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Oil & GasSpecial Report

Q&A with LPA

by Jeremy Arbid February 7, 2018
written by Jeremy Arbid

Lebanon is approaching a milestone nearly eight years in the making. In December, cabinet awarded two separate exploration licenses to a consortium of three companies: France’s Total (the operator), Italy’s Eni, and Russia’s Novatek. Contracts were signed at the end of January, leaving the consortium and the government about one year for preparatory work ahead of the first exploratory drilling in 2019. Executive met with Walid Nasr, president of the board of the Lebanese Petroleum Administration (LPA), the sector’s regulator, to find out what comes next.

E   At the end of January, the government signed exploration and production agreement (EPA) contracts. What happened between awarding the licenses and signing the contracts?

Finally, we have reached a point to start operations. After the approval of the cabinet to award the two blocks to the consortium, the companies are requested to provide the work commitment guarantee and parent company guarantee. These are two very important documents required to have [the] full commitment of the companies to actually implement their programs through the work commitment guarantees. And the parent company guarantee is very important because if anything goes wrong, the mother companies, who are fully in line with the prequalification requirements in terms of their financial capacities, would actually cover any losses or damages or anything coming up from operations. This is a safeguard to the government that we have such guarantees. The guarantees are uncapped.

E   Can you outline the aspects of the work commitment guarantee?

The consortium has proposed a technical offer with an exploration program with minimum work commitments, and the LPA has put in the tender protocol. It is published and known that there is a minimum commitment of one well for every exploration period. We have two exploration periods, [the] first one for three years and the second one for two years. So companies were required to drill at least one well in every period, and this is what the companies have actually submitted.

The companies need to estimate a budget to be able to implement their exploration program, and that budget will be covered by a work commitment guarantee issued by their bank. So in case, for any reason, the companies do not fulfill their work commitment as agreed upon in the offer, and then in the exploration plan that will be submitted soon, the government will have access to the money and the work commitment guarantee for the government either to implement it itself, or to bring another company to implement it. This would safeguard the targets set by the government to actually drill. So if the consortium fails to drill, the government has access to funds that would enable the government to do the work.

E   Have the guarantees been finalized and submitted?

The guarantees will be provided very soon. After that, it’s administrative work, but also a lot of technical work and preparing logistics, because the companies will have to prepare themselves to be able to drill in 2019. We have a firm commitment from the consortium to drill one well in Block 4 and one well in Block 9 in 2019, meaning a lot of additional assessment, studies on the geology, on the technical side, on where and how to drill. Then, logistically, because based on the regulations the companies need to operate from Lebanon, they will need to open offices in Beirut or [elsewhere] in Lebanon … [and] prepare all the logistics needed, including a supply base in. So 2018 will be a very busy year for the government and the consortium to make sure that all the preparations are done in terms of permitting administrative work, technical work, logistics, and all types of studies to be able to reach our goal of drilling two wells in 2019.

E   Did the companies offer to conduct more seismic surveys in their bids—would they need more data to narrow down exactly where they will drill?

In the offers themselves, the companies didn’t provide additional seismic surveys, and this [is] a very good indication that the seismic surveys conducted by the servicing companies [contracted in the past] by the Ministry of Energy and the LPA, were satisfactory for the companies. The companies were required to buy licenses to use the data of the seismic [surveys], and they have done so. They prepared the offers based on the interpretation of the seismic surveys that they have done before, and they were very satisfied with the quality of the survey and their coverage.

All our blocks are covered with 2D and 3D data. Accordingly, they have done their assessment and the prospect of our offshore [fields]. That is why they applied and provided an offer for that. And they even provided details on how they want to drill and where. The companies did not commit to seismic surveys because they assessed they don’t need them. Now they still have the option to do seismic surveys if they think they’re needed to have a better exploration program. When they submit the exploration plan in the coming 60 days, then they will identify what type of studies they are doing and whether they need to do seismic surveys or not.

E   In December, Executive incorrectly reported that the strategic environmental assessment (SEA) was to be completely redone, and also incorrectly reported how it was to be contracted and carried out. Can you explain what is happening with the SEA in terms of an update and its expected completion?

The SEA was completed in 2012, before an SEA decree was [completed] by the Ministry of Environment, standardizing how an SEA should be done. The SEA has identified different scenarios [for] what may happen during the development of the petroleum sector in Lebanon, and it had a set of recommendations [for] what needs to be done next after preparing the SEA. The LPA had taken the recommendations of that study and has done a lot of work to actually implement these recommendations, for example, preparing a national oil spill contingency plan. Now, in 2017 and 2018, we thought it was time to update the SEA with anything new since 2012—most importantly, to include any additional environmental data available in our analysis. This will be done soon. It will also include environmental management plans for the sector.

E   A draft law for a sovereign wealth fund (SWF) has been submitted to a parliament subcommittee for debate. What role does the LPA have in contributing to this draft law?

The concept of the SWF is laid down in the Petroleum Resources Law 132, which says that all revenues coming from petroleum activities need to be put in the SWF. Now, the LPA is not an institution mandated to establish the SWF, nor to manage [it]. Our role is to basically give guidance to other institutions in the government related to the technical part of the input needed for the petroleum sector. So what we’ll be doing is that we’ve been coordinating with the Ministry of Finance and now, as you mentioned, this will be discussed in the Parliament and specialized committees. So the LPA will take part in those discussions in those parliamentary committees to provide any technical advice or input needed for the parliamentarians to discuss the SWF.

E   Are there specific revenues that have already incurred?

The revenues incurred so far are the revenues from sales of the licensing of the seismic data. And this is now put in a separate account in the central bank, [and] again this is a decision of the Parliament of how to use this fund, and whether this can be seed money for the [SFW].

February 7, 2018 0 comments
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Oil & GasSpecial Report

One eye open

by Diana Kaissy February 7, 2018
written by Diana Kaissy

In the midst of Lebanon’s first offshore oil and gas licensing round, the Lebanese Oil and Gas Initiative (LOGI), an independent NGO aiming to develop a network of Lebanese oil and gas experts, commissioned a study about the 52 companies that had prequalified to bid. This research allowed LOGI to evaluate the companies based on six criteria covering two main areas: corruption track records and anti-corruption policies, and environmental track records—critertia not assessed by the government.

The licensing round ended in October, and a consortium made up of three companies—France’s Total (the operator), Italy’s Eni, and Russia’s Novatek—was the only bidder, submitting two separate offers (Block 4 and Block 9). The Council of Ministers awarded the bids in December and tasked the energy minister with signing contracts by the end of January. In this one-bidder scenario, it is crucial to revisit the findings of our report, with regard to these three companies. We found that none have a completely clean record.

The report found that while Total discloses its beneficial owners—the entities or individuals that ultimately own the company—there are still transparency issues that the company must address. Our research found that Total was involved in a number of bribery incidents, such as one in Iran in 2013 where the company admitted guilt in return for a deferred prosecution agreement with the US Department of Justice for paying third-party bribes for work. Total is also listed in the TRACE corruption database as engaged in anti-bribery lawsuits. On the environment, Total were fined after failings led to a gas leak in one of its plugged wells in the North Sea.

Eni, for its part, has a publicly available anti-corruption policy, yet in 2010, the US Securities and Exchange Commission brought corruption charges against the company related to a bribery scheme in Nigeria involving construction contracts. It also has  other ongoing corruption lawsuits according to TRACE.

Novatek, a Russian firm, does not disclose its beneficial owners. But a review of available literature revealed that one is Gennady Timchenko, a Russian billionaire and member of Putin’s inner circle. For a country such as Lebanon, where foreign political players have substantial influence on all internal political dynamics, it is critical to know whether politically exposed people are associated with international oil companies working in Lebanon.

Based on these findings, LOGI proposes that Lebanese regulatory authorities publish the signed EPA contracts, establish a monitoring mechanism for negotiations between the government and the companies that includes a civil-society watchdog, and publish the outcomes of the negotiations to select a final winner.

In addition, LOGI strongly recommends that the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative, a tool to facilitate the disclosure of information, be implemented as soon as possible, and that the draft law presented by MP Joseph Maalouf entitled “Strengthening Transparency in the Oil and Gas Sector in Lebanon” be passed. The main aim of the due diligence report was to push the Lebanese government to adopt criteria that LOGI included in its evaluation of companies applying to prequalify for bidding in subsequent licensing rounds, both offshore and onshore.

LOGI also recommends that Novatek’s beneficial owners—both actual and economic beneficiaries—is published by the government.

Further, LOGI recommends that the current Strategic Environmental Assessment, a policy prepared in 2012, be updated as soon as possible so that newly available data can be used as a baseline for future Environmental Impact Assessments. These assessments should be mandatory during the exploration phase because critical environmental planning, as well as health and safety measures, need to be put in place prior to the start of any exploration activity.

The oil and gas industry worldwide has been, and will continue to be, among the top industries associated with corruption, conflicts, and increases in poverty and unemployment rates. Managing these resources, from awarding rights to sustainable use of revenues, in a transparent and accountable manner will render prosperity to its owners, the Lebanese people. For Lebanon to ensure good governance at the early stages of awarding licenses it must adopt stricter criteria for the prequalification of companies, and better hold contractees to account.

February 7, 2018 0 comments
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Oil & GasSpecial Report

Environmental impact

by Jeremy Arbid February 6, 2018
written by Jeremy Arbid

Five years ago, Lebanon was ready to invite companies to explore for oil and gas offshore. A law organizing offshore exploration had been passed, an environmental study—known as a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA)—to study and mitigate the effects of exploration on the environment had been prepared, a regulator had been appointed, and the bid round announced. Then politics got in the way. The government could not agree on issuing needed decrees to move forward, and the licensing round was, effectively, put on ice.

Around this time last January, the bidding round was awoken from its cryogenic slumber. The needed decrees were issued and a roadmap to accepting bids laid out. By December 2017, the government awarded two separate exploration licenses, for Block 4 and Block 9, to a consortium of companies made up of France’s Total, Italy’s Eni, and Russia’s Novatek. At the end of January, contracts were signed.

Environmental concerns set oil and gas back

But during the licensing round’s four-year hibernation, the factors affecting oil and gas exploration changed. New exploratory data became available, and the Ministry of Environment issued new rules requiring and standardizing SEAs.

In May 2017, an analysis of the SEA found that it contained too many problems to be an effective planning tool. The report, published by the Lebanese Oil and Gas Initiative (LOGI), urged the government to overhaul the SEA, and to do so in parallel with the licensing round. Its author, environmental consultant Klemen Strmšnik, summarized the report’s findings in a January email to Executive: “The SEA was not fully implemented and was based on a lack of data. Stakeholder involvement was limited, and the SEA report was not presented to the public through public consultations. Additionally, national legislation on SEAs was substantially changed, and the current SEA report simply does not satisfy the standards set by new environmental legislation. [Therefore], it does not provide all needed answers and cannot represent a sound decision-making tool.” (Full disclosure: The author of this article is a co-founder of LOGI and sits on its board of directors.)

Given Lebanon’s track record on other national environmental problems, such as waste management, water pollution, and the destruction of wildlife habitats, it is easy to doubt the state’s capabilities to regulate and enforce environmental measures on large multinational oil and gas companies. And it is worth remembering that inadequate regulation can have huge financial costs for petroleum companies, and catastrophic consequences for ecosystems. BP, which was responsible for the Deepwater Horizon spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, has had to pay a total of $67 billion for the spill, the Financial Times reported in January. According to the National Ocean Service, a US government agency, the Deepwater Horizon disaster killed 11 workers and spilled 134 million barrels of oil into the Gulf over nearly three months, killing thousands of marine mammals and sea turtles. LOGI’s SEA critique painted a portrait of a regulator unconcerned with environmental protection, and its recommendation was clear: Plug the data gaps, address new environmental rules, implement recommendations found in the original SEA, and do more to get the public’s feedback.

Assem Abou Ibrahim, head of the Lebanese Petroleum Administration (LPA)’s Quality, Health, Safety, and Environment Department, told Executive that some recommendations have already been addressed: In 2013, the government issued decrees as part of the Petroleum Activities Regulations, defining the SEA’s scope in line with the new environmental rules, and, in 2016, the LPA published a National Oil Spill Contingency Plan—a guideline to prevent and respond to oil spills.

In December, Executive incorrectly reported that the government would be commissioning a new SEA from scratch and that such a contract would be directly awarded. This is not the case. Some sections of the SEA will be updated and the work carried out by the LPA with support from the European Union. “Based on our assessment of all these developments and their expected implications on the SEA study, the Ministry of Environment agreed with the LPA’s evaluation for not modifying the scope of the existing SEA but rather to implement some updates to sections affected with the current information availability and to integrate the various management and planning initiatives into a comprehensive plan,” says Abou Ibrahim, “The SEA will as well be an opportunity to further engage with affected stakeholders. We are currently assessing the possibility for initiating the SEA update work through a technical assistance project implemented at the LPA and funded by the EU.” He added that the SEA update should take around four months to finish, with an expected completion date toward the end of Q2 2018, ahead of exploratory drilling beginning in 2019.

Jeremy Arbid is the co-founder of the Lebanese Oil and Gas Initiative (LOGI) and a member of its board of directors , in addition to Economics and Policy Editor at Executive Magazine.

February 6, 2018 0 comments
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Heritage buildingsReal estate

A lifeline for heritage out of thin air?

by Scott Preston February 6, 2018
written by Scott Preston

Each year, a new series of coffee-table books feeds Lebanon’s nostalgia with vintage photographs and cityscapes that celebrate the country’s rich architectural past. Today, the old Lebanon survives through a dwindling number of heritage buildings, now barely unrecognizable compared to the images of the city when in bygone decades. Having survived the war, the remaining structures have been left to decay, collapse, and make way for larger, modern developments amid a growing scarcity of buildable land.

Lately, a long-awaited draft law to protect heritage buildings—which had lain untouched for over a year on the government’s doorstep—is beginning to gain traction. If enacted, the new law would incentivize owners of heritage building to maintain their properties. The law targets older buildings that are indexed on the Ministry of Culture’s heritage list. In principle, this list safeguards structures with heritage value by restricting the disbursement of demolition permits, thereby prohibiting their destruction. What it does not address, and what the new law hopes to assist with, is maintaining and restoring these buildings.

Since the creation of the heritage list in 1996, its limitations have drawn the ire of a number of interest groups, none more outspoken than the owners of the historic buildings themselves. Proprietors complain that the ministry has denied them the full value of their land, as market prices are dependent on potential constructability. Built-up properties are of little interest to developers without the ability to raze them and lay new, more lucrative foundations.

But the difference between a property’s actual value and its potential value, known as the rent gap, has surged in the decades since the end of the civil war. Eager to liquidate their estates for large profits, heritage building owners have found a workaround: While the demolition of the buildings is prohibited, leaving them to collapse of natural causes is not.

“The fact was that these buildings were being destroyed, either with or without permission,” says Minister of Culture Ghattas Khoury. “Because if you have an old house on a piece of land in Beirut, and you want to build a tower, then you neglect that house, and through neglect it will fall down. This was what was being done all year, either by illegal attempts of bringing it down [or by neglect], so we made a law that will encourage the owners of these houses to preserve them.”

Something in the air

The new law would incentivize the owners of heritage buildings to save their aging properties by allowing them to sell their lot’s unconstructed space as if it were buildable area. The amount of space that can be sold, along with its market price, is primarily set by the potential constructibility of the property, which is determined in part by the zoning density of the location. This potential building size is expressed by what is known as the exploitation factor.

For example, a 1,000-square-meter plot with an exploitation factor of three would allow for the construction of a 3,000-square-meter structure. If a heritage building on the property takes up an area of 800 square meters, then the property owner would be left with 2,200 square meters of saleable area. This area, known as the property’s air rights, would be apportioned to the owner by the Ministry of Culture in the form of certificates that represent the dimensions of the unconstructed space.

These air rights could then be shifted from the initial heritage property to another location through a process known as the transfer of development rights (TDR). Developers can buy certificates from owners of heritage properties, allowing the companies to exceed the previous exploitation factor for their project by the amount of the air rights they purchased—up to 20 percent extra. At the same time, zoning regulations and development controls, such as building height limits, will remain in effect. Under the law, transfers can only be made from small heritage sites to large, empty parcels in mainly non-heritage zones.

Although the certificates are denominated in square meters, the value of the area being traded will vary from place to place. “One hundred meters in Basta are not equal to a 100 meter air right on the seafront,” explains Khoury. “Because the seafront is very expensive. So if you want to transfer 100 meters from Basta to the seafront you have to take into consideration that these 100 meters might become 25 meters.” Khoury adds that the value calculation would be appraised by a committee involving the culture, interior, public works, and finance ministries. 

When it comes to the sale of the air rights, that would be subject to the dynamics of supply and demand. Abdul-Halim Jabr, an architect and urban-design consultant who helped draft the law, says, “If I have a property, [and] I aspire to sell it at $5 million, I have a better chance of selling it in a good market—if there is a booming economy and people are building. If the entire market is in a glut, I have fewer chances of selling the property. The same applies for air rights.”

Through the transfer of development rights, heritage building owners could profit from the permanent sale of their air rights, while keeping their old homes. Furthermore, a portion of the revenues generated in the transfer would have to be invested into the maintenance and refurbishment of the heritage structure. The exact dollar figure would also likely be specified by the Ministry of Culture and would be evaluated on a case-by-case basis, depending on the repairs that are required. “If it’s just minimal, it can range between $200 per meter or $1,000 per meter. If it’s completely destroyed and you’re rebuilding it again, it’s $1,000 per meter. If it’s just, you know, façade and internal partition, it’s about $400 to $500 per meter,” says Khoury.

According to Jabr, homeowners whose buildings are not already on the heritage list will have an added incentive to register their buildings for heritage status protections. Those that voluntarily list their buildings as heritage sites, should they qualify, will be authorized to sell all of the air rights that their property is eligible for, whereas property owners whose homes are already on the list will only benefit from a maximum of 75 percent of the air rights they have available.

The 100-percent entitlement may be complicated by the addition of a fund that the Ministry of Culture has attached to the bill following its initial submission. Maintaining the fund would require that 5 percent of air-right certificates be collected from each transaction and sold at the ministry’s discretion, Khoury said. The funds would be used to revitalize heritage buildings in rural areas, where air rights may be insufficient to finance the maintenance costs due to the low-density zoning outside of the city.

Mixed reviews

Over the past 20 years, several attempts have been made to legalize TDR frameworks. Jabr said the idea was first introduced in Lebanon in 1997, when he and other part-time academics were called upon to review the Ministry of Culture’s first heritage list. He notes that the first attempt to pass a TDR law was undertaken in 2000 by then-Minister of Culture Ghassan Salame. That effort, failed along with another initiative from Minister of Culture Tarek Mitri in 2008. The latest version was submitted in July 2016, and initially looked as though it would share the fate of its predecessors. Then, in October 2017, news broke that the cabinet had suddenly negotiated approval of the law.

Now that the draft has made it past the Council of Ministers, lawmakers say that they will try to fast-track the legislation. Member of Parliament Mohammad Kabbani, head of a joint committee on public works, transport, energy, and water, said he will attempt to pass the law before elections take place in May. Khoury raised the possibility that Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri might take the draft directly to a vote in the general assembly.

Despite this sudden sense of urgency, the TDR law may still face a number of legislative hurdles, from homeowners to politicians. In an interview with Executive, Kabbani called on the government to compensate heritage homeowners with bankers’ checks as opposed to air rights certificates. He also suggested that the government should arrange for real estate companies to purchase the air rights directly from the owner.

Many heritage activists also cautiously support the law, but have their own concerns.

For years, civil-society organizations have lobbied to reduce zoning densities and rein in building sizes to human scale, a goal that they believe could become politically impossible if property owners feel entitled to air rights. Mona Fawaz, professor of urban planning at the American University of Beirut, notes that owning land does not automatically confer the right to develop it and that the government has the legal authority to reduce exploitation factors without compensation.

Fawaz clarifies that she is not opposed to the entirety of the draft, but  says that “[TDR] tends to be the main point of contention for everybody, because this is where, the advocates of this law say it wouldn’t have passed if it wasn’t for this, and those who are saying this is risky businesses are saying what you’ve just passed is likely to create a precedent, which is 10 times worse than not protecting heritage.”

“I agree,” says Jabr, citing these critiques, “but I tell them, look, I’ve been struggling for 20 years. I’m limited. This is the most I, or we, came up with. If you can come up with anything better that can bridge the divide, I’ll be your first supporter. But nobody has gone through the trouble of balancing the act and trying to make sense of black and white [and turn it] into some kind of middle grey the way we did.”

February 6, 2018 0 comments
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Economics & PolicyFiscal policy

Where is the money going?

by Jeremy Arbid February 6, 2018
written by Jeremy Arbid

In November 2017, Parliament ratified a state budget for the first time in over a decade. For  fiscal year 2017, the state’s total spending allocation was almost $16 billion (LL23.9 trillion).

This represents a nearly 140 percent increase in public spending compared to 2005, the last year for which a budget was passed, when spending allocations totalled $6.6 billion (LL10 trillion).

In 2017, almost half of public spending—$7.6 billion (LL11.5 trillion)—went to common expenses, such as paying for interest on public debt, salaries and pension payments, and to subsidize the failing electricity utility Electricité du Liban.

The Ministry of National Defense, which is responsible for the finances of the Lebanese Armed Forces, was the highest-spending ministry in 2017 at $1.9 billion (nearly LL3 trillion), followed by the education ministry, which oversees the finances of the public school system and Lebanon’s public universities, at $1.1 billion (LL1.7 trillion). The next-largest allocation went to the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, which oversees public institutions like the Council for Development and Reconstruction, at $1.02 billion (LL1.5 trillion). Rounding out cabinet’s billionaire club was the interior ministry, responsible for domestic security forces, at just over $1 billion (LL1.5 trillion) in allocated spending. Health was the next-largest spending priority, with the Ministry of Public Health allocated $470 million (LL709 billion).

[media-credit name=”Ahmad Barclay & Jeremy Arbid” align=”alignright” width=”945″][/media-credit]

February 6, 2018 0 comments
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Oil & GasSpecial Report

Lebanon’s O&G wealth

by Jeremy Arbid February 5, 2018
written by Jeremy Arbid

Lebanon signed oil and gas exploration contracts on January 29, and officials hope to one day save and invest proceeds from selling and taxing the resources, if commercial quantities are found. It could take time to find oil and gas deposits off the coast of Lebanon, and even more time to extract and bring them to market. But if Lebanon finds itself sitting on a pile of cash, that money would need to be protected and invested in public goods, services, and infrastructure for the benefit of future generations.

As debate over a sovereign wealth fund (SWF) begins to take shape, lawmakers are receiving advice from a range of SWF experts. Executive corresponded by email with Vidar Ovesen, a Norwegian consultant on petroleum revenue management, on the basics of timing, design, and fund management.

E   If Lebanon makes a commercial discovery of oil or gas, some estimates show a several-year period before revenues from their sale pour in. When should the legal framework be put in place to organize a sovereign wealth fund?

Establishing a SWF should be considered an integrated part of the overall policies for managing petroleum revenues in a country. It is important to be well prepared to get the most out of the revenues, and the design of the SWF’s legal and institutional framework is one key milestone, in particular if a significant amount of the petroleum revenues are to be saved in an SWF. On the other hand, petroleum exploration and development normally takes many years, and major revenues to the government would, in most cases, first materialize when the investment costs are recovered, i.e. some years after production commences. Starting the planning for an SWF too early has, in some cases, raised unrealistic and overly optimistic expectations, which have resulted in increased public spending, rent-seeking, and loss of attention to other economic sectors that might be even more important for the country’s long-term economic development.

E   You mention that poorly designed funds could be very harmful. Can you give general examples of design flaws?

Lack of transparency is often a major reason for poor management of SWFs around the world. A good governance model for an SWF includes mechanisms for regular disclosure of information about in- and out-flow of revenues, the performance of the investments, and other aspects that may be relevant to the broader public. Transparency enables Parliament and civil society to hold the government accountable for how petroleum revenues are managed. It is important to ensure that common assets for future generations are managed well, and the only way to do this is to ensure maximum transparency on all key aspects of how the SWF is managed. Moreover, it is paramount to establish a clear division of responsibilities between the owner, i.e. the government, and the operational manager of the SWF to avoid any political interference in the day-to-day management. The government should establish the overall policies and leave the implementation of these policies to the professionals. Lack of oversight mechanisms such as independent audits may also harm the performance of the SWF.

E   In Lebanon’s case, your advice at a workshop for members of parliament was that it might be best to stabilize or reduce public debt before investing oil and gas revenues. Is that a common strategy of other jurisdictions and SWFs?

It is important to strike the right balance between debt repayments, SWF investments abroad, and domestic spending through the budget. In countries with significant foreign debt, it should be considered whether paying down foreign debt would be a better strategy than saving budget surpluses in an SWF. Although building up a portfolio of liquid assets is beneficial, particularly in tight global liquidity conditions, the opportunity cost of holding such assets is high when the cost of servicing that debt is high. It is important to bear in mind that what matters for future generations is the net fiscal position of the government, and not the size of the SWF that can be inherited. In Norway, all foreign debt was paid down before the first financial savings were allocated to the SWF in 1996.

February 5, 2018 0 comments
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Oil & GasSpecial Report

Saving us from ourselves

by Jeremy Arbid February 5, 2018
written by Jeremy Arbid

Along the coastal highway in Batroun, north of Beirut, is a billboard that reads “Lebanon is now an oil producer.” For now, that is optimism, not reality. Offshore wells will not be drilled before 2019, and until they are, the extent of Lebanon’s oil and gas reserves—if they exist—will remain unknown. But with an answer finally on the horizon, a draft law has been introduced in Parliament to decide how to spend the dollars that could eventually come gushing forth. 

In December, the Council of Ministers awarded two offshore exploration licenses to search for oil and gas, and the consortium of companies that won both bids signed exploration and production agreements at the end of January.

The award has invigorated expectations that Lebanon is set for a windfall. Politicians looking to make a big splash ahead of the parliamentary elections scheduled for spring are claiming credit for ushering Lebanon to “day one” of exploration, and may already be attempting to stake claims over the oil and gas proceeds that could come some years down the road.

Uncharacteristically ahead of schedule, Parliament may soon begin debating a draft law that would set up a sovereign wealth fund (SWF) into which possible oil and gas riches will be deposited. Created in principle by a 2010 law that lays the foundations of Lebanon’s offshore oil and gas sector, the sovereign wealth fund needs its own law to detail how it would be managed and operate: who would oversee revenues, for example, and how they would be spent or invested.

Slow and steady

It may still be too soon to legislate a SWF—the first exploratory wells will not be drilled until next year and, if oil and gas are found, it may take several more years to extract and successfully bring them to market—but experts Executive spoke to agree that it is better to begin fleshing out the legal framework earlier rather than later.

At the same time, they expressed caution, because the draft law would set out important rules for managing any future proceeds. Vidar Ovesen, a Norwegian consultant on petroleum revenue management who briefed lawmakers on SWFs last year, explained in an email to Executive that creating a SWF should be a well thought-out process that manages expectations and considers the long-term health of the economy (see SWF Q&A). Andrew Bauer, an expert on natural-resource revenue management with the Natural Resource Governance Institute who reviewed the draft law for the Lebanese Oil and Gas Initiative, advises that now would be too early to legislate a SWF. “There is absolutely no rush to get this passed now. If oil is produced, [revenues are] is years away.”

Into the piggy bank

The draft law, introduced by Member of Parliament Yassine Jaber, proposes both a savings account and a development account. Most of the revenues generated from royalties and production sharing would be deposited in the savings account, and the development account would receive revenue from the 20 percent corporate income tax that oil and gas companies will pay in accordance with the sector-specific tax law that Parliament passed in October 2017.

The rules for spending money from the two accounts are complicated by design, an economist familiar with the draft law tells Executive. Money can be withdrawn from the savings account in a specific year only if Parliament has approved a budget allocