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Editorial

He who can bleed the most

by Yasser Akkaoui October 3, 2011
written by Yasser Akkaoui

In different ways, both the Syrian people who are rising up against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad, as well as the regime itself, are pushing the limits of their own mortality.

Protests that began in March have spread across the country, but still they have not gathered the critical force necessary to topple the regime. The regime’s brutal attempts to suppress the demonstrations have sent the death toll multiplying into the thousands, and the numbers of arrested into the tens of thousands. For every protester martyred, the regime has bullets for 10 more; if this trajectory is maintained, the protest movement will literally die.

On the other hand, the government is watching the economy evaporate. Expenses have soared, with billions of dollars spent on populist subsidy programs, keeping the Syrian pound afloat and funding the massive deployment of army and militiamen, while revenue has precipitously fallen, with multiple billions lost in capital flight, in vanishing trade and taxes, and in tightening sanctions. When the EU embargo against purchasing Syrian oil exports hits next month, it will wipe away at least a quarter more of the government’s remaining revenue. Assad is losing the ability to fund his grip on power; if this trajectory is maintained, his regime will collapse.

As with all pivotal moments in history, it is often the events that were impossible to foretell — the so-called “black swans” — that irretrievably alter the outcome in one direction or the other.   

Barring blind luck swooping in for either side, however, this will remain a war of attrition, and the winner will be he who can bleed the most.

October 3, 2011 0 comments
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Yemen’s incipient civil war

by Farea al-Muslimi October 3, 2011
written by Farea al-Muslimi

The most horrifying week yet of the eight-month uprising in Yemen began on September 18. The terror and fear the people of Sanaa experienced was described by some as the worst since the civil war in 1994, with more than 80 civilians killed and hundreds more injured. In the areas surrounding Change Square — the heart of the protest movement against obstinate President Ali Abdullah Saleh — snipers fanned out on building tops, shooting randomly at sporadic intervals throughout the day and night. Those involved in the protests were shot, as were those who happened to live in the areas nearby. The sound of bombs exploding punctuated the muezzins’ call to prayers in Sanaa mosques, empty as never before. Those who failed to leave before the clashes intensified remained inside their homes for days, trying to survive with whatever supplies they had rather than risk venturing outside.

The clashes started when the protesters tried to enlarge the four-kilometer stretch they have occupied in Sanaa and expand to another nearby street. As protesters began to set up tents, security forces and Republican Guards opened fire. In less than an hour, more than 20 protesters had been killed. Later on, the First Armed Division, a powerful battalion of defected soldiers loyal to the uprising, returned fire. Fighting spread to the Al Hasba neighborhood, the stronghold of the powerful tribal leader Sadeq al-Ahmar. The neighborhood endured heavy clashes between Ahmar and Saleh’s forces only a few months ago; many homes remain abandoned after residents fled.

The tension in Sanaa ratcheted up a notch when Saleh made a sudden surprise return to the country on September 23, after three months in Saudi Arabia recovering from a bomb attack on the presidential palace mosque. Upon the announcement of Saleh’s arrival, celebratory gunfire from his supporters rang out around Sanaa, as demonstrators were being fired upon in Change Square.

Saleh still holds support from several different quarters.  He enjoys staunch military backing from the Republican Guards, which are led by his son, and similar support from the security forces led by his nephew, and neither lack firepower, in part due to American contributions intended to fight extremists like Al Qaeda. Then there are the corrupt network of stakeholders who will lose their patronage should Saleh go and the tribes who still support Saleh out of a historical enmity towards the Ahmars. But while pockets of support remain, Saleh’s majority lies in arms, not in popular sentiment. His return was a spark to the powder keg. His stubbornness amidst the chaos was a declaration of war. On September 26, while Yemen was celebrating its 49th anniversary of the 1962 revolution that overthrew the ruling Hamidaddin family, Saleh delivered a speech that for Yemenis contained nothing new. He reiterated his calls for dialogue and for an early presidential election, as he had disingenuously suggested on multiple occasions, while emphasizing that the vice president, not Saleh himself, sign the Gulf Cooperation Council initiative of a transfer of power.

The speech was seen by some as a stall tactic before all-out civil war, but it is not clear what the distinction between war and the current scenario is. It seems the line has already been crossed. Without an intensification of international pressure, particularly from within the GCC (Saudi Arabia’s hospitality and leeway in allowing Saleh to rally his supporters from the kingdom shows the tepid regional pressure on him), Saleh will lead Yemen to hell — indeed, it is already at the gates. But if so baited, the millions of Yemeni youth in the squares who have been demanding change peacefully could erupt like a volcano if their legitimate demands for the immediate departure of Saleh and his regime are not met.

Late last month, while Yemenis on the ground fought for the political future of their country, herds of NGO workers and embassy staff were lining up at Sanaa Airport with the very few Yemenis who can afford to leave the country. Yemen is among the most heavily armed countries on earth, with more than 68 million weapons — almost three arms for every man, woman and child. Yemenis have amazed the world over the last eight months with their peaceful protest. But their patience has run dry.

FAREA AL-MUSLIMI is a Yemeni activist
and writer for Almasdar

 

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The next pharaoh

by Josh Wood October 3, 2011
written by Josh Wood

In Cairo these days, asking random people on the street about the shortcomings of the ruling military-led transitional government often elicits the same reactions that asking about former President Hosni Mubarak andvhis cronies did not too long ago: people tense up and their eyes dart around before they quickly excuse themselves.

Such reactions and paranoia are not completely unwarranted. As the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, headed by Field Marshal MohammedTantawi, faces increasing dissent, it has cracked down on freedom of speech and freedom of the press. For Egyptians, speaking out against those in power is again a dangerous venture.

“The problem is not freedom of speech, but freedom after the speech,” says Hafez al-Mirazi, the former Washington bureau chief for Al Jazeera and currently the head of the Kamal Adham Center for Journalism Training and Research at the American University of Cairo. “So you can say what you want, but the problem is going to be the consequences of what you say.”

This proved the case for Maikel Nabil Sanad, a young Egyptian blogger who was sentenced to three years in prison for posting criticism online about the way the military council was running the country. According to rights groups, he began a hunger strike in August and even refused liquids before his health deteriorated and he was hospitalized.

In August, 26-year-old Asmaa Mahfouz was arrested for criticizing the council of military officers on Twitter and was only released on a $3,300 bail following international pressure.

Criticism of the new government on social networking sites in Egypt is rampant. Though it would be hard to imagine the government pursuing everybody who voices dissent online, these cases were designed to intimidate, to make others think twice before voicing their opinions.

After protesters stormed Israel’s embassy in Cairo on September 9 and clashed with security forces through the night, the government added new provisions to the country’s feared Emergency Law. It had previously committed to repeal the law. Under Mubarak, the Emergency Law — which has been in place continuously since the 1981 assassination of Anwar Sadat — was one of the regime’s key tools of repression. One item on the amended Emergency Law now bans the spreading of “false news, statements or rumors”, of which the government has thus far had a fairly liberal — or conservative, depending on one’s outlook — definition. Amnesty International has labeled the revamped Emergency Law as the “biggest threat to rights” in post-revolution Egypt.

Days after the Israeli embassy raid, Al Jazeera’s offices around Cairo were raided. Al Jazeera Arabic and English were allowed to remain open, but their Egyptian affiliate Al Jazeera Mubasher was shut down for a discrepancy in its paperwork. The government, which allowed new television stations to open in Egypt relatively freely after Mubarak’s fall, is now looking to keep cameras out. They have put a freeze on new satellite stations opening and halted live broadcasts of the Mubarak trial.

As Egypt moves towards eight months without Mubarak, the freedoms that millions demonstrated and fought for in Tahrir Square are being rescinded, in many cases using the same tactics employed by the old regime. Many Egyptians are still quick to stress that the country continues to be in the early stages of the post-Mubarak era and there is an optimism that the hangover will subside with time, and immediately after the revolution, Egypt did look like a new place. But now, if you turn your head away from the burned-out skeleton of the Nile-side National Democratic Party headquarters and the occasional Friday protests, there are many signs that point to the Egypt of old reasserting itself. Perhaps one of the most visible is the country’s state-run media outlets, Mubarak’s private cheering section and propaganda outlet when he was in power.

“Any time you look at the newspaper it’s very similar [to before the revolution]” says Mirazi. “You just replace Mubarak’s name with Field Marshal Tantawi.”

JOSH WOOD is a contributor for
The International Herald Tribune
and Esquire Magazine

 

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Follow the money

by Peter Grimsditch October 3, 2011
written by Peter Grimsditch

It is a headline writer’s dream: “Ambassador expelled”; “Trade with Israel suspended”; “Prime Minister to visit Gaza”; “Turkish navy to patrol eastern Mediterranean”. The reality is much less Hollywood.

The Israeli ambassador to Turkey was not in the country anyway, conveniently and with “foresight” avoiding the embarrassment of television cameras capturing him skulking away. The trade suspension was rapidly qualified as government-to-government — a fraction of the $3 billion plus annual total. The Turkish navy is unlikely to provide the Israelis with another opportunity to demonstrate their military prowess with a 1967 Liberty-style attack. And Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Gaza trip was always politically unrealistic, however much he personally may have wanted to go.

More significant than any of this is that private sector commercial relations between the two countries is growing, not declining. Never let rhetoric interfere with the sacred duty of making money. Even as Economy Minister Zafer Caglayan was solemnly declaring that trade ties with Israel were being downgraded to second secretary level, he was truthfully admitting that “there has not been much change in bilateral trade relations yet”. In short, if you want to know what is really going on in this world, follow the money. Verbal and political warfare between the two countries began with Erdogan’s walkout at the 2009 World Economic Forum in Davos and came to a head following the Israeli slaughter in May 2010 of eight Turks and an American of Turkish origin aboard an aid flotilla. Now check out the cash flow since then.

In the first half of this year, Israeli exports to Turkey shot up by 39 percent to $950 million. Trade in the opposite direction rose by 16 percent, to just more than $1 billion, and by the end of the year the two-way volume is expected to surpass $4 billion. Of course, there are sound reasons — on both sides — for wanting to maintain the exchanges.

Turkey has been suffering from the economic malaise in Europe, the main market for its exports, and suffered financial body blows from the uprisings in Libya and Syria. For its part, Israel was hurt by economic turmoil in the United States, its main customer.

Erdogan and Caglayan have both said Turkey’s quarrel is with the Israeli government, not individuals or businesses. Israeli Premier Benjamin Netanyahu was exporting his own complementary statement. The political crisis “is not our choice”, he said. “We respect the Turkish people and their heritage.” Not to mention their money. And their cheap holiday resorts.

The number of Israeli visitors to Turkey fell through the floor last year, dropping by around two thirds to 109,600. Tourists are not made of the same stern stuff as business people, and some Israelis took delight in flaunting figures to the northwest and pointing out how much they were hurting the Turkish tourist industry. That Turkey’s overall tourism numbers went up anyway, even given the missing Israelis, was not included in the gloating. Regardless, the Israelis are coming back. Perhaps encouraged by a favorable exchange rate as much as the facilities, the July and August figures rocketed from around 94,000 in 2010 to 166,000 this year, according to the Israeli Airports Authority. Tourism and trade operate on different dynamics of course. Tourist numbers can drop suddenly and build up again fairly quickly. Trade relations are established over a much longer period, and equally take a good while to wind down. Economic relations between Egypt and Israel had developed a rising momentum when Netanyahu became Israeli prime minister for the first time. It took just more than a year of his hardline policies before there were visible signs of decline.

In the longer term — and short of Middle East peace — Turkey is more important to Israel than the other way around. Erdogan’s relentless drive to enhance his country’s influence and strength took him to Egypt last month, where he forecast a rise in mutual trade to $10 billion over the next few years, as well as to Libya to restore the large and lucrative Turkish contracts that the revolution put in abeyance. Then there is always the US. Francisco Sanchez, the undersecretary of state for trade and commerce, said in Ankara last month the US aimed to triple trade with Turkey over the next five to six years. That would make it worth $45 billion, dwarfing the figure with Israel. And, after all, why deal with the monkey when you can trade with the organ grinder?

PETER GRIMSDITCH is Executive’s
Turkey correspondent

 

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Deference versus diversity in the Gulf

by Paul Cochrane October 3, 2011
written by Paul Cochrane

Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have long struggled with implementing nationalization employment policies (NEPs) to bring more GCC citizens into the workplace, offset reliance on expatriate labor and diversify their oil-dependent economies. The track record has been mixed — fairly good at getting citizens into the government sector but pretty hopeless at the private sector level.

In the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, nationals account for around 80 percent of the public sector workforce, in Kuwait around 90 percent and in Qatar 94 percent, although some of these statistics are questionable. In 2009 for instance, Sheikh Mohammed bin-Rashid, vice presidentof the UAE, admitted that Emiratization levels “did not exceed 54 percent in ministries and 25 percent in federal authorities.”

In the private sector, Emiratis account for less than 1 percent of the workforce of the UAE, in Kuwait and Qatar around 5 percent and in Saudi Arabia 13.3 percent, according to government statistics.

While NEPs have been in place for decades, most GCC governments appear to be working hard to ensure such policies do not succeed outside the public sector. The most effective way they have done so is by raising public sector salaries to ridiculous levels. Last year, the UAE gave federal government employees a 70 percent wage increase. In September, Qatar announced it would raise government employees’ wages by 60 percent and give military officers a 120 percent salary, pension and benefits hike. What incentive does this give to young Emiratis and Qataris to become, say, entrepreneurs or scientists when a cushy job for life can be had with the government?

Instead such moves create greater dependency on the state, a useful weapon to defuse political opposition and give the impression of greater distribution of oil wealth among nationals. Yet such ruler-subject dependency is not sustainable. It is creating divisiveness between nationals and expatriates, causing social malaise and stifling the potential of the Gulf people.

Such policies also throw into question the motivation behind spending billions of dollars on educational facilities and programs if citizens’ only incentive to study is to get into the public sector. Take Qatar’s Vision 2030 and the National Development Strategy 2011-2016, which mapped out the development of both a knowledge-based and free economy. One of the lofty aims of the multi-billion dollar, state-endowed Qatar Foundation is to make these plans a reality, but this is dependent on young Qataris entering the private sector and not opting to join the military and civil service instead. (Women, on the other hand, account for 77 percent of Qatar University’s student body, which bodes well for the future.)

So how is diversification going to occur and nationalization targets be met against such seemingly great odds? Is the answer to give passports to foreign professionals and experts, as has happened with 11 players on the Qatar national football team? (When I asked one Qatari if his countrymen were proud of their team after Qatar won the bid to host the 2022 World Cup, he replied: “What team?”)

While the UAE and Qatar are scoring own goals against their private sector NEPs, Saudi Arabia is taking its Saudi-ization policy more seriously, introducing this year the Nitaqat plan to find employment for 1.12 million Saudis by 2014. But through its complex quota categories — 205 of them in all — even the labor ministry has admitted that up to 40 percent of private companies will fail to employ enough Saudis and could “cease to exist.”

There appears to be no easy way of encouraging NEPs in the private sector, either beset by onerous requirements or countered by the government placating subjects through high-paying state jobs. A balance needs to be found. The hard truth, though, is that the GCC countries need to accept that introducing viable NEPs that put the private sector ahead or on par with the public sector as an attractive employment option for nationals will eventually bring about a different relationship between the state and the people. It would mean greater governmental accountability; a step that could be viewed by the rulers as one too far. But the status quo cannot continue forever, as major socio-political problems inevitably crash the party. Leaders of certain other Arab countries have recently learnt this the hard way.

PAUL COCHRANE is the Middle East
correspondent for International News Services

 

October 3, 2011 0 comments
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Finance

Q&A with Jean Riachi, chairman at FFA Private Bank

by Executive Staff September 26, 2011
written by Executive Staff

FFA’s Jean Riachi gives high-net worth investors tips on how to get the best out of their private bank

September 26, 2011 0 comments
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Consumer Society

Ian Gorsuch

by Executive Editors September 18, 2011
written by Executive Editors

It the Beirut launch of McLaren Automotive’s long awaited high performance car, the MP4-12C, Executive spoke with Ian Gorsuch, McLaren’s regional director for the Middle East and Africa.

A totally bespoke car, the 12C has a lightweight carbon fiber chassis structure and a 3.8-liter, V8 twin-turbo engine producing around 600 brake horse power (bhp), able to reach 0-100 kilometers per hour (km/hr) in just 3.3 seconds.

  • The MP4-12C has been a long time coming, with production of the iconic McLaren F1 ending in 1998 and the world’s best selling luxury supercar, the Mercedes-Benz SLR McLaren, in 2009. Why did it take so long?

We had a long gestation period. Over the last three years there’s been a lot of speculation about what we were doing, especially as we had no new car on the road. And because it is our first car (in such volume), there has been a lot of discussion. Perhaps we revealed too much information too early, and we should have been more circumspect in releasing information as it created such a seemingly long waiting time. But although it seems like a long time to launch, it is on time.

  • How much did McLaren invest in developing the MP4-12C?

More than $1.3 billion has been invested in the project since 2005. Around 30,000 hours were spent in simulation development, and 100,000 kilometers of prototype testing was carried out, from the Arctic to the Middle East. We could have done testing in Death Valley in the United States, where the temperatures are the highest on earth, but we thought it better to do the testing in the humidity and dust of the Gulf.

  • Will there be other MP4-12C models?

We will also be launching the MP4-12C GT3 racecar. It is not like the Porsche GT3, which can be driven on the roads; it is purely a racecar. There has been a lot of interest from race teams, and we will initially start in Europe.

  • A new trend appears to be for supercar manufacturers to downsize and improve carbon emissions. Is this the case for the MP4-12C?

The car has the lowest carbon emissions in its segment, better per horsepower than a Toyota Prius. We built in performance criteria, not just 0-100 kilometers, but also ergonomics and CO2 [carbon dioxide] levels. We are a technology-led company.

  • How else does the car differ from others in the same segment?

The problem for many people is that they have to choose a luxury vehicle for a certain job. [They need] good suspension to make driving in traffic comfortable, or a performance car for high speed, which needs rigidity and good engagement with the road. Rarely can you enjoy the two together. With the MP4-12C’s unique suspension you can feel everything on the road, high speed on bends and you are able to cruise around in town, much like the comfort of a BMW M-Series. It can be driven every day, not just for a burn out on the weekend.

  • The F1 famously had a gold covered engine. Does the MP4-12C?

No, we didn’t need it for the MP4, perhaps due to the engine size. It was only on the F1, and for heat insulation on the engine bay.

  • How many MP4s are to be produced?

About 1,000 a year. There are already around 20 on the roads in Britain. Once we get up to full production and offer different models, it will be 4,500 worldwide.

  • How many do you expect to sell in the Middle East?

We will sell around 100, so 10 percent of global sales. The order bank is more than that, but the constraint is the production capacity. The biggest market is the United States.

  • What’s the price tag?

In Dubai, AED900,000 to AED 1,000,000 [$245,000 to $272,271].

  • Are customers old clients?

There are only 106 F1s in the world at the moment, so if we sold to F1 customers it would not be a viable business. We don’t advertise, so the key is through the media and our reputation.

  • Could the financial crisis affect sales?

At our level there are a limited number of cars so we are reasonably secure. And this is indicative worldwide. Before the crisis, if someone was worth $100 million, they are now worth, say, $70 million. This has not affected their lifestyle but it has affected their purchasing psyche. It’s not value for money, but people don’t just want a badge, they want intrinsic qualities behind the badge. This is an advantage we have.

  • Can you tell us about the main investors in McLaren Automotive?

Peter Lim, a Singapore investor, has joined us along with our chairman Ron Dennis. Other investors are the TAG Group, headed by [Saudi businessman] Mansour Ojjeh, and Mumtalakat Holding Co., the Bahraini sovereign wealth fund (with 50 percent). So we now have European, Middle Eastern and Asian investors, bringing new money, equity and experience to the board. We are perhaps the best funded car company in the world.

  • What is your regional presence in the Middle East?

We have six new showrooms; a 400 square meter showroom in Dubai, which is to open in November, and in Abu Dhabi, Jeddah, Doha, Bahrain and Kuwait. And we have eight service points, including Beirut, as a lot of Gulf nationals bring their cars to Lebanon in the summer and need the confidence that their car can be looked after.

Asia is the next step, with Osaka, Singapore and Hong Kong. We will be opening 35 new showrooms in 19 countries. It has been very exciting but [there has been] a lot of pressure, as no luxury brand has done in such a short time span a global launch with showrooms for just one car. We have had to train technicians at our facility in Woking, England, create unique dealer ordering portals and sign dealership contracts.

  • Is McLaren facing problems with the gray market?

