Haïdar’s interpretation of Lebanese cuisine in the modernist tradition. Sometimes known (and maligned) as “molecular gastronomy”, this precise, experimental and technical style of cookery has been obsessing the greatest chefs around the world for the past decade, and has influenced a whole generation of restaurateurs. 

Names like Ferran Adrià, Thomas Keller, Heston Blumenthal and Grant Achatz have dominated the scene, with Adrià’s three Michelin starred restaurant elBulli, situated on the northern coast of Spain, and its mythical 35-course dinners making it to the number one spot of Restaurant Magazine’s annual “Best Restaurant” rankings a record five times. But despite the two million requests it received for tables every year, elBulli closed in summer 2011 due to massive financial loss, and is due to reopen in 2014 as a culinary research and education center.

Modernist kitchens have often been compared to laboratories — they rely on sophisticated cooking methods, intricate equipment and a lot of highly-trained manpower to achieve dishes that bear little relation to anyone’s idea of a square meal. Adrià and his ilk’s repertoire of foamed, frozen, deconstructed and reconstituted ingredients have become bywords for a scientific complexity that has nevertheless become popularized to the extent that Adrià created Texturas, his line of products for home kitchens. 

Alginate for spherification (“the controlled gelification of a liquid which, submerged in a bath, forms spheres”), lyophilized (freeze dried) fruits and anti-humidity tablets are all on the menu — at a cost. A “mini-spherification kit” will set you back around £85 ($130) from Harvey Nichols in London, and if you want to purchase a cookbook, ‘Modernist Cuisine’, created by former Microsoft chief technology officer Nathan Myhrvold with a team of 20 staff over five years, it comes in at six volumes, 2,400 pages, 1,500 recipes and a $625 list price. This is fine dining taking itself extremely seriously.

 

Shy tongues for modernism

Beirut is still in the early stages of acquaintance with modernist wizardry, but there are a number of the famous sous-vide machines (long, slow cooking in a plastic vacuum) in operation in kitchens around the capital, and some restaurateurs are taking the idea further. Badeeh Abla is the founder of beirutrestaurants.com, creative director of Nobrand agency and a self-confessed “gourmet and gourmand” who has created a private kitchen in his Gemmayzeh mansion dedicated to hosting top international chefs and “putting Beirut on the culinary map.” 

In September last year, he hosted a team of chefs from elBulli for three nights, investing $85,000 in equipping his kitchen with everything from obscure herbs to a $4,000 Pacojet machine, which purees frozen ingredients. The event, at $350 a head, was booked out, but Abla barely broke even. He says wryly “I really understand why elBulli [did] not make money… It’s a lab, it’s a show.” 

One of Nobrand’s former clients, chef Dory Masri, has ample reason to agree with Abla’s assessment. After rising through the ranks in London to work with celebrity chefs like Gordon Ramsay and Angela Hartnett, he returned to Lebanon in 2011 to invest $400,000 with two friends in opening La Manche on Pasteur Street, offering exclusively modernist dishes. 

With a menu listing sea bass with pink grapefruit foam, carbonated mashed potato, deconstructed peanut butter sandwiches and liquid nitrogen frozen kiwi lollipops, Masri’s influences and ambitions were clear. The project lasted eight months. 

“The only interest I had was from chefs, to be honest, and restaurant owners,” says Masri, who regrets his assessment of the market and location (being located in Downtown, he suspects, would have helped). Importing pigeon breasts and bringing in alginate and other substances by DHL courier pushed the price of a single dish up to as much as $65, earning La Manche a reputation as unfeasibly expensive. He was also frustrated by the reception of his ideas by his audience, characterized by suspicion of the unknown. 

“Lebanon is a very hard market to deal with. You go for a soft poached egg and people tell you: ‘It’s nayyeh [uncooked], you can’t serve that…’” says Masri. 

His passion for the modernist approach suffered an early casualty in regards to marketing with the PR company Grey, who “didn’t have a clue about it. Their presentation was like another McDonald’s.” 

