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Business

Counting the profits

by Thomas Schellen June 1, 2004
written by Thomas Schellen

The position of modern banking in the global economy vastly exceeds the main functionality that banks fulfilled during their 600-year rise since the Medicis: financing trade and warfare and serving as safe havens in times of danger. The expansion of banking and finance into universal socioeconomic denominators has come at the price of intense interdependence with national fortunes and developments outside of the safety and confinements of the bank vault. A few years ago, technology issues dominated many discussions over future banking trends. But talking global about banking today, three universal issues come to the fore that concern bankers and stakeholders, regardless of the development level reached by their national banking sector: crises, concentration of power and convergence of standards.

Banking crises are the nightmares of financial stability and big, sector-wide crashes – or, in technical terms, systemic banking crises – tend to occupy media reports and discussions over years. The Russian and Argentinean crises, for instance, are frequent examples in business stories and learned discourses alike.

Surprisingly, systemic banking crises do not crop up far and wide apart. For the last quarter of the 20th century, World Bank researchers diagnosed 113 systemic banking crises in 93 countries. Wars, loss of government credibility, transition from communism and other sweeping changes in political systems, financial and general market upheavals have been identified as leading causes for these epidemic cases of banking malaise – plus, in another main cause, interventions by international financial institutions (namely IMF and World Bank) set off numerous outbreaks.

According to the historic research, Lebanon experienced one war-triggered systemic banking crisis between 1988 and 1990, with four insolvencies and 11 banks coming to depend on central bank bailouts. But while the country continues to receive warnings of another potential systemic crisis, the general international and local consensus is that the danger is minor, and Lebanon’s bankers do not rip out their hair in fits of crisis fear. As far as crisis candidates are concerned, the banking industry in China’s overheated economy today is the focal points of worries.

Concentration is the other inescapable reality, with larger and larger mergers. Between January and May 2004 alone, four, billion-dollar bank merger projects were announced in the US, the latest and smallest of them valued at $7 billion, between regional players SunTrust and National Commercial Finance would create America’s seventh-largest bank with $148 billion in assets. The $10.5 billion acquisition of Cleveland-based Charter One Financial by the Royal Bank of Scotland illustrates a recent trend of European banks to buy American. Even Germany’s Sparkassen, a conglomerate of savings institutions with entrenched provincial high street image, last month started talking about becoming “global players.” Lebanese bank mergers, although puny by comparison, follow the same logic, which is not abating.

Last but certainly not least, actors in national banking industries are coerced to increasingly adjust to standards that are streamlining their operations to meet the economic and political codes of the world’s leading powers and international institutions. The Basel II rules of the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) and the money laundering regulations by the OECD-created Financial Action Task Force (FATF) are the crucial determinants for accelerating uniformity in global banking.

Since its inception in 1989, the FATF has progressed and significantly expanded its influence especially in the last five years. Lebanon got a strong dose of FATF experience when it was placed on the organization’s non-compliance list in 2001 and had to make legislative and institutional efforts to be removed in 2002. The countries collaborating on the issues of combating money laundering and terrorism finance through the world’s financial networks have just extended the FATF mandate until December 2012. Although the May 14 decision spoke of a temporary mandate, this looks pretty permanent. Authorities and bankers in Lebanon, thoroughly committed to safeguarding national capacities as banking center, know that they have to satisfy the new global rules against money laundering and terrorism finance, just as much as they have to gear banking performance up to meet the Basle II standards over the next few short years.

Against these global macro trends, current concerns in the Lebanese banking industry are at the same time relaxingly minor and yet illustrate the need to embark on further qualitative development efforts. If the 2003 and first quarter 2004 performance of Lebanon’s listed banks were reported in a developed stock market, a rally of banking values would be as safe a prediction to make as one ever could in the craft of market guessing. The results of the Lebanese banking sector for the past 12 months were simply beyond expectations, with the numbers for the six listed banks speaking loudly.

The published balance sheet of Banque Audi, the bank at the center of attention since their successful merger deal with Banque Saradar, recorded 35% growth in total assets over 12 months ending March 31, 2004, to $7.51 billion. This increase was equaled by Audi’s 35.4% gain in customer deposits. At $6.29 billion in customer deposits, the bank’s market share of total banking deposits reached 12.7%.

Net income at Banque Audi for the first three months of 2004 was $14.5 million, an improvement of 13% on the same period last year. According to a Banque Audi press release, these figures are in line with quarterly result averages of 2003 and reflect the bank’s position without including figures for Banque Saradar following the rapprochement between the two entities.

BLOM Bank, the leader in terms of total assets, continued their growth with a 22% increase in each, assets and deposits to $9.2 billion and $8 billion between the end of March 2003 and end of March 2004. BLOM net profits for the first quarter of 2004 amounted to $22.4 million, up 0.9% over Q1 2003.

Assets of Byblos Bank climbed by 13.6% to $6.2 billion over the 12 months ending March 31, 2004, and customer deposits rose by 16.3% to $5.1 billion. The bank achieved a net income of $10.3 million in the last quarter. This marked a drop of 12.7 % over the same period in 2003, which the bank attributed to a tightening in its net interest margin from 2.63% to 1.81% between the two periods, due to its “conservative strategy to keep highly liquid assets.”

At Bank of Beirut, improvement of assets was by 11.3%, to stand at $3.66 billion at March 31, while customer deposits rose by 15.1% over the past 12 months, to $2.56 billion. BoB achieved net profits of $4.8 million for the first quarter, a gain of 14% over the same period in 2003. BLC Bank succeeded in achieving assets of $1.62 billion and customer deposits of $1.33 billion at the end of March, improving by 27.7% and 26.3%, respectively, from March 2003. Under the central bank-installed new management, BLC reported an increase of almost 93% in its gross income at the end of the first quarter and an unaudited net income of $3.55 million, a turnaround from a $2.1 million loss in Q1 2003. Non-performing loans still accounted for 78.5% of BLC’s total loan portfolio of nearly $720 million. BEMO Bank recorded an increase in total assets of 12.7% year-on-year, to $562.4 million at the end of March, with customer deposits growing by 9.2%, to $432 million. Net income at BEMO was $1.06 million in the first quarter, which signified a noteworthy increase of 50.9% over Q1 2003.

In summary, the banking sector performance clearly defied cautious predictions made by experts one year ago. “Banking performance has been more satisfactory than I projected, because resources from investors increased by 14%, a fairly significant amount under the climate we are in,” said Marwan Iskandar, one of Lebanon’s leading economists. He attributed the sector’s good results largely to Arab investors “who find it convenient to place some money in Lebanon.” Several major ventures brought funds into the country, notably the Sannine Zenith project whose land purchases had been undertaken mostly in 2003, Iskandar added.

A leading banker agreed that sector results beat forecasts but cautioned, on condition of anonymity, that first quarter profit statements of some players might show strong increases only based on their revaluation of eurobond assets. “Most Lebanese banks hold eurobonds to maturity. By revaluing eurobonds as market-to-market, banks can state profits instead of keeping them hidden – but these are one-off gains,” he said.

Banking analysts also reiterated the long-standing admonition that the, albeit substantially diminished, possibility of sovereign insolvency would be extremely dangerous for many of Lebanon’s large banks. They still have 30% to 35% of total balance sheet exposure to government debt, meaning, “if the currency collapses, all are in trouble.” But these realities can be quite safely considered to be non-threatening to the development of the banking sector at least in the near future. In the opinion of Iskandar, there are no reasons to anticipate any major worries in the Lebanese banking industry for 2004, as the crisis over Bank Al Madina has been largely resolved and the formation of the Audi-Saradar Group created the basis for a major Lebanese financial institution with regional and international reach. The sector could even witness another step in the evolution of massive banking power, Iskandar said, pointing to “serious discussions” as ongoing between the Audi-Saradar Group and Banque Libano-Francaise for yet another big merger move.

The majority shareholder in BLF, French banking group Credit Agricole, has for some time been known to seek to reposition their involvement in Lebanon. BLF, one of the five first banks in the country, had already twice been engaged in merger discussions in the past three years – once with Banque Saradar and once with Banque Audi.

Also for near-term fund inflows, Iskandar maintained a strong outlook. “Indicators for inflows of Arab money are promising this year, perhaps slightly better than last year,“ he said.