The gray market is a problem for every luxury manufacturer, and it is costing the second buyer a lot of money. I heard of one car sold on Ebay, worth $280,000, that was offered online for $411,000. It was sold to a trader for $445,000.

  • When it was launched in 1993, the McLaren F1 was the world’s fastest production road car with a top speed of 386 kilometers per hour. British actor Rowan Atkinson, known for his role as Mr. Bean, crashed his F1 in early August in England. Have you any news?

Atkinson is fine and his car is being repaired. The press undervalued the car at $3.2 million. It is actually worth $5.76 million as there are only a few in existence worldwide.

“People don’t just want a badge, they want intrinsic qualities behind the badge. This is an advantage we have”

September 18, 2011 0 comments
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Economics & Policy

For your information

by Executive Editors September 18, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Huff, and puff, and blow ,your smoke out

Non-smokers will be breathing a breath of fresh air after a new anti-smoking law was passed by Lebanon’s parliament last month. The law, which has been in the pipeline since 2004, was slow to come to fruition but was spurred on recently by both civil society and the press. It prohibits smoking in certain indoor and outdoor locations including bars, restaurants, schools, hospitals, public and private offices and on public transportation. It also bans any form of tobacco advertising, including promotion and sponsorship. In addition, the law increases the size of the required health warnings on cigarette packages to 40 percent of the surface area of a pack. Hotels were granted some leeway by being permitted to allow smoking in 20 percent of their rooms. Penalties to be introduced range from a fine of $663 to $1,990 for establishments that are caught allowing smoking indoors, as well as a fine of $66.3 for individuals caught smoking in public spaces. Implementation is to take place gradually over the next year, allowing establishments and businesses to recalibrate their activities accordingly.  “A long road ahead to achieve effective implementation awaits us,” said a statement released last month by the health ministry’s National Tobacco Control Program unit. “The previous partial law passed in 1996 was very weakly implemented; it is necessary to prevent the tobacco industry and its allies from once again standing in the way of effective implementation.”

Enough energy to bring ,down a cabinet

Cracks in the cabinet began to emerge last month when a bill proposed by MP and Free Patriotic Movement leader Michel Aoun to borrow $1.18 billion to fund electricity projects from 2011 to 2014 was not passed from the cabinet to parliament. Aoun threatened to pull his ministers out of the cabinet if the bill was not passed, and as Executive went to print a deal had not yet been hammered out. The project proposes to produce 700 megawatts of electricity at a cost of $850.4 million using combined cycle gas turbines, as well as $247 million on transportation of power, $38.5 million on distribution and $40 million for consulting. According to the energy minister, the additional 700 megawatts could decrease average power rationing around the country by up to seven hours per day. If the power was only partially distributed to curb rationing by an average of 4 hours and repairs on the rest of the aging infrastructure were completed, estimated savings of $460 million per year for the treasury could be achieved and individual households could save $730 million to $1.3 billion on expenditures for private generator companies, said Energy Minister Gebran Bassil.

Assuming a deficit fall

The finance ministry seemed to shift the goal posts in the latest release of public finances last month, which stated that the total fiscal deficit had fallen 4.8 percent in the first half of the year. According to their figures, the 2011 deficit through June came in at $908.7 million. Government expenditure was put at $5.63 billion, a rise of 7.3 percent on the same period in 2010, while revenues were believed to have risen to $4.77 billion, a 9.8 percent rise. The smaller deficit figure, however, factors in revenues estimated by the telecom ministry totaling $704 million over the first six months of 2011, even though this sum has not yet been transferred to the treasury. The government’s largest expenditure item, debt servicing, shrank slightly during the first six months of this year to $1.9 billion, a fall of 0.5 percent year-on-year, constituting 33.8 percent of total expenditures. Interest payments on domestic debt made up $1.2 billion of that total in the first half of this year, with the primary surplus — the government’s income statement without debt servicing — at $1.13 billion, fractionally different than in 2010.

Welcome news on the web

The price of legal Internet in Lebanon looks set to fall after the adoption of a ministerial decree last month by the cabinet. The decree, which was proposed by the telecom ministry, details a new breakdown of prices and bandwidth caps for different categories of Internet speeds. The changes will take effect one month from the projected publication in the official gazette on August 29. The price list was not yet made public but was leaked to the pro-opposition Al Mustaqbal newspaper and confirmed as accurate by several telecom experts. The changes will see the slowest available residential Internet package rise in capacity — from 128 kilobits per second (kbps) with a bandwidth cap of 2 gigabits (GB) per month to 1 megabit (mbps) per second with a cap of 4 GB — while falling in price, from $23.21 to $15.90. The highest available residential package will rise from 2.3 mbps with an 8 GB cap to 8 mbps with a 30 GB cap, while decreasing in price from $199.00 to $114.09. The telecom ministry also announced that the 3G mobile Internet service will have a test-run on some 4,000 clients by mid-September, with the service available to the general public by the end of the year.

Business feeling blue

The feeling amongst the top hirers in the country is that business has been stagnant in 2011 but may well emerge from the doldrums come next year, according to a new survey conducted by the job site Bayt.com. Bayt’s latest Consumer Confidence Index (CCI) stated that 45 percent of Lebanese respondents believe that business has been stagnant this year while only 13 percent think things are going well, with the remaining 36 percent offering a neutral response. Nonetheless, 34 percent of respondents think that next year things will improve, while around half that percentage believes things are heading south in a year’s time. The June CCI index itself decreased year-on-year by 19.7 percent to 98.3 points. Asked whether salaries make up for the increasing cost of living in Lebanon, 71 percent said that they did not.

Buttressing the maritime border

The issue of the location of Lebanon’s maritime border has finally been resolved, at least as far as the Lebanese government is concerned. Last month, Lebanon’s parliament passed a law demarcating the country’s maritime border with Cyprus and “Occupied Palestine” for the first time. The law sets out Lebanon’s Exclusive Economic Zone from which it can extract what many expect to be hydrocarbon resources present under the seabed. The move comes after Israel submitted its own proposal regarding maritime borders, in which it drew its boundary according to a previous agreement between Tel Aviv and Nicosia that adopted “Point 1” as the boundary for Israel’s proposed border with Lebanon, which starts in Ras Naqoura and ends 133 kilometers off the coast at an angle of 291 degrees. Lebanon also signed an agreement with Cyprus adopting Point 1 but never ratified it in parliament. The new law proposes “Point 23” as the ending point, which is around 17 kilometers southwest of Point 1 and corresponds to Israel’s existing northernmost contract blocs, areas where oil and gas companies can come to explore and extract hydrocarbon resources. The differences have resulted in a disputed area of some 854 square kilometers and have fueled fears of potential conflict over the area. Israel has already found large deposits of gas in its northern fields and is in the process of extracting them, while Lebanon has not yet had its first bidding round or set out contract blocs. The agreements signed with Nicosia by both Israel and Lebanon (which never ratified the agreement in Parliament) each allow for an adjustment of Point 1. Last month, the foreign ministry requested to the United Nations Secretary General that the UN step in as arbitrator to resolve the issue.

September 18, 2011 0 comments
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Real estate

For your information

by Executive Editors September 18, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Solidere’s ups and downs

Solidere, Lebanon’s largest firm by market capitalization, will be distributing $147 million in dividends to shareholders, as approved at the Ordinary General Assembly held by the real estate company on August 1. Of this, $61 million will be paid out in cash, while the majority, $86 million, will be distributed as shares. This comes after a 19 percent drop in sales through the first half of 2011, with share prices hitting a two-year low of $15.85 in the last week of August. At the same time, Citi Investment Research & Analysis, a division of Citigroup Global Markets, valued Solidere’s target price per share at $31 in August, though it said the company’s shares were “high risk”.  They also warned that they may not be able to reach the target price, due to concerns that those planning to build on plots already purchased from Solidere may have trouble securing financing and making payments, given the economic slowdown and tightening of credit in the region. The company currently owns a land bank of 1.9 million square meters, valued at about $7.5 billion based on current market prices.  In an August 18 press release, Solidere unveiled their plans for Zeitouneh Square, a public garden behind the Starco building in Beirut Central District, with the company’s master plan stipulating the allocation of 50 percent of the total land area to public spaces and gardens. It plans to complete four other public squares in the near future as part of this overall plan.

Increased construction of the humble abode

While the number of construction permits increased 21.8 percent year-on-year in the first half of 2011, to 9,728, according to figures from the Order of Engineers in Beirut and Tripoli, the actual construction area authorized by permits increased by just 5 percent to 8.77 million square meters (sqm). These numbers indicate that developers are increasingly interested in smaller plots, possibly to deliver buildings with small-sized apartments (less than 250 sqm) to accommodate demand, according to a recent report by real estate advisory RAMCO. Supply indicators in Lebanon have been low through the first half of 2011. Unlike during the first half of 2010 and 2009, when cement deliveries increased 9.2 and 19.8 percent, respectively, deliveries rose just 2.9 percent in the first half of this year, in parallel with the slow progression of construction activity. Tons of cement delivered reached 2,662,000, according to figures from Banque Du Liban, Lebanon’s central bank, and in June cement deliveries increased 18.3 percent year-on-year, putting an end to a downward trend seen earlier in 2011.

Rising up amid an uprising

In an August 2 company statement, Dubai-based mall developer Majid Al Futtaim (MAF) Properties said it had started foundation work the week before on its $1 billion mixed-use project in Syria, its first in the country, which will cover 1.5 million square meters in the Yaafour district west of Damascus. The news is surprising given the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad, which has engulfed Syria and hobbled its economy since March. The first phase of the Khams Shamat project, slated for completion by 2014, will include hotels, residences, offices and commercial space. Peter Walichnowski, chief executive officer of MAF, said that the foundation work is “in preparation for the buildings’ development and the completion of works related to roads, electricity, water, sanitation and public services.” MAF has three other major projects underway in Lebanon, Egypt and the UAE.

Israel’s cynical use of housing crisis

Israel’s Ministry of Interior gave final approval on August 11 to the construction of 1,600 new units in the East Jerusalem settlement of Ramat Shlomo in the occupied West Bank, with an impending approval of 2,700 additional units. Israeli officials claimed the move came in response to protests over soaring real estate prices in Jerusalem, a claim that anti-settlement group Peace Now called a “cynical use” of the housing crisis, according to The New York Times. The settlements were initially proposed in March 2010 during a visit by US Vice President Joe Biden, an apparently deliberate affront to the Obama administration’s calls for a permanent cessation to settlement building. On August 4, 900 new homes were approved in Har Homa, a settlement just north of Bethlehem, also in the West Bank.  European Union foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton condemned the settlement approvals, telling Agence France-Presse, “The European Union has repeatedly urged the government of Israel to immediately end all settlement activities in the West Bank, including in East Jerusalem. All settlement activities are illegal under international law.” The area is a point of contention between the Palestinian Authority, which views East Jerusalem as the capital of any future Palestinian state, and the Israeli government, which has insisted on a unified Jerusalem as its capital in the event of a two-state solution. It was originally annexed from Jordan after the 1967 war.

Getting real on land prices     

The last quarter was the worst in the past five years for the real estate industry in Lebanon, according to property advisory firm RAMCO’s second-quarter report, citing limited land sales and especially slow sales in the luxury segment of the residential market, where the price per square meter (sqm) is $5,000 or above. The report called the continually rising price of land “worrying”, and said that realistic selling prices would not justify the cost of the plots to land buyers, thus concluding that landowners will eventually re-align their expectations with market realities and lower their prices. Demand mostly exists for smaller apartments, under 250 sqm, at prices ranging between $500,000 and $800,000 each; two projects with a built-up area of nearly 10,000 sqm each “were almost entirely sold out in a very short period of time” because they offered small-sized apartments at a fair market price. In the commercial sector, the report said that Grade A, purpose-built offices are undersupplied in Beirut and are mostly concentrated in the Beirut Central District (BCD). Estimated Rental Values (ERV) in BCD are $325 to $375 per sqm per year in the Park Avenue area, and $275 to $325 per sqm per year in the Beirut Souks area. Other business areas like Tabaris offer some high-end office buildings with ERV between $250 and $275 per sqm per year. It also noted that Verdun and Clemenceau have ERVs of $250 to $275 and $225 to $250 per sqm per year, respectively.

Bringing life to the Dead Sea

On July 28, the Jordanian government, along with the Jordanian Development Zones Company (JDZ), announced a 25-year development plan to create a touristic and commercial area within 12 zones along the northern coast of the Dead Sea. The chief executive officer of JDZ, Taha Zboun, said that the project was openly looking for both local and foreign investors (small and medium sized) to undertake development on the 59 plots up for sale, while also claiming it would create jobs for thousands of locals. Though the vision for the corniche boulevard is to create a string of hotels, malls and restaurants within the touristic zone, the project will also focus on boosting infrastructure, including an investment of $250.5 million in a desalination station. American development firm, Sasaki Associates, has been appointed to lead the consortium for master planning purposes.

$4.08 billion backlog for UAE construction giant

The UAE’s biggest construction company by market value, Arabtec, has posted a 67 percent drop in first-half net profits — hitting just less than $27 million — following a 74 percent drop in second-quarter profit as multiple project delays took their toll on the balance sheet, reported the company in a statement on August 7. Chet Riley, an analyst at Dubai’s Nomura Bank, told Gulf News in an August 8 article that payment transfers from profits also took a toll; “around 35 per cent of Arabtec’s actual profit in the second quarter was actually paid out to minority interests… We are finding revenues are slightly lower across the board due to delays in starting up new projects.” Its current backlog of projects stands at $4.08 billion, of which a third comprises a 5,000-home project to be built in a joint venture with the Saudi Bin Laden Group in Saudi Arabia. On August 17, the builder announced it had won a $76.2 million construction contract from Nakheel to build 523 homes in Dubai’s Jumeirah Village Circle, to be completed by the end of 2012.

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Banking & Finance

Regional equity markets

by Executive Editors September 18, 2011
written by Executive Editors

Beirut SE  

Current year high: 886.37       Current year low: 882.02

>  Review period:  Closed August 26 at 886.37 points     Period Change: -3%

Investors found little time for Beirut stocks in a tumultuous month for international equity markets and amid escalating events in Syria. Trade volumes were unusually low even by Ramadan standards and proved as uninspiring as this summer’s tourist numbers. The affirmation of Lebanon’s credit rating by Moody’s with a stable outlook meant little to Solidere investors who were bitten by a 19 percent decline in property sales in the first half of 2011. Shares of the real estate developer plummeted 6.8 percent to a 2-year low of $15.85, while banks came in slightly ahead of the market.

Amman SE  

Current year high: 2,477.99                Current year low: 2,03.71

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 2,028.1 points     Period Change: -2.6%

Amman stocks watched from the sidelines as neighboring equity markets spiraled downwards in August. Although the index retreated during the first week, it has since been on strong footing, backed by renewed political stability as the government pushes forward its promised reforms. A troubling increase in the budget deficit during the first six months was partly mitigated by a new agreement with Iraq to increase oil imports. Meanwhile, Royal Jordanian reported heavy losses in the first half due to regional turmoil, sending the stock down 19.5 percent through August 25.

Abu Dhabi Exchange  

Current year high: 2,833.09                Current year low: 2,491.65

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 2,590.49 points     Period Change: -1.1%

The rebound of ADX stocks stumbled on the downgrade by S&P of the US credit rating in early August. The emirate’s banks had reported strong second-quarter earnings when energy and real estate stocks were struck by rising fears of a new global recession. Dana Gas and Aldar fell 11.3 percent and 4.8 percent, respectively, during our review period while National Bank of Abu Dhabi was slightly better off at -0.5 percent. Abu Dhabi plans to face fresh global economic uncertainty with new blood after a shake-up of leading company managers, including at Aldar.

Dubai FM  

Current year high: 1,781.92                Current year low: 1,352.24

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 1,465.01 points     Period Change: -3.5%

The region’s international hub was synching more with global equity malaise than listening to positive domestic indicators. Skepticism spread to major stocks, dragging Emaar Properties down 3.5 percent despite the group reporting a 20% increase in hospitality revenues in the second quarter. Similarly, Emirates NBD slipped 7 percent during our review period, although Fitch removed the ratings of the bank from negative watch, citing Dubai government support. Thin trading also showed how equities took second stage to gold trading, in addition to the typical Ramadan calm.

Kuwait SE  

Current year high: 7,129.30                Current year low: 5,764.30

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 5,785.6 points     Period Change: -4.1%

Kuwait’s exchange continued to nose dive in August, hitting a dangerous seven-year low in the benchmark index. Kuwait closed August trading almost 63 percent below the KSE’s June 2008 historic high tide mark. Latest corporate results were just as discouraging, with Agility reporting a 57 percent decline in net income in the second quarter with less government business, sending the stock down 10.2 percent during our review period.

Saudi Arabia SE  

Current year high: 6,788.42                Current year low: 5,323.27

>  Review period:  Closed August 24 at 5,979.3 points     Period Change: -6.5%

Domestic market sentiment took a direct hit from rising fears of a global recession. Stocks tumbled following the downgrade of US debt, which represents a major chunk of the kingdom’s portfolio. Petrochemical stocks slid 11% during the month as the Tadawul’s powerful stock SABIC dropped 10.5% among Ramadan trading volumes. A recent report by Global Finance Magazine said that Saudi Arabia hosts five of the 10 safest banks in the Middle East.

Muscat SM  

Current year high: 7,027.32                Current year low: 5,426.56

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 5,584.67 points     Period Change: -3.8%

Muscat securities investors were flooded by a flurry of corporate and regulatory announcements during a supposedly quiet month, with the Capital Market Authority introducing margin trading to boost the exchange’s activity. But the Renaissance Services conglomerate announced a disappointing 71 percent drop in first-half profits and revealed fraudulent activities at its Topaz unit, pushing the stock into a 24.3 percent fall during our review period. Other investors struck gold in Omantel’s 7.1 percent gain following the announcement of strong revenues in the second quarter.

Bahrain Bourse  

Current year high: 1,475.10                Current year low: 1,259.80

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 1,260.95 points     Period Change: -2.4%

Ever declining Bahraini stocks were dominated by negative sentiment echoing Europe and the US. A steady market decline since late February’s civil unrest has cost stocks nearly 12 percent so far in 2011 and the trend appears unwavering. The country heads for elections in September to replace resigned opposition politicians, adding another layer of uncertainty to already murky global and domestic waters. Banking stocks faced rising investor uncertainty, falling 3.15 percent during the month through August 25, with Ahli United Bank leading the decline by 4.2 percent.

Qatar SE  

Current year high: 9,242.63                Current year low: 7,195.88

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 8,171.48 points     Period Change: -2.8%

Industries Qatar, the country’s second largest stock, called back investors from their Ramadan escape, after adjusting its profit goals upwards for 2011 and putting on hold a steel expansion project. Traders rushed to book their profits, especially amid mounting global economic concerns, driving the stock down 12.2 percent through August 25. Outside the petrochemicals arena, sectors continued to show some strength, with banks adding 0.5% during the period, led by Qatar Islamic Bank, which rose 1.5% after its credit rating was affirmed by Fitch.

Tunis SE  

Current year high: 5,681.39                Current year low: 4,058.53

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 4,476.94 points     Period Change: +1.3%

While global investors were getting burnt in international equity markets, Tunisian investors have put on a nice summer tan. The Tunindex led Middle East exchanges under coverage for the third consecutive month, signaling a steady return of domestic and foreign investors to a reinvigorated market. The country introduced a new press code and launched a successful electoral role registration process, sending positive shockwaves to the country’s tourism industry. Several stocks registered strong gains, including market heavyweight, Poulina Group, which rose 4.7 percent through August 25.

Casablanca SE  

Current year high: 13,397.47              Current year low: 10,784.67

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 11,277.3 points     Period Change: +0.7%

Casablanca stocks were on the offensive in August as the country took delivery of the first batch of F-16 jets from the US. The market index performed near the top of MENA exchanges, buoyed by banking stocks which rose 1.6 percent during our review period. Despite minor dismay over several electoral law items, the announcement of parliamentary elections in November rejuvenated investor sentiment. Positive news

also included tourist numbers, rising 6 percent during the first half of the year.

Egypt SE  

Current year high: 7,210.00                Current year low: 4,478.00

>  Review period:  Closed August 25 at 4,676.05 points     Period Change: -7.1%

Fresh financial support from Saudi Arabia and the World Bank to post-Mubarak Egypt took the backseat to rising tensions between the country and Israel following a military incident in the Sinai desert. Stocks had originally tumbled along with global equities, but the rebound in the second half of the month was limited by fears of escalation on the northeastern border. Losses at market heavyweight Telecom Egypt were limited to 3.9 percent despite reporting an 11 percent drop in net profits in the second quarter.

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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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