As an unknown chef in Beirut and with no knowledge of the market, he now says ruefully that his advice to other chefs contemplating a similar move would be to “be very careful. Market it big time.” Given the chance again, he would “start with what the market needs, establish my name and then do it [with] a menu of 60-70 percent molecular and 30 percent other stuff.”

Is there a genuine market for modernist cuisine in Beirut? “Yeah, like 12 people,” says Abla. At his elBulli event, “I’m sure 40 percent of those people didn’t know what they were eating.” And he is cautious about the potential for growth, pointing to the high cost and small portions associated with this approach. “[Beirut] will never be ready for such a cuisine,” he says. “It [modernist cooking] came late to Beirut.”

 If a chef is really passionate about his art, perhaps he should look to Burgundy restaurant, whose more traditional à la carte menu and focus on a quality wine list give their Canadian chef freedom to experiment with acidulated cucumbers and foie gras with curry. Restaurants that do not succeed will lose in the region of $50,000 a month in running costs, Abla estimates. Even popular restaurants rely on franchising to grow their business. For modernist restaurants in Beirut, he says “it is a risk and I don’t know how they can pull it [off].”

 

Culinary for love

Haïdar will be hoping he can prove the naysayers wrong. A Lebanese restaurateur based in Paris since 1985, with successful operations Point Bulles, L’Enclume des Bulles and La Branche d’Olivier to his name, he opened Zabad at Zaitunay Bay in late December, his first venture in his home town. “I don’t want to change Lebanese cuisine,” he insists, citing the variety found within French cookery. “I want to add to it… it’s for people who are interested in this new dining experience.” Moghrabiyyé, for example, “in Lebanon is made only one way… with cinnamon and caraway, with chickpeas and with red onions. We are serving it with saffron as a spice, totally changed, and a foam of cheese.” Instead of Arak in a glass, you’ll find it in a palate-cleansing granita between the savoury and sweet courses.

Haïdar has invested, he estimates, 50 percent more in his kitchen than he would otherwise have done to acquire the requisite Pacojet, siphons for injecting liquid fillings, a sous-vide machine and a thermoplongeur for achieving exact temperatures. But although he’s “very scared” about the prospect of failure, he says he makes significant savings on wastage and labor. And he is prepared to listen to his customers. He has already had “good” and “horrible” feedback, but “of course I’m not coming to make the restaurant that they love to eat in, because Lebanon is full of that,” says Haïdar. “I’m not coming just to make money and fill my restaurant and make whatever people want. So I’m making what I want them to eat, but I want to listen to them, to understand what they really feel about it.”

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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A man of change?

by Peter Speetjens February 3, 2012
written by Peter Speetjens

King Abdullah of Jordan continues to rule in all shapes and sizes. The country is filled with images of Abdullah as a pilot, student, family man and Bedouin. In Amman, there is even one poster of him cheering in a football jersey next to the smiling face of Ronaldo. The message is clear. King Abdullah is like a father to all his subjects. He also remains a trusted friend of the West that continues to portray him as a man of change. Surprisingly, Abdullah’s talk of reform since his ascendency to the throne in 1999 has actually manifested very little. 

Politically, the constitutional reforms suggested last summer were disappointingly meager, as they hardly limit the king’s powers and still await parliamentary approval this spring. The same is true for the new election law — no one expects a fundamental change. Abdullah’s support base in the sparsely populated tribal and rural areas is likely to continue to dominate over the densely populated and predominantly Palestinian urban areas. Economically, Jordan under Abdullah’s reign has increasingly adopted a free market ideology. Yet, while the country has shown a healthy gross domestic product growth rate in recent years, most observers agree that the increase in wealth has not been evenly distributed, while corruption has been gradually on the rise. On the 2011 Corruption Perceptions Index issued by Transparency International, Jordan ranked 56th out of a total 183 countries. In 2004, the kingdom ranked 37th.

As Jordan’s reputation was fading, something needed to be done. Consequently, the Anti-Corruption Law (ACL) was passed in 2006, which shortly after gave birth to the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). Admittedly, the ACC has since uncovered a series of major scandals: in 2010 four suspects were sentenced to three years behind bars for paying $18 million in bribes with the aim to obtain a multi-billion dollar contract to expand the country’s one and only oil refinery. They included an ex-minister, a former adviser to the prime minister and a billionaire with, reportedly, good contacts at the royal court.

The ACC is currently investigating the wrongdoings in a major affordable homes building scheme that allegedly involves a former Minister of Housing. Mawared, a property development firm with close ties to the military, is also under investigation.

Still, it remains to be seen if Jordan is serious about fighting corruption, especially since King Abdullah last year replaced Prime Minister Sami Rifai with Maroun Bakhit. It was a decision that raised quite some eyebrows, as Bakhit in a previous stint at the helm supervised the most tainted elections in Jordan’s history in addition to the “Casinogate” scandal.

In 2007, former Tourism Minister Osama Dabbas signed a contract with an Iraqi investor to build a casino on the Dead Sea coast. Within a week however, the Bakhit government changed its mind, even though the investor in that case was contractually entitled to damages worth some $2 billion. The case was eventually settled out of court.

As soon as his second coming was a reality, Bakhit referred Casinogate to the ACC. He had little choice, as he had vowed “to open all corruption files with transparency and with no exceptions” and “there will be no immunity for an official, no closed files and no protection for the corrupt.” In reality, the former general set out to do the exact opposite. Based on recommendations by the ACC, Jordan's parliament managed to obtain the required two-third majority to prosecute Dabbas, but not Bakhit. The latter went on to amend the ACL by adding Article 23, which penalizes an accusation of corruption “on false grounds” with a fine of up to $86,000, which seems to have but one goal: to stop the media from meddling in potentially embarrassing affairs and keep the decision to investigate corruption cases firmly in the hands of the establishment. Shortly after, Bakhit was replaced by Awn Shawkat al-Khasawneh, King Abdullah’s 9th premier in 12 years. Looking back at those 12 years, one cannot but conclude that very little of the promised reform has actually materialized.

There is one exception: the streets of Amman are increasingly adorned with the images of Abdullah’s son Hussein — there is little Hussein serious in a suit, little Hussein smiling in a shirt and little Hussein complete with Bedouin scarf watering an olive tree. Thanks to this most salient successful policy change of his father, one can only imagine the day young Hussein himself ascends to the throne, heralded by the horns of reform and bearing the mantle of a better tomorrow that looks surprisingly similar to yesterday.

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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After the brinkmanship

by Gareth Smith February 3, 2012
written by Gareth Smith

The failure of Iran and the United States to negotiate risks all out conflict. Western advocates of sanctions against Tehran argue they will pressure the Iranian people to lean on their government to abandon its nuclear program. “Intelligence sources” are claiming that covert operations can do the same.

Many Iranians question this belief. Farideh Farhi of the University of Hawaii noted that the latest murder of an Iranian nuclear scientist, Mostafa Ahmadi-Roshan, was followed by the plastering of his picture throughout the Iranian media “with his adorable young son, both sweetly gazing at the camera.” She continued: “The picture went viral and, with it, a rather explicit message: America, Britain, and Israel… have killed a father and orphaned a son. It must have been pure fortuity for Tehran that, on the same day, a video of American marines urinating on dead Afghan bodies also took the internet by storm.” The notion that sanctions and covert operations will turn Iran’s leaders rests on some analysis of their psychology and political thinking. But is it right?

Iranian politics is factional. When I lived in Tehran from 2003 to 2007, there was a leadership group of around six to eight people, reflecting the balance of factions within the political class that weighed up important decisions. Within the group, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was pre-eminent as the rahbar (‘leader’) but he was no simple autocrat. 

When he succeeded Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1989, he lacked his predecessor’s religious pre-eminence and stature as leader of the 1979 revolution. Partly as a consequence, Khamenei rarely led from the front, preferring to wait for consensus or balance to emerge within the leadership. 

True, Khamenei often sided with Iran’s conservatives. In the 1997 presidential poll, he barely hid his support for Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri and when reformist Mohammad Khatami won, Khamenei allowed conservatives to undermine him, especially through the judiciary.  But in 2005, he instructed the Guardian Council, a constitutional watchdog, to reinstate two reformists in the presidential election. And in March 2006, he publicly backed talks with the US regarding Iraq, despite strong objections from fundamentalists aired in the media, including by Hussein Shariatmadari, editor of Kayhan newspaper, who wrote two stinging editorials describing talks with the US as a “trap”. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s election in 2005 capped a rightward shift in Iranian politics and the new president, endorsed by a landslide, elevated the nuclear program from a state policy to a popular campaign. Slowly, the balance in the leadership had moved in favor of a more assertive — or, as Washington would see it, defiant — foreign policy, and Ayatollah Khamenei moved with it. 

When the reformists took to the streets after Ahmadinejad’s disputed re-election in 2009, it was clear that Washington’s political class was wary of the “engagement” promised by Barack Obama when elected the year before. 

And like Khamenei, Obama has shown little inclination to lead from the front. Whilst it is true that by recently postponing joint military maneuvers scheduled for April he signaled to Israel not to take for granted US support for a military attack, he has seized on tighter sanctions as a ‘cost free’ alternative to force, as a way to buy time and assuage domestic and international critics. Khamenei knows sanctions are cutting deeper as they have focused on Iran’s central bank and oil imports. Tehran enjoys some leeway due to high oil prices, but this could diminish as China, South Korea and India scale back purchases, or perhaps, in the case of Beijing, use the situation to drive down prices.

Diplomacy barely exists. The P5+1, the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council plus Germany, is an unwieldy negotiator led by Catherine Ashton, whose main diplomatic experience appears to have been negotiating the Lisbon treaty through the British upper chamber, the House of Lords. On the Iranian side, Saaed Jalili, secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, lacks the worldliness of predecessors like Hassan Rouhani or Ali Larijani.

If Obama and Khamenei really wanted to talk, they could dispatch serious and trusted people to meet, ideally in secret, in Norway or a South Sea island. But that is where domestic calculations come into play. For all their bluster, neither Obama nor Khamenei are ready for the risks. The outcome is a dangerous drift. And looming US presidential elections this year and parliamentary elections in Iran next year will give plenty of room for advocates of confrontation to make the running.

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Dilapidation and deficit

by Paul Cochrane February 3, 2012
written by Paul Cochrane

My fiancé and I recently decided that we’d had enough — the grinding traffic gridlocks, the high-and-rising rent, the ever present noise of construction and the near complete lack of public green space in Beirut were daily agitations we could no longer bear. Our move — to a house with a large garden and mountain views 10 kilometers above Jbeil — was possible, we reasoned, given that we are both able to work remotely, via the Internet.     

That was the theory anyway. In reality the infrastructure in our area provided for no functioning Internet network, and so we had to purchase an illegal, snail-speed connection. The other shock was regarding electricity, with power cuts vastly more pervasive than in Beirut, meaning we had to shell out for a UPS system for uninterrupted power — a viable solution but with obvious annoyances. All this made us tangibly aware that while the current government has spoken a great deal about reform — and indeed some progress has been made in the telecommunications sector — Lebanon still has a long way to go. Phone costs here are still among the highest in the world, and while Internet connectivity and pricing has improved — albeit not nearly as much as was promised by the telecommunications minister in October — for much of the country Internet speeds have gone from a snail’s pace to the velocity of a snail after a few energy drinks. Cheap telecommunications and fast Internet are economic essentials in this so-called ‘global village’ we live; when dealings with the rest of the world are fast and efficient, business is invariably stimulated. Jobs are already being created in call centers and related services that tap Lebanon’s skilled and multi-lingual labor force. Better telecommunications would also relieve some of the strain on Beirut as, in principle, more people would be able to work from home or at businesses outside the capital. As it stands, my own move to the countryside will have to be part-time — today’s journalists require high-speed Internet, and for that I will be forced to keep my office in the city and become another commuter clogging Beirut’s traffic arteries. 

Successive governments have pledged to promote more equitable development throughout Lebanon, which would require investment in public infrastructure such as telecommunications, electricity, roads and so forth. This investment has not materialized, with the consequence for the northern regions being unemployment by far the highest in the nation, while constituting 46 percent of the poor in the country according to the United Nations. The lack of viable growth areas outside the capital has also concentrated the country’s economic expansion in and around the capital, with 400,000-odd vehicles entering the capital everyday according to air quality researchers, gardens being paved over for car parks, and open spaces disappearing under new tower blocks, among other stressors that have reached such a pitch in recent years that the city is becoming unlivable. Aside from killing productivity and fraying nerves, the increased traffic is also destroying people’s health: recent studies have shown that Beirutis are at high risk of almost constantly inhaling hazardous particulates, mostly from cars. Further statistics highlight the rampant urbanization: some 80 percent of Lebanese live in urban areas and there are an estimated 18,000 people per square kilometer in some areas of Beirut such as Nabaa and Dahyeh— an urban density higher than that of Shanghai or Beijing. 

It is apparent that our policy makers are quickly losing the luxury of inaction on public service reforms — the infrastructure that is meant to prop up the country is teetering under dilapidation and deficit, placing pressure on Beirut that has become unsustainable. 

Despite the inconveniences my fiancé and I have faced since leaving the city, the move could not have been more timely. The five-story building that collapsed in Beirut’s Fassouh district last month, killing 27 people, was the building my fiancé had lived in until just two weeks prior to the tragedy. If we had not moved when we had… well, I would rather not contemplate that possibility. Preliminary investigations indicate the building’s decrepit structure gave way after sustained heavy rains — a grim reminder of how, when neglected, eroding foundations eventually crumble.

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Resources in conflict

by Nicholas Blanford February 3, 2012
written by Nicholas Blanford

The discovery of vast oil and gas reserves under the eastern Mediterranean seabed presents a new set of security problems in one of the most volatile corners of the world. Among them is the issue of divided Cyprus: the Turkish Republic of Cyprus has already warned its Greek competitor not to begin drilling for oil and gas before the unity of the island is resolved. But it is the potential dispute between Lebanon and Israel that has drawn most international attention — and apprehension.

Israel has moved much more quickly than Lebanon in tapping its potential oil and gas wealth, parceling up some 9,600 square kilometers off its northern coastline in a series of licensed exploration blocks. However, the problem lies in the differences between the proposed boundary lines marking the extent of the Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) — the area a state can claim for resource purposes — of Lebanon and Israel. Israel’s proposed line begins 17 kilometers north of the point proposed by Lebanon. In effect, this has left a disputed zone of approximately 854 square kilometers. 

Resolving the dispute has reached an impasse for now. The United Nations, which regularly mediates disagreements between rival EEZ claims, is the best choice for mediating a solution. But Israel insists that any negotiations should be expanded to cover the Lebanon-Israel land border as well, clearly a non-starter for Beirut.

The lack of a negotiated solution has left both sides mulling the security implications. A little over a year ago, Israel drew up a maritime security plan costing between $40 million and $70 million to defend its oil and gas interests. Last month, the Israeli navy announced that its flotilla of missile boats will be responsible for protecting oil and gas rigs.

Of particular concern to Israel is the weaponry now available to Hezbollah and Syria which could inflict significant damage to offshore oil and gas infrastructure.

Hezbollah’s military component includes an amphibious warfare unit with cadres trained in underwater demolitions and seaborne insertions. It could be equated to, if you like, the United States Navy SEALs. 

Details about the unit are vague. It is equipped with Zodiac inflatable boats and probably has access to some of the specialized vessels produced by Iran. They include torpedo-armed submersible or semi-submersible boats and swimmer dispersal vehicles, which are underwater torpedo-shaped vessels that transport frogmen to a target.

Israeli’s major worry, though, comes from the anti-ship missiles in the arsenals of Hezbollah and Syria, like the Noor cruise missile used on the third day of the 2006 war which disabled the INS Hanit, one of the Israeli navy’s top warships. The Noor is an Iranian reverse-engineered version of the Chinese C-802 missile. Until then, no one had imagined that Hezbollah had acquired anti-ship missiles.

Since the 2006 war, Hezbollah is believed to have received larger quantities of Noor missiles as well as more advanced systems. One of them, possibly, is the Raad, an improved Iranian version of the Chinese HY-2 Silkworm. The Raad can carry a 320 kilogram shaped-charge warhead for a distance of more than 350 kilometers. That means Hezbollah could fire a Raad from Ouzai at the southern end of Beirut and strike Israeli naval vessels as far south as off the coast of Gaza. Israel’s oil and gas rigs lie beyond Israel’s territorial waters but within its “economic waters”. That places them within range of the smaller Noor, let alone the Raad. 

The latest potential addition is the Russian P-800 Yakhont supersonic anti-ship cruise missile. In November, Russia delivered two Bastion coastal missile systems to Syria, with a total of 72 Yakhont missiles. The range and warhead size are similar to the Raad, but the Yakhont is three times as fast and has a superior guidance system. Its speed — twice the speed of sound — and sea-skimming approach make it very difficult to defeat. Syria showed off its new missiles in a series of military exercises in December.

Economic interests will probably ensure that both Lebanon and Israel will move to exploit oil and gas resources in the uncontested stretches of their respective EEZs, avoiding the disputed zone and aggressive moves for now. But if and when a fresh war breaks out between Israel and Hezbollah, the waters of the eastern Mediterranean will constitute a significant new theater of conflict.

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Revolution of the Institutions

by Farea al-Muslimi February 3, 2012
written by Farea al-Muslimi

If you find yourself at the head of a public, or even a private institution in Yemen today, you are most likely having a hard time sleeping, owing to the fact that the nightmare of being kicked out the door by your own employees may be what you wake up to the next morning. As the media spotlight has moved on, Yemenis have been revolting against their officials all around the country in what is being tipped as Thawrat Al Muasasat, or the “Revolution of the Institutions”, better known as the revolution’s second phase. Public servants and private employees of all stripes and colors are rising up against their bosses, demanding they be replaced with “clean ones”. 

Those taking part include military staff in the army and air force, staff at the national air carrier, employees of oil companies, factories, hospitals, universities, unions, radio stations and even middle school students fulfilling the High School dream of ousting their most loathed teachers. Perhaps fittingly, among the institutions experiencing these new rounds of protest is the Central Organization for Control and Auditing, the largest governmental authority in the country intended to fight corruption. The techniques being used include preventing the targeted boss from entering the building, forcing their resignation or pressuring those above them to issue them a pink slip. 

Notable in these new uprisings is the fact that those carrying them out were largely silent before the dismissal of Yemen’s lord of corruption: former President Ali Abdullah Saleh. These movements are organic, unorganized and not driven by any political party. Indeed, deals devised by foreign interests — such as that which the Gulf Cooperation Council concocted to let Saleh off the legal hook — can do nothing to contain these movements or push them in a specific direction, as they did with the first revolution. This time the Yemeni people have shown that their revolution is much more than just a euphoric expression that dissipates once the dictator is no more. 

Little, if anything, would have changed in Yemen if people just replaced a figurehead since the nizam, or system, would have continued to feed its “small-dictators” through the patronage systems and ensured that only those supporting the regime enjoyed ‘public’ services. Yemenis, who have lived with the malediction of Saleh’s business and family ties, know this all too well. 

But as with anything in the country these days, there are voices of dissent. Even though these movements aim to purge the country’s institutions of the very people who maintained the networks of patronage and corruption, some still condemn them because they are contrary to the rule of law, disregarding due legal process, and thus contributing to chaos. One might question, however, the success of these skeptical intellectuals in steering the country away from the course it plotted for the past 33 years, compared to the protest movement which is only entering its second year. 

The more pressing question perhaps is whether people would revolt against their leaders even if those very leaders were from the opposition? The answer is most likely ‘yes’. This new uprising that is spreading in the country against officials will most likely reach any public official in a position of power unless their priorities are centered on three major elements: employees, employees and employees.

The Revolution of the Institutions leads one to the logical deduction that, even though it may not make global headlines, the struggle in Yemen will be long, deep and institutional. Yemenis are all too aware that fear will take them nowhere, nor will the corrupted legal apparatus that acted as a cover for the former regime. This phase of the revolution is only the start of an effort to devise creative means of expressing dissent. By the time Yemenis come up with the next phase, they will have already altered their country’s concept of change.

February 3, 2012 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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