June 1, 2004 0 comments
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Business

Still seeking quality

by Thomas Schellen June 1, 2004
written by Thomas Schellen

Merger Ability

It is an accepted business paradigm that mergers can be instrumental in corporate growth, especially as positions in the top three companies are in many sectors associated with taking the lion’s share in total profits realized in the sector. However, the overall global picture shows that the majority of mergers are unsuccessful because they either fail outright or the financial savings of consolidation, mostly capital and expense synergies, are in the end not larger than the costs incurred through the merger. A crucial factor in the ability to acquire and integrate another company is determined by information technology and systems. Paul McCrossan, an international expert and consultant in merger negotiations among financial firms, told a Beirut seminar last month that in his experience, “a company with an excellent computer based administrative system can absorb another company one third its size with a similar product mix with almost no additional administrative staff – if it has a decent administration system.”

Banks in the alpha group have established good IT systems and automation levels, which would meet the requirement for technical administrative capacities that increase the ability to integrate a smaller bank.

Transparency of operations and openness of corporate culture are further factors seen as supportive of integrative abilities in a business organization, whereas the fixation of the entity on a single dominant individual as top decision maker is regarded as a potential obstacle.

For the record, a full nine of the 12 banks in the lead of the industry have accomplished acquisitions of smaller banks. Byblos Bank, SGBL, Bank of Beirut and Fransabank have the strongest track records for completed mergers and acquisitions in the last five years. Before shouldering the responsibility for building the Audi-Saradar group, both parties to the rapprochement had succeeded in absorbing smaller banks. Banque de la Méditerranée, although it does not prioritize presenting the public with a transparent view of its balance sheet figures and processes to the extent practiced by its peers, also has the systems and proved its ability to integrate a smaller bank into its group by buying Allied Business Bank in November 2001. Credit Libanais, which had undertaken two acquisitions in 1994 and one back in 1977, picked up the business of the American Express Bank in Lebanon in June 2000. These often-quoted merger waves and their sector-purging effect not withstanding, experts contend that the institutionalization process of Lebanese banks has been uneven and describe personality-centric management cultures in at least two big banks as obstacles standing against maximization of benefits from mergers, both potential and actual. From negotiations over assimilation of numerous small banks into larger ones in the past 10 years, it is also evident that the acquisition candidates –specifically because of lacking financial transparency but also owing to vanity issues on part of owners – have presented difficult negotiation partners.

Corporate governance

A critical qualitative category, and major buzzword in management seminars, is corporate governance. Although the level of corporate governance has improved over the past decade in all leading banks and human resources strategies have been implemented, experts view the level of institutionalization and corporate governance achievements in Lebanese banks as still lagging behind international standards. Good internal communications are crucial for achieving a high-quality corporate governance and strong identification between employees and bank. Proactive Lebanese banks have moved towards open door policies and open communications structures. In several major banks, however, employees admonish that communication fails in terms of reciprocity. Especially performance reviews are strictly one-way processes, top-down, and evaluations of their superiors by employees are missing from the corporate culture. Talking to Executive in confidence, banking insiders with many years of experience in operations and middle management raised further serious questions on the progress of corporate governance (see box).

The positive outlier in terms of achieving a corporate governance quality that is comparable to good, although not the top internationally achieved levels is Banque Audi, with Bank of Beirut and SGBL also mentioned by analysts and consultants as advanced on the path to fulfilling institutionalization.

Business Community Relations

The business community interactions between a bank and society are of two main categories, relations with customers, peers and business partners, and fulfillment of corporate social responsibility. Customers, who are the life of the bank, are treated generally with more courtesy and professionalism than in the mid nineties, when retail banking was traipsing precariously onto new grounds of customer relations. However, banks still get less flattering remarks when it comes to taking proactive roles in understanding and responding to customer needs. As ample anecdotal evidence from business and retail banking clients shows, customers still feel that banks are difficult to deal with, often bureaucratic, and less accommodating in practice than in their advertising projections.

The term corporate social responsibility (CSR) attaches a strategic quality to the contributions an enterprise makes to the community. CSR has been a concept on steady global advance for some 10 years. From large multinationals to niche entrepreneurs, corporations are emphasizing CSR as a core aspect of their identity and adopting the practice of publishing dedicated CSR reports. Lebanese banks by and large do not yet carry an emblematic CSR identity. However, banks are among the most socially active enterprises in Lebanon. Albeit showing a larger gap between local performance and international standards than for other qualitative elements, about half of the banks in the alpha group are perceived as more active than most in terms of contributing to their communities. What Lebanese banks generally have been lacking in, was adoption of specific areas of concentration and development of track records in pursuing a relevant CSR agenda and consistent activities, whether in ecological, social, educational, cultural or inter-communal dialogue. As an epitome in every assessment of quality achievements in the non-balance sheet dimension of Lebanese banks, one guiding thought should accompany the reflection on the status quo and continued strife after excellence: banking is a serious business but it is up to all stakeholders to put money matters daily into the context of the living qualities and inalienable truths that endow the entire play of funds and finances with value. A drop of humor, perhaps even self-irony, goes a long way in keeping the serious from falling dead serious.

Fair Game?

Unfair payscales and a glass ceiling are holding back the advancement of employees

Salary fairness, evaluation procedures and equal opportunities are still tender spots in the corporate culture of Lebanese banks. Although bank employees have, by national standards, an exceptional average income, the high total salaries over costs ratios at banks camouflage huge income gaps. Three to 4% of the workforce benefits from, by Lebanese standards, very large salaries, said an insider. A division head in a big bank can take home $150,000 in annual compensation but another executive in the same division, who holds near identical qualifications and responsibilities, but with a slightly lower position, would be paid no more than $30,000 or $40,000.

When no performance bonuses and incentives are paid, as was the case in several banks in recent years, motivation to provide outstanding service diminishes. Talking among themselves and to friends, increasing numbers of employees also express high frustration levels because they are aware of the exact financial gains that their work contributes to the bank but see their salary increases as disproportionately small in comparison to their productivity. This job dissatisfaction on the branch level can be exacerbated if local managers are perceived as under qualified. According to banking analysts, some branch heads are paid not because of their managerial skills but hold their positions solely on the basis of their pull as ranking members in the local township, which the bank regards as essential for attracting customers from the community. Banks accomplished opening the career ladder to women up to the middle and some upper management positions. The echelons above those levels, however, have thus far remained closed. “Are Lebanese banks ready to appoint a woman to the post of chairman or general manager? Certainly not today and not tomorrow,” said a senior female corporate loan manager in the upper ranks of a major bank, who deals with companies above $5 million in turnover. If a woman is both highly qualified and outspoken, her stand in the acquiescence driven and male-dominated Lebanese business environment is decidedly tough. “I am not a ‘yes person;’ that is why I have a lot of problems in my professional life,” she said, “but sex discrimination is not as obvious as some other forms of discrimination. If someone says that there is no religious discrimination in the banking workplace, they are lying.”

June 1, 2004 0 comments
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Business

Q&A: Saad Azhari

by Thomas Schellen June 1, 2004
written by Thomas Schellen

Relying entirely on organic growth of their business, BLOM Bank carried the baton of leading the Lebanese banking sector in terms of assets for more than two decades. As the creation of the Audi-Saradar Group is exerting consolidation pressure at the top of the sector, EXECUTIVE wanted to know how BLOM Bank views recent developments and if the bank is changing its strategies. EXECUTIVE asked and BLOM vice chairman and general manager, Saad Azhari, answered.

As the leader in the Lebanese banking sector, you have seen a new group emerging besides you, a competitor of regional format. How does that affect your plans and ambitions?

Our policy will not change, in terms of looking that we have a strong bank, that our assets are good assets, and making sure that our shareholders always get the best return. BLOM Bank has an important size in the Lebanese market and we achieved this in continuous internal growth over 40 years, which allowed us to contain costs. Our level of cost to income is extremely low. That is why we have the highest return on our equity, and the lowest cost to income ratio. And that is why we have also the highest rating. We are the only BBB+ rated company by ratings agency, Capital Intelligence.

What do you regard as the key factor enabling you to reach market leadership?

We achieved this position of number one because of the confidence of our customers and we have been number for over 20 years, since 1981. Our customers believed that we provide security and a good service, and came to us because of that. We are still continuing to grow at a rapid pace and increasing our market share, as our figures for this year show.

Did merger and acquisition projects ever play a part in your development plans?

I cannot hide that there were a lot of merger discussions between us and other banks. Frankly, we found that elements that we require were missing: either the price was too high or the quality was not good. We would definitely not buy a bank just to grow. Some of the banks we discussed with, both foreign and local banks, have been bought by other banks.

How do you view mergers in Lebanon in terms of their benefits to the bottom line of the banks that went this road? 

Figures talk. Compare the actual present size of the banks that merged with what should have been their size, and look at BLOM. If you compare the risk profiles and look at profits of BLOM and the profits of banks that have merged, you will see that BLOM has the highest level of profits, even as it does not have the highest level of loans. Here you have high profit and low risk. What is better: high profit and low risk or high risk and lower profit? You judge for yourself.

If a new merger or acquisition prospect would enable you to ascertain the status of largest bank in Lebanon, would you pursue it more actively than in the past?

No. Our strategy will not change. For any merger to happen, it has to be sure that the quality of our assets will not deteriorate and that it does not negatively affect the return to our shareholders. Those are the essentials for us. We want to stay a strong bank with the highest rating in Lebanon. It is also very important to us to be able to give a good service to our customers.

Would you consider a merger as means to facilitate regional expansion?

BLOM Bank is the Lebanese bank with the strongest presence abroad. We have a subsidiary in Paris, which has branches in London, Dubai, Muscat and Sharjah. We have an offshore in Cyprus and we have constituted a bank in Syria where we have management control. We are also opening a branch in Jordan. We are expanding wherever we think it is possible and interesting for us.

It is often said that Lebanese banks need to be stronger and considerably larger in size to successfully compete in the region. What is your perspective on this?

I think that the size of the banks in Lebanon compares well to banks in the region. Compare the size of Kuwaiti banks and Lebanese banks, for example. The assets and deposits in Lebanese banks are almost twice of those in Kuwaiti banks. The banking sector in Lebanon is number three in size in the Arab countries, after Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Lebanese banks are growing larger and larger and today have large asset volumes. For example, we ourselves have passed $9 billion in assets. Our size is large compared to the economy and with our shareholders’ equity; we are over capitalized when compared to the risks on our balance sheets. We already have a good size compared to the region, we are able to have a presence outside and we have the possibility to expand.

So you do not consider large regional banks as having a size advantage over BLOM and other Lebanese banks?

Many Arab and foreign banks have a presence in Lebanon. Lebanon is an open market, while some regional markets are closed to us. I think we have a future advantage as these markets are opening up. Jordan is an example. Before, we could buy a bank in Jordan but not open a branch. As this has now been allowed, we are opening a branch there in September of this year. Lebanese banks have important opportunities in the region and I hope that we will be playing a much more important role in future.

Where does BLOM set priorities for domestic development?

We at BLOM have seen important growth in corporate banking and also in retail banking. This is for specific reasons. Retail is still a developing sector, where all banks increased their activities. In corporate lending, big corporate names here were historically mostly dealing with foreign banks. Some foreign banks have already moved out or are planning to move out of Lebanon. BLOM saw this opportunity. Last year, we created a corporate unit and effectively grabbed an important amount of clients that used to deal with foreign banks, which either left or are scaling down their portfolio, mostly because of Basel II and the strategy of international banks to reduce their exposure to emerging markets. That is why our loan portfolio had a good growth in lending last year, even though the lending in the Lebanese market was generally stable.

What is your ratio of non-performing loans?

The non-provisioned non-performing loans stand at less than one percent, 0.5 to 0.6%.

How important are private and investment banking in your activities?

In Lebanon, private banking is generally very limited, frankly speaking. You cannot strengthen private banking much, especially because of the taxes that the government collects on interests on international bonds. The big private banking activity is done by our subsidiary in Geneva. We have an investment bank that is mostly specialized in medium and long-term lending. Corporate and retail are expanding at a faster pace than other activities, but we are working in all activities.

Have Lebanese banks improved as much in non-balance sheet capabilities and quality as they grew in terms of balance sheets?

The services given by banks have improved a lot over the past years. Before, you had to deal with three or four people at a bank branch, to undertake an operation such as depositing a check or transferring money. Today some banks, including ourselves, have a teller system, in which one person can facilitate your operations. Secondly, delivery channels and their variety improved a lot. Before, the only option was to go to the bank. Today you can use ATM, phone banking, internet banking, and the call center. In standard of services, Lebanon has arrived at a very high level in worldwide comparison. You cannot see this from the balance sheet but you can see it through the operations, dealing with the bank.

Do you expect the banking sector to continue its first quarter good performance in the remainder of 2004?

It will definitely not be an easy year, because the treasury bills that Lebanese banks had bought before Paris II, especially in September, October, and November of 2002, will all mature by end of 2004. Those treasury bills carried a high interest rate and banks hold a large number of them. The renewals will be at a much lower rate. Secondly, we have to put a legal reserve of 15% of our US dollar deposits at the central bank. A central bank circular in 2002 asked banks to deposit a certain level of their dollar reserves for two years with the central bank, at interest rates that first stood at 9% and then were lowered to 8.75 % at the end of 2002. These two-year deposits are all maturing and will be replaced at a much lower rate. Banks thus are definitely going to be squeezed on those interest margins.

How about deposits by Arab investors?

We are continuing to see an important growth of deposits coming towards Lebanon from Lebanese and Gulf countries, and the pace may be a bit higher than last year. This is a good sign of confidence. We are also continuing to see interest in different projects. I have recently been in Kuwait and met a lot of people who are interested to buy homes in Lebanon. And some of the big groups there want to undertake important projects here. The same is true for groups from Saudi Arabia and the Emirates.

So overall, your expectation for 2004 is for a smooth year?

In general terms, 2004 will achieve a good growth of deposits and assets for the banking sector in Lebanon. There is going to be more pressure on banks in terms of profits towards the end of the year, and perhaps there will be a slight decrease in profits. We will not see a repeat performance of 2003. It would be good if banks can achieve stability of profits, which is a little difficult. Banks are expanding and all banks are trying to increase their market share and there is more competition. Overall, I don’t see any troubles in 2004.

June 1, 2004 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

Take a hike

by Faysal Badran June 1, 2004
written by Faysal Badran

Crude oil and its derivatives epitomize the notion that besides matching bids and offers, there often lies in the background a multitude of factors, which not only affect prices but also, and more importantly, the perception about supply, capacity, consumption and relative tightness/availability of the product. The movements in crude oil have been, to a large extent, a barometer of political and economic guesstimates – and the massive run up in prices will no doubt have an effect on the global economy. It is not so much the nominal level of prices that leads to alarm, but the trajectory and what prices are in effect “saying” about the future.

Since the Asian crisis of 1998, often a key data point in markets, prices of light sweet crude oil have quadrupled from just below $10 to nearly $42. The rise, from a technical standpoint, has been reinforced by several NYMEX closes above $40. While it is true that oil and other commodities have benefited from a surging Chinese economy, it is an aspect often de-emphasized, as the recent China numbers are utterly unsustainable and the true driver will be sentiment toward Middle East politics.

Oil prices still matter to the health of the world economy. Higher oil prices since 1999 – partly the result of OPEC supply-management policies – contributed to the global economic downturn in 2000-2001 and are dampening the current cyclical upturn (world GDP growth may have been at least half a percentage point higher in the last two or three years had prices remained at mid-2001 levels). Fears of OPEC supply cuts, political tensions in Venezuela and tight stocks have driven up international crude oil and product prices even further in recent weeks. By March 2004, crude prices were well over $10 per barrel higher than three years before.

Current market conditions are more unstable than normal, in part because of geopolitical uncertainties and because tight product markets – notably for gasoline in the United States – are reinforcing upward pressures on crude prices. Higher prices are contributing to stubbornly high levels of unemployment and exacerbating budget-deficit problems in many OECD and other oil-importing countries. In Lebanon, the situation and its impact at the gas pump has added yet another restraining factor to the Lebanese economy, and infuriated motorists.

The burden of higher energy prices places Lebanon in an even more vulnerable position in terms of the costs of “doing business,” and shakes the household spending patterns as more money is diverted to filling the tank. This has compounded the other issues facing the economy, be they punctual like the Euro rise, or structural like under-investment, lack of system credibility and massive fiscal imbalance. While it is true that policy can do little to counteract the rising cost of energy, such a shock, were it to continue, would amplify the layers of problems facing the country, and add to social angst. The addiction to gas guzzling SUVs may be coming home to roost, and taxi drivers can barely make ends meet.

Globally, the vulnerability of oil-importing countries to higher oil prices varies markedly depending on the degree to which they are net importers and the oil intensity of their economies. According to the results of a quantitative exercise carried out by the IEA in collaboration with the OECD economics department and with the assistance of the International Monetary Fund research department, a sustained $10 per barrel increase in oil prices would result in the OECD as a whole losing 0.4% of GDP in the first and second years of higher prices. Inflation would rise by half a percentage point and unemployment would also increase.

The OECD imported more than half its oil needs in 2003 at a cost of over $260 billion – 20% more than in 2001. Euro-zone countries, which are highly dependent on oil imports, would suffer most in the short term, their GDP dropping by 0.5% and inflation rising by 0.5% in 2004. The US would suffer the least, with GDP falling by 0.3%, largely because indigenous production meets a bigger share of its oil needs. Japan’s GDP would fall 0.4%, with its relatively low oil intensity compensating to some extent for its almost total dependence on imported oil. In all OECD regions, these losses start to diminish in the following three years as global trade in non-oil goods and services recovers. This analysis assumes constant exchange rates.

The adverse economic impact of higher oil prices on oil-importing developing countries is generally even more severe than for OECD countries. This is because their economies are more dependent on imported oil and more energy-intensive, and energy is used less efficiently. On average, oil-importing developing countries use more than twice as much oil to produce a unit of economic output, as do OECD countries. Developing countries are also less able to weather the financial turmoil wrought by higher oil-import costs. India spent $15 billion, equivalent to 3% of its GDP, on oil imports in 2003. This is 16% higher than its 2001 oil-import bill. It is estimated that the loss of GDP averages 0.8% in Asia and 1.6% in very poor, highly indebted countries in the year following a $10 oil-price increase. The loss of GDP in the Sub-Saharan African countries would be more than 3%.

World GDP would be at least half of one percent lower – equivalent to $255 billion – in the year following a $10 oil price increase. This is because the economic stimulus provided by higher oil-export earnings in OPEC and other exporting countries would be more than outweighed by the depressive effect of higher prices on economic activity in the importing countries. The transfer of income from oil importers to oil exporters in the year following the price increase would alone amount to roughly $150 billion. A loss of business and consumer confidence, inappropriate policy responses and higher gas prices would amplify these economic effects in the medium term. For as long as oil prices remain high and unstable, the economic prosperity of oil-importing countries – especially the poorest developing countries – will remain at risk.

The impact of higher oil prices on economic growth in OPEC countries would depend on a variety of factors, particularly how the windfall revenues are spent. In the long term, however, OPEC oil revenues and GDP are likely to be lower, as higher prices would not compensate fully for lower production. In the IEA’s recent WORLD ENERGY INVESTMENT OUTLOOK, cumulative OPEC revenues are $400 billion lower over the period 2001 to 2003, in which policies to limit the growth in production in that region lead to on average 20% higher prices. The hike of future prices during the past several months implies that recent oil price rises could be sustained. If that is the case, the macroeconomic consequences for importing countries could be painful, especially in view of the severe budget-deficit problems being experienced in all OECD regions and stubbornly high levels of unemployment in many countries.

Fiscal imbalances would worsen, pressure to raise interest rates would grow and the current revival in business and consumer confidence would be cut short, threatening the durability of the current cyclical economic upturn. Europe has felt the oil surge to a slightly lesser extent recently as the Euro has surged by nearly 40% against the US dollar, but further gains could be crippling, especially given the high tax structure prevailing in the continent.

Oil has also had a role in reflecting the weaknesses in US foreign policy. As such it represents yet another thorn in the side of the neoconservative establishment plans to effectively “rule the world.” One of the platforms of US policy in Afghanistan and the obvious hidden agenda in Iraq has been to secure the oil to satisfy the gas guzzling addictions of the US consumer. So far, the result has been an unadulterated disaster. Not only has oil continued to climb, but the recurring incidents in the Gulf have added a risk premium that had not existed before the Iraq adventure began. In sum, Bush and his oilmen in power are responsible for what promises to be the most expensive driving season in decades.

For developing markets such as Lebanon, where oil intensity is still high, the impact of higher energy has the effect of a large tax, which is acting as a drag on economic activity through a compression of disposable income. The net effect though, can be more mixed over the medium term, if the higher energy can be offset by higher growth in the Gulf and more remittances from Lebanese expatriates as well as more Gulf tourists. But that’s a long shot. The true impact is, in the short term, to choke further any sign of upturn in the Lebanese economy.

The following is a detached look at where prices can go based on the below chart. Unless crude oil can break back significantly below $36 a barrel, we are staring at stubbornly high prices, maybe toward $50. But since this is the most political commodity, and the effectiveness of OPEC at guiding prices is almost as ineffective as central bank currency intervention, prices will tend to overshoot before falling along with other commodities. The risk of prices staying high at this juncture stems from external factors – such as the total loss of control of the situation in Iraq, or worse, further unrest in the Arabian Peninsula – rather than from the notion of a booming world economy. The world economy, at best, has experienced a temporary lift, and will soon revert back to sluggish growth and sticky unemployment, providing a weak backdrop for most industrial commodities.

SUVS TAKE A BACK SEATBuyers turn to more fuel efficient, smaller engine automobiles as petrol prices continue to bite – By Anthony Mills

Hussam Batrouni, 24, manager of the Petit Café, only uses his eight-cylinder Ford Expedition at night – he is looking for a four-cylinder daytime car. Elsewhere, Kamil Roumieh, a 25-year-old inventory controller, has been forced to buy a modest a four-cylinder 1.4l Renault Clio. He used to have a bigger six-cylinder car but couldn’t afford to commute. He is one of the lucky ones. Many cars owners now find they are unable to offload their gas-guzzlers and are faced with crippling petrol bills of up to $500 a month. Other commuters are simply discovering the delights of taking the bus to work.

The government’s recent pledge to cap gasoline prices at LL25,000 (nearly $17) a 20-litre tank, must be of little consolation to Hussam and Kamil, who have seen petrol rates almost double in six years, as global crude oil prices climb to record highs in a country already plagued by stagnant salaries and general economic malaise. As consumer attention, in the roughly 15,000-car, $220 million market, shifts towards new, smaller, more efficient four-cylinder cars, overall demand for new cars has risen by almost 50% in a year (used car salesmen, for their part, speak of a 40% drop in sales). Today Size does matter.

“A year and a half ago, customers started becoming more gasoline-cautious. The name of the game used to be power. Now it is fuel efficiency,” declared Samir Homsi, president of the Association of Automobile Importers. The old theory was that bigger cars were better because they were safer. Tell that to T. Gargour & Fils – better known as agents for Mercedes – who are receiving increased interest in the diminutive, two-seater Smart car which, despite scoring impressive crash test results, looks like it would blow away on a windy day. The attraction is the car’s staying power: 500km per 20 liters of gas. “More and more people are asking about it,” shrugged Cesar Aoun, Gargour brand manager.

At the other end of the scale however sales of 12-cylinder super cars have not been affected as much as their six- and eight-cylinder cousins. “We haven’t seen much of an impact on high-end cars,” confirmed Kamel Abdallah, deputy general manager of Kettaneh, which imports Porsche, Volkswagen and Audi. “It is the middle segment that has shrunk most drastically.” One sales manager for a major distributor defined this shrinkage as a 60% to 70% slump in sales, a phenomenon that has not been helped by a strengthening euro, which alone has been blamed for a 20% to 25% hole in the market.

Sales may be up in the budget range, but importers are having to sell more of the smaller models to make up for the decline in sales elsewhere. “We have to work twice as hard,” acknowledged Abdallah, who will throw-in an airline ticket to Cyprus for every sale of the new Volkswagen Gol. Some dealers, under pressure to keep sales up, are resorting to disingenuous tactics. “Because the business has become so tough, some companies are bordering on unethical practices in their promotion, just to get around the tougher market and increase in prices,” said Abdullah. Certain dealerships – which he declined to name – were being dishonest, or deliberately misleading, about cars’ gasoline consumption rates. And, he went on, advertisements stressing low installment rates sometimes deliberately don’t paint the whole financial picture.

Elsewhere, in their effort to boost sales, importers are luring in customers with low-interest installment schemes and longer guarantees. “We are trying to facilitate everything for the client, so that they forget about fuel consumption,” one salesperson said.

At least 50% of Kettaneh’s car sales are through bank-financed credit. In tandem with rising petrol prices and a worsening economy the company has established joint programs with banks to promote sales. At the same time, this represents a conscious move away from in-house financing which was fast becoming an unsustainable risk. “The overall economic situation does not justify extending credit terms as we used to,” said Abdallah. “We are transferring our risk.” He was echoed by Ziad Rasamny of Rasamny-Younis: “Our target is to do less in-house financing and to rely more on banks.”

The association has also been imploring the government to reduce high customs taxes on cars, and heady registration fees, which are pushing up end prices and ultimately stunting importers’ efforts to sell. Importers stress that the newer, more fuel-efficient a car, the better it is for Beirut’s smog-filled environment.

Used car dealers, too, are shifting towards the smaller-engine market. “Before, the Lebanese liked to buy top-notch used cars with six, eight, even 12 cylinders. Today, an eight-cylinder used car is very difficult to sell, a six-cylinder one you can just about sell,” explained the owner of a car lot on the old Sidon road. “The best is four cylinders.”

June 1, 2004 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

2004 national budget

by Tony Hchaime May 1, 2004
written by Tony Hchaime

There was much debate and not a little bad feeling, but in the end Parliament, after a three-day marathon debate, approved the 2004 state draft budget on April 7, with a vote of 65-31 and one abstention. It was a more realistic budget to the one originally set for 2003, probably due to the government’s failure to even come close to achieving the previous year’s budget targets. Nevertheless, despite the new budget’s “more realistic” terms, many remain skeptical of the government’s ability to meet its targets.

The overall budget deficit is forecast to drop to 32.5% of expenditures in 2004. This compares well to the 42.3% of 2002, and could be achieved given that the deficit during the first eight months of 2003 peaked at 38.0%. It also remains more realistic than the 26% target originally set for the year 2003. As such, the total deficit is expected to level off at LL3,300 billion, compared to LL 2,525 billion for the draft law of 2003, and LL2,695 of the first eight months of the year. The deficit target results from total expenditures of LL9,250 billion, and revenues of LL6,400 billion, in addition to net treasury expenditures of LL450 billion. However, according to the ministry of finance, the 2004 draft budget does not account for the potential impact of any reforms outlined in the 2003 budget law, reforms that were meant to increase the productivity of the public sector, reduce its costs, and enhance its efficiency on the economy and its profit on citizens.

Elsewhere, total government expenditures under the new budget are expected to amount of LL9,250 billion, almost 8% above the 2003 draft law, and only 1.3% below those actually incurred in 2002. Unlike the case with the 2003 draft budget, the government currently acknowledges the fact that little cost cutting can be implemented given the budget’s existing cost structure. Non-debt servicing expenditures are expected to reach LL4,950 billion, almost 8% above those earmarked for 2003, while debt-servicing costs are expected to amount to LL 4,300 billion, also 8% above the 2003 estimates. On the other hand, debt servicing accounts for a staggering 47% of total expenditures, at LL4,300 billion in 2004. According to the ministry of finance, the debt servicing remains high due to the fact that some older, higher interest bearing obligations have yet to mature and result in a higher overall cost. A more significant reduction in such costs is expected to materialize in 2005 and 2006, as the older loans mature, and the impacts of lower-interest obligations, and the non-interest bearing funds injected into the treasury, are felt. Nevertheless, the ministry of finance has estimated that the proceeds of privatization and securitization, should such plans be implemented, would effectively reduce expenditures by LL400 billion, or 4.3%.

Admittedly, LL7,700 billion, or 84% of total expenditures, are seemingly fixed costs, with little or no room for further cost-cutting. In that regard, personnel wages account for 37% of total expenditures. With such costs including wages and salaries, related benefits, pensions, and end of service indemnities, they inherently lack flexibility. This leaves the government with potentially manageable expenditures of only 16% of the total spending. However, given that the items making up these expenditures have been subjected to several previous reduction attempts, it has become apparent that realizing any significant reduction on this level will be difficult in the absence of certain structural reforms.
 

While most ministries will benefit from higher funding in 2004, compared to the 2003 draft law, some have benefited from some substantial increases. The presidency of the council of ministers, for example, was allocated an additional LL118 billion, mostly to the benefit of the Council of the South and the Central Fund for the Displaced. The ministry of public works and transport and the ministry of public health benefited from additions of LL62 billion and LL44 billion respectively.

It is worth noting, however, and perhaps on a more negative note, that no additional allocation was provided to social expenditures in the 2004 budget. Total social expenditures are expected to remain unchanged compared to the 2003 budget law, at LL2,291 billion, with the majority going to pensions and end of service indemnities. Government revenues originally expected to be reaped in 2003 return, mostly unchanged, in 2004, the budget of which was drafted on the basis of not introducing any additional taxes, or amending existing ones. While the ministry of finance has repeatedly expressed its concerns regarding the Treasury’s liquidity position, and the resulting necessity in increasing Value Added Tax (VAT) from 10% to 12%, such an increase has not been taken into consideration in the new budget, and no plans for its imminent implementation are in the pipeline, according to ministry officials.

Total revenues are expected to amount to LL6,400 billion in 2004, almost unchanged from the 2003 budget. Tax revenues are expected to reach LL4,645 billion, compared to LL4,726 in the 2003 budget law. The drop is mainly due to a drop in tariffs on trade and international exchange, resulting mostly from a reduction in custom duties. Nevertheless, around LL100 billion in additional VAT revenues are expected to result from improvements in tax collection, and the reduction of the threshold of businesses eligible for VAT.

While many praised the “more rational” numbers included in the 2004 budget, it remains to be seen if such numbers are actually achievable, given the current economic, socio-political, and security conditions. The budget does appear to not take into consideration the substantial benefits (in excess of LL400 billion) that might result from the implementation of privatization and securitization plans. As such, any benefits from such progress will be a welcome bonus over and above the numbers reported in the budget.

On the expenditure side, and excluding debt servicing, total expenditures for the first eight months of 2003 reached LL2,672 billion, compared to a full-year budget for 2004 of LL4,950 billion. As such, and accounting for the LL350 billion additional expenditures earmarked for 2004, the government may be able to keep spending within the assigned range. Certain unforeseen events should be factored in, as they might adversely impact expenditures. Following the announcement of the results of the cellular license management tender in April, both MTC and Detecon have indicated plans to expand and upgrade the country’s cellular network. While no concrete plans have yet been presented in that regard, such expansions are likely to necessitate substantial capital investments, which are to be fall on the shoulders of the Ministry of Telecommunication.

The numerous problems facing the government with upgrading and running the port of Beirut bear substantial costs. While the burdens resulting from problems with the unions have not been quantified, they may significantly impact costs. Nevertheless, the government is seemingly working on a plan to auction off the management of the port operations to a private-sector third party, but such plans have yet to materialize.

Moreover, and while many officials have proclaimed to transform Lebanon into the health and medical center for the region, the country’s medical infrastructure is, by international standards, mediocre, according to industry experts, and is beginning to lag behind others in the region (such as the UAE and Kuwait). If the government is serious enough to undertake a transformation in the health industry to achieve its aim of repositioning the country as the regional medical center, it will again need to undertake substantial investments in that regard, and run the risk of overstretching the budget.

Finally, it remains to be seen, however, how the government’s efforts to meet the set budget for 2004 will react to the outcomes of the municipal elections in May, and the presidential elections in August.

On the one hand, the Hariri bloc is leading a massive campaign, especially in the Greater Beirut area. Historically, the Hariri bloc, represented by Rafik Hariri and minister of finance Fouad Siniora, has favored economic growth, over other economic issues. While some proclaimed that such strategies have resulted in the massive debt burden on the country, Siniora’s latest comments maintain that stimulating growth in the economy is likely the optimal solution to the growing debt burden. Moreover, the minister clearly stated that a successful effort in curbing the debt would necessitate some “unpopular” privatization steps and cutting in expenditures.

Such strategies do not agree well with the Lahoud bloc, which has thrown its presidential weight behind halting the privatization process due to its “unfavorable national aspect.”

With the elections looming, the outcome is likely to dictate the government’s fiscal and monetary policies in the future. A win for the Hariri will likely result in more spending, growth, and serious efforts to implement privatization plans in the shortest timeframe possible. A win by Lahoud would delay privatization until “more favorable conditions” arise, and curb expenditures in an effort to reduce the deficit.

In that sense, the fate of the budget, the economy, and ultimately the welfare of the Lebanese people hangs in the balance during the second half of the year, and is ultimately in the hands of those, foreign or domestic, that will determine the outcomes of the elections.

May 1, 2004 0 comments
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Business

Qatar’s many faces

by Michael Young May 1, 2004
written by Michael Young

As the Middle East continues to be buffeted by the winds of reform, both real and fictitious, one country seems have learned how to play the game of professed reform to better control its content: Qatar.

In the last decade, the emirate, the world’s third largest producer of natural gas (after having invested heavily in the sector in the mid-1990s), has been portrayed as an Arab proponent of free minds and markets. However, Qatar’s politics have, in fact, been far more complex, and interesting. Like a latter-day Venice, the emirate has blended pragmatic amorality in its foreign affairs with an ability to play all sides in order to ensure its own prosperity, security and regime survivability.

In April, the architect of Qatar’s political transformation, Emir Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, hosted an international conference on democracy and free trade in Doha. Though the level of participation was less prominent than the initial list of invitees suggested, though there were fewer top American representatives than promised, the gathering did serve the emir’s purpose, namely to substantiate talk overseas of his assumed liberalism. In that sense, it allowed Qatar to represent itself, yet again, as an exception in a region grappling with reformist winds of change, the very same that virtually blew down the Arab summit that was scheduled to be held in Tunis in April.

While Emir Hamad is indeed more enlightened than many of his fellow Arab leaders, he does remain an absolute monarch. Qatar’s policies are very much the ones he defines, in collaboration with, among others, his influential foreign minister, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem Al-Thani. And one of the emir’s most potent weapons has been his ability to develop a façade of free expression.

His crown jewel in that regard is Al-Jazeera, the satellite station that virtually no one in the Middle East can afford to be indifferent toward. Love it or hate it, Al-Jazeera is both Emir Hamad’s weapon and shield: he uses it to hit out at his enemies, most prominently Saudi Arabia (which has long regarded the freethinking emir as an unruly menace), but also to protect himself against the Arab nationalists and Islamists who delight in the station’s political line and what they consider its independence. “Independence” is a relative concept, however, in that Al-Jazeera is financed largely by Emir Hamad himself. At the Doha conference, one participant suggested that if the station was so popular, why didn’t it seek funding through commercials, like any private television station? The man was politely ignored. However, his query went to the very heart of the matter with regard to the station’s politics: to what extent is Al-Jazeera really separate from the emir’s interests?

In fact, Emir Hamad’s relationship with Al-Jazeera is a subtle one. By muzzling the station, his defenders suggest, he would merely undermine emerging Qatari pluralism and score another point for intolerance in the Middle East. Indeed, but it is equally true that by sponsoring the demagogical Arab nationalism or Islamism of Al-Jazeera, the emir also buys cover on his political left for hosting the huge American military base at Al-Udeid, from where American power in the Gulf is projected.

America offers Qatar what no one else will: security, permitting the emirate to export its natural gas without fear; but also a margin of maneuver vis-à-vis the emirate’s Gulf partners and the larger Arab states, so that Qatar has repeatedly taken on a prominence surpassing its diminutive size in both inter-Arab and inter-Islamic politics. It is to buttress its rapport with Washington that Qatar has also maintained ties – albeit ambiguous ones – with Israel. Yet, ever versatile, it was AGAINST Washington that Qatar stood before the Iraq war (even as it hosted U.S. Central Command), when it sought to avoid a conflict by intervening with the Iraqis after an Organization of the Islamic Conference summit in Doha in March 2003.

On other matters too, particularly Qatar’s relations with militant Islam (Qatari mosques follow Wahhabi teachings and the emir’s murky relations with Al-Qaeda have been the subject of considerable speculation), the cornerstone of Emir Hamad’s maneuverability has been his wearing the mask of openness. Democracy and a devotion to free markets, even when peddled by an un-elected ruler for life whose movement on democracy has been slow (if palpable), can go a long way to building up international goodwill. It has also allowed Emir Hamad to stand in the camp of the reformers, when some might question his authority to so brazenly do so. But Qatar remains blissfully indifferent to the contradictions on which its politics and stability rest. Security and profits are its mantra, and to preserve this, any and all fighting techniques are permitted – scratching and biting included.

May 1, 2004 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

Safe from harm?

by Faysal Badran May 1, 2004
written by Faysal Badran

Is Lebanon a genuine emerging economy? If so, how has the country been able to escape unscathed through the domino-like collapse of new entrants into the global financial architecture. After the implosion of several Asian “tiger” economies and the more recent Russian debt crisis, it seemed that the Lebanese bubble would burst. The common reflections on Lebanon as a potential ground were driven by fears over the fiscal imbalance and the stagnating macro economy. The emerging economies are in a sense the periphery in the global financial structure, and as the “hot” money (mainly composed of hedge funds and short term punters) flowed from the center to the periphery, many of the emerging countries witnessed a period of over investment. The excess inflows within a weak regulatory environment exposed certain vulnerabilities that highlighted a divide between both monetary and real factors. Once the short-term money flows reversed, the countries were left to pick up the pieces of fickle foreign hot money. The once revered Asian tiger countries eventually trumped their ability to siphon in short-term money.

Why has Lebanon been unaffected by all these global crises? After all, the fall in emerging markets is a stark reminder that economic reality, however masked by monetary factors, do come back to bite. It is important to note that during the period of euphoria, there is usually almost blind optimism and confidence in the countries’ ability to embark on reforms and policies that woo investments. The boom in Russia and South East Asia illustrates the wide held belief, strengthened by extensive research, that the economies’ fortunes will follow – a sort of “if you build it they will come” approach.

Lebanon stayed immune during these crises – from the Tequila Hangover that characterized the Mexican Peso collapse in the early to mid 90s, to the Asian, Russian, Brazilian blow-ups of the 1997 to 2002 period. The pessimists felt that the Lebanese miracle would unwind, and FOREX stability at the very least, would be in jeopardy. In fact, because Lebanon lacked the international sponsorship from an investment flow perspective, it would experience a more severe downfall. Marwan Barakat, head of research at Banque Audi, described in a recent presentation the crises factors that tend to precipitate problems as economic fundamentals, market factors, financial characteristics, and contagion variables. In Lebanon’s case, one would think that with the economy in the doldrums, the wake up call would be sharp. It is, however, on the other three fronts that Lebanon’s resilience was most prominent. Despite a costly monetary policy geared toward exchange rate stability and illiquid markets, it seems that the social benefit from maintaining the pound outweighed the risks. It also appears that the illiquidity of markets, seen in Barakat’s presentation as an element of vulnerability in other economies’ boom period, was a redeeming factor in Lebanon’s case, especially as most of the financial market transactions focused on local holders of debt and equity. The hot money never bothered with Lebanon, and this illiquidity, though a hallmark of a closed economy, contained the damage and banks rushed into lucrative but short-term Lebanese sovereign bonds. It also appears that the strength of the banking system was a pillar in this resilience. How much longer this can last with Basle II on the way is another issue. Contagion (the collapse of a nation with a large trade position that impacts directly on its trading partners) was never an issue in Lebanon as its role in trade and finance remains limited. The lack of statistics often distorts proper analyses of the situation. For instance, who knows what the real unemployment rate is? How often can one count on reliable monetary aggregate numbers, and what is the real level of consumption? As opposed to typical emerging markets, Lebanon has relied more on consumption than on investment, and while this provides temporary relief, for the economy to grow, real investment is crucial. This resilience is a rear view image of how Lebanon fared in comparison to other emerging markets. Simply put, Lebanon has not blown up perhaps because it has remained insular and closed, and relied on Lebanese and “patient” Arab money for its capital markets. But the resilience raises an important concern: the underreporting of non-performing loans. As this issue pertains to risks in China, Japan, and some of the South American economies, one cannot help but wonder how it may affect Lebanon. Non-performing loans to total loans in Lebanon are at a staggering 20%, according to Audi research figures. The policy lesson, according to Barakat, is that “banks and regulatory authorities should monitor sovereign exposure and find alternative sources of uses so as to avoid a strong correlation between sovereign and banking risks.”

Lebanon has weathered several global crises through a mix of luck and ephemeral variables. The key to maintaining the delicate balance is building confidence, which can be built only through public sector and political reform. As long as the current caretakers continue to place political bickering, personal careers, and confessional issues ahead of the economic and fiscal imperatives, the resilience of Lebanon will be an underutilized element. It is hopeful that unlike its emerging markets counterparts, Lebanon will not need an economic implosion to trigger change in the political and institutional modus vivendi. If, as Barakat put it, “credible policy response is crucial in the emerging economies’ ability to withstand shocks,” one wonders how the investing world feels about the future of a country where no clear economic plan is discernible and where any calls for “economic planning” is met with disdain.

May 1, 2004 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

Audi merger sets the stage

by Nicolas Photiades May 1, 2004
written by Nicolas Photiades

The merger of Banque Audi and Banque Saradar was the best thing to happen to the Lebanese banking sector for many years and the biggest merger/acquisition since the Byblos-Banque Beyrouth pour le Commerce and Bank of Beirut-Beirut Riyad Bank deals in 1995 and 2001, respectively. Although the banking sector has been consolidating for the last ten years, albeit at a slow pace, this consolidation has mainly been characterized by acquisitions of weak smaller banks by larger institutions.

The Audi-Saradar merger, on the other hand, has produced the first really institutionalized banking group in Lebanon with very little control by one single family and the widespread dilution of responsibilities and decisions among a complementary and relatively efficient management team. With such an institutionalization of ownership, the Audi-Saradar venture is likely to have positive developments on the overall competitive environment in Lebanon. It is also expected to influence other banking groups to improve corporate governance, as well as underwriting skills and risk management. Not only will the capitalization of the new venture be improved as a result of the combination of the two equity bases, but other banks are also likely to feel the peer pressure and step up their efforts to increase shareholders’ equity as well. There will also be improved banking products available to customers, reduced related party exposure as a result of family ownership dilution, increased financial flexibility and importance vis-à-vis the regulator and enhanced shareholder value. All of which will enable the new bank to meet Basel II requirements more easily and eventually offer greater support to the Lebanese domestic economy.

But it is what it may do for the cause of corporate governance that is most interesting. Lebanese banks desperately need to move away from family ownership towards a wider distribution of share ownership among passive and strategic investors or shareholders. Although some banks (such as Audi-Saradar and Bank of Beirut) have already followed the institutionalization path, a large number still remains in the hands of families and family ownership throughout the world has proved to have flaws. These include the lack of adequate resources to assist a bank in times of need and the unwillingness to dilute ownership to support growth. When families are present in management, there is the risk of credit and personnel decisions not being based on merit. Business decisions are often made purely for political or social reasons rather than economic ones, whilst the risk of connected lending is high and affects the image and creditworthiness of the bank (many Lebanese banks still claim though that they prefer to lend to companies they control, since they know them better).

To be fair to some family-owned banks, many family shareholders have already demonstrated their financial support to the business by taking minimal dividends (this was a Central Bank rule during the war years) or increasing the bank’s capital. Many families have also opted for a sale or a merger when they realized that they did not have the means to inject further capital and that they were better off joining hands with larger, better-equipped banks (such as the acquisition of Crédit Commercial du Moyen Orient by Banque Audi in 1996).

Family ownership in the Arab world has a different meaning than in other regions such as Europe or North America. Arab individual owners are often very wealthy in their own right and are more than able to support their business interests. Indeed, in Lebanon, the Central Bank considers family ownership to be a positive factor as it guarantees the conservatism of each individual bank and the heavy involvement of families in the daily management of the local banks has been a major factor behind the survival of most banks during the civil war period.

But this policy has its limitations. It can give rise to serious corporate governance and succession issues, and many banks, particularly smaller ones (below the top fifteen) are still run by forceful managers/shareholders (often carrying the two contradictory and conflicting titles of general manager AND chairman), who constrain or hinder the future development of their banks and add considerable stress on the already fragile and often weak financial structure.

It would be worth noting that many larger banks (as demonstrated by the recent Audi-Saradar venture) have been busy addressing corporate governance issues by taking significant steps towards institutionalization of management decision-making. The larger banks have been proactive in this area, as reflected by the setting up at various institutions of committees and executive management teams responsible for operational and financial (but rarely for strategic) decisions on a daily basis. The Central Bank, through its Banking Control Commission (BCC) has also been busy guiding the banks in their efforts to dilute the influence of particular senior managers or shareholders influence in managing the bank.

Today, the viability of many banks in Lebanon is in doubt. Those banks that still swim against the tide of consolidation typically have a very narrow franchise base, lack the necessary technological sophistication and operational capabilities that would lead to growth and long-term profitability. Most of these banks are vulnerable to the volatile external environment and would not be able to defend their franchises in the long-run. The forthcoming Basel II regulations, which are due to be forced upon banks all over the world, will put the final nail in the coffin, as they require a significant upgrade of risk management capabilities and a change of banking culture along Western European and North American ones, which are focused on credit and other risks.

While the Audi-Saradar merger will hopefully accelerate the pace of the consolidation process within Lebanon’s banking sector, the recent decreases in interest rates on government debt securities and the squeezing of margins should also change the thinking of many bankers, as they realize that organic growth is now increasingly difficult to achieve. The changing interest rate environment is likely to push all banks to become real lending banks, more focused on risk management, greater corporate governance, and on developing a strong credit culture within each institution. Greater consolidation of the banking sector in Lebanon would result in a more efficient banking system that is less vulnerable to shocks in the economy.

A sound and dynamic banking system is key to the future prosperity of the Lebanese economy. In order to achieve this higher level of creditworthiness, Lebanese bankers need to strike a balance between risk taking – financing economic growth – and prudent investment of national savings (deposits). Success in the key areas of risk and capital management, cost control and product diversification and distribution, will distinguish the healthy and profitable banks from the rest. However, given the current skepticism among some bankers, the sector may sadly still need a certain number of high profile collapses or failures to highlight to the rest of the sector the importance of robust risk management and rigorous corporate governance. Banque Audi and Banque Saradar have spectacularly shown the way to the banking sector. Emulation should now follow, while the wait for peer failures should not be an option for most banks.

Nicolas Photiades is an independent financial adviser on financing, capital optimization, and strategy.

May 1, 2004 0 comments
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The Buzz

Developing cultural fluency

by Tommy Weir May 1, 2004
written by Tommy Weir

When you look at a full moon, what do you see? An old man’s face? A piece of cheese? A rabbit pounding rice? That’s right, in Japan this is a very common belief about the image of the moon. So, the next time you gaze at the stars and add this image to your repertoire, it is a sign that you are becoming culturally fluent.

What is cultural fluency?

Culture is usually defined as a complex mixture of societal norms that include: knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, customs, habits and many other learned patterns of behavior. Fluency is typically linked with the complex understanding of a language and all of its intricate meanings. Cultural fluency, then, is having the capacity to embrace and flow within many various cultural environments, and the ability to utilize diversity for understanding and growth.

Developing cultural fluency is essential for any global leader. As more and more organizations expand across national borders, leaders will need to widen their views on competition and national behaviors. To survive in the worldwide business environment, we will need to pay just as much attention to differences as similarities, and be willing to accept a wide number of business methods. On many occasions, we have heard managers complain about diverse working environments. One leader even claimed that “one of the most difficult challenges we [as a company] face is working in a culturally diverse business environment.” The point is to recognize that diversity can be an advantage if understood and managed properly. The advantages of utilizing diversity include:

· competitive new product development

· expanded acceptance of new ideas

· ability to recognize new perspectives

· more comprehensive communication skills

· an increase in the ability to cooperate.

Effective global managers assume difference until similarity is proven instead of assuming similarity until difference is proven. In the end, bridging cultural gaps is about communication and building relationships beyond the safety zone of similarity. Developing a diverse list of business contacts that you can rely on for information and ideas is essential.

One important component of cultural fluency is that you must limit your own cultural blind spots. In many cases, what we perceive to be the “right way” may just be a habit. Questioning our own cultural baggage is paramount because it allows us to add new information to a limited vocabulary. Some important tips to consider when experiencing different business cultures include:

· Don’t make assumptions about a person based on where they come from. · Understand that cultures change and are dynamic. Business practices you experienced in China in the early 90’s are very different today. · Try not to take things personally if someone from a different cultural does something that you consider “rude.” This was evident during a conference in the UK, where businesspeople from the Middle East, Europe, and the Asian Pacific were in attendance. A tense moment erupted when a colleague from the Gulf wrote his phone number on a business card from a potential Japanese business partner. For the Japanese, writing on a business card is tantamount to committing a serious crime because they view them as an extension of the person giving the card and expect they be handled with care.

Finding common starting points are also important and can make a big difference in the impression that you set for yourself and your company. Below are three basic issues, however, there are many more.

Low- and high-context communication

In low-context communication, most of the message will be explicit and named in words, while in high-context communication, the message will be implicit and will rely on the context surrounding it. High-context cultures will rely on physical setting, shared beliefs, norms and values to extend understanding. Non-verbal cues are very important, and messages will not be spelled out. Cultures from the South and East tend towards the high-context category, whereas cultures from the West are considered to be mostly low-context. A classic example of the confusion is the experience of a German businessman who came to Lebanon (a high-context setting) for an important meeting. He was told to go to the company’s office that was 200 meters west of Cola. When he asked a shop person what Cola was he was told it was the Coca Cola plant. When he called his prospective Lebanese business partner from Choueifat, the Lebanese businessman explained that the office was 200 meters from the old Coca Cola plant, which was now a busy roundabout in Beirut. The Lebanese residents had a contextual understanding of the term and this was very different from the low-context specific directions the German expected.

Role identity (individual and group)

This starting point relates to the ways that we think of ourselves as part of our department, company and even family. Men and women raised in the Eastern and Southern hemispheres are taught that being a part of a circle of relations is of essential importance. They are rewarded for obedience, cooperation, respect for elders and abiding by family traditions and values. People from the West will most likely have an individualist starting point. Meaning that they see the person as independent, self-directed and autonomous. Children raised in this type of culture are rewarded for personal initiative, achievement and taking responsibility for personal choices and development. Individualist starting point

-achievement is linked to personal goal setting and action.

-accountability rests ultimately with the individual and he/she must make decisions accordingly.

-people are understood to have equality of opportunity and are able to make their own independent personal choices.

Group starting point

-maintaining harmony and group solidarity is important, and one person’s decision should not interrupt that.

-choices and decisions are made in consultation with many overlapping layers of interests and people.

-people’s decisions reflect on their group membership, and he/she is held accountable to the group.

-people accept hierarchy and direction from those they deem to be of a higher status.

Time

Of all the sources of miscommunication in the global business environment, this must be the one that causes the most problems. In the Western mind, time is quantitative, measured, and utilizing it productively is of strategic importance. Phrases like “time is money” and “time is of the essence” are commonly heard in North American and European cities. In the Eastern and Southern hemispheres, time is more elastic and feels somewhat unlimited, which makes keeping fixed appointments seem almost impossible. Several years back, a North American businessman experienced this firsthand in Brazi when he set a seminar for 7:30 PM. Everything seemed to be fine until 7:30 PM came and no one showed up. The team thought this was a complete failure. But after one and half hours, nearly 700 people showed. For the most part, people will take precedence over the schedule.

Whether your work is global or local, the reference points and behaviors involved in developing cultural fluency are similar: listen and ask questions for verification, understand that the other person’s view and starting point may be very different from yours, and accept the limitations of your on view and method of working.

Be the Best!

Tommy Crumrine and Christine Weir are from the Beirut-based CrumrineWeir, the global leadership experts.

May 1, 2004 0 comments
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Real Estate

Market trends

by Anthony Mills May 1, 2004
written by Anthony Mills

While new, high-end residential developments continue to define the current residential market, the bulk of Lebanon’s residential real estate sector is marked by illiquidity and inflexible prices because of many owners’ reluctance to sell and an unwillingness to accept professional valuations.

However, a drop in interest rates, prompting investors – notably, Gulf Arabs and Lebanese expats – to turn their attention to real estate, has offset many of these hidebound attitudes. This trend is not only reflected in the heightened development activity along the West Beirut and Solidere seafront, where multi-million dollar apartments are selling well, but in areas hitherto unfancied by foreign Arab nationals, such as Ashrafieh and Gemaizeh. The “local” market is characterized by affordable new build at $500 per m2 plus “old” properties that can be refurbished at the tenants’ leisure. But it is the latter sector that brokers often find difficulties in achieving sales when faced with the ingrown Lebanese unwillingness to acknowledge the need for cash. Brokers also complain that potential vendors are susceptible to the ill-informed views of real estate “amateurs” who assure them their property is worth more than the broker has quoted. “We tell people what the real value of their property is. They either like it, or they don’t like it. That’s their problem, not ours,” stated Joe C. Kanaan, president of Sodeco Gestion real estate consultants. Raja Makarem of RAMCO real estate consultants, said: “The Lebanese always overvalue their property. The greatest difficulty is convincing them of its real value. They treat property as a matter of honor. That’s why they don’t like to say that they want to sell. This makes the property more difficult to market.”

But how do local buyers choose where they live? Do they, like their counterparts in the West, use the usual criteria – proximity to schools, shops, etc? “They don’t think that way,” said Patrick Geammal, chairman and managing director of Ascot real estate brokers. “They think more about area and who is going to be their neighbor, about the reputation of the building they are going to live in (directly linked to who lives in it) than where they are going to send their kids to school – they don’t give a damn about that.” Other brokers underline the value attached to a sea view. The Lebanese often choose a residence close to that of their parents and usually remain in areas with which they identify religiously, although brokers say that at the upper end of the market – often characterized by educated, well-traveled Lebanese – this is changing. The Solidere district is cited as an example of residential sectarian blending. “I see some movement from West Beirut to Ashrafieh, to Gemaizeh,” said Karim Ibrahim, managing partner of the development firm Constructa. “But, I don’t see it the other way around,” he added, “I don’t see anyone from Ashrafieh buying an apartment in Hamra.” In general, Ashrafieh remains predominantly Christian, while West Beirut continues to be associated with Muslims. In another development, brokers say they are witnessing many Lebanese from the northern suburbs, such as Kaslik and Jounieh, choosing to buy in Beirut. If this turns out to be more than a mere blip on the graph, it will be a welcome reversal, as many residents of the Kesrwan region have been reluctant to return to or move to a capital many still associate with the war.

But it’s the foreign money that is today driving the market. According to Geammal, 60% to 70% of current apartment purchases in the Solidere district can be attributed to Gulf Arabs. In Ain Mreisseh, Verdun and Ramlet al-Baida, the figure drops to 40%, but demand still exceeds supply in the most popular, high-end neighborhoods, brokers say. And while most Lebanese view real estate as a life investment, Gulf Arabs see their Lebanese homes as more of a commodity, an attitude that may breathe some dynamism into the local residential market. Elsewhere, Gulf nationals are seeking to buy beyond their traditional areas. Although they have yet to populate the Christian Kesrwan area and the Metn in the same way they have in the Mount Lebanon resorts of Bhamdoun and Aley, more and more Gulf Arabs are choosing to live in Ashrafieh and Gemaizeh, where they are attracted by lower prices. They now account for 10% to 15% of sales in these neighborhoods.

According to Kanaan, such Gulf buyers want to distance themselves from other, more typical GCC nationals. “They are not like the Gulf Arabs who come to Lebanon only to smoke NARGILEHS and drink sodas downtown. These guys appreciate a more refined lifestyle. They integrate. Of course, if someone arrives in Ashrafieh with four wives veiled from head to foot and an army of Sri Lankan maids, people will not appreciate it.” Brokers admit that many Lebanese buyers of upscale apartments in Ashrafieh now ask them if any Arabs live in the building. “We tell them yes but that they are not like the rest,” quipped one broker with a shrug. “They don’t want to be sharing buildings with most of Riyadh.”

Many residents, and of course developers, welcome the inflow of Gulf money. Brokers say it is good for the market. “It’s fantastic,” said Makarem. “I am very happy to see it. It’s very healthy. It proves we’ve got over the war effect.” But he added: “I wish we could see more Christians buying houses in West Beirut.”

Some professionals contend that biased brokers are hindering the trend by not showing Gulf Arab buyers apartments in Christian neighborhoods, and playing down the attributes of these districts. “They are very badly advised,” said Geammal. “Brokers try to convince them that people of their religion should live in Ramlet al-Baida, not in Ashrafieh. But there are opportunities today in Ashrafieh, Saife and Gemmaizeh that they are not being shown.”

Finally, Brokers are divided as to whether there is a market for studio and one-bedroom apartments. “I don’t see any one- or even two-bedroom projects, especially in Beirut,” observed Ibrahim. “It’s a losing business.” Lebanese buyers, notably husbands-to-be under cultural pressure to own a home before marrying, feel they have to buy a large apartment straightaway. But many prospective husbands don’t have the funds. Marriages are postponed as a result, and the effect on a real estate sector, which clearly cannot satisfy all needs, is negative. Some real estate insiders, though, maintain that there is room in the market for high-end one-bedroom apartments, which would serve, among others, the university-enrolled sons and daughters of wealthy Lebanese as well as affluent professionals, who, for one reason or another, would like a ‘pied-a-terre’ beyond the confines of their family home. “For the moment, one-bedroom apartments are associated with low-cost, undistinguished housing. A good building, in a good area, especially Solidere, with all the amenities, would generate a lot of demand,” stated Makarem.

May 1, 2004 0 comments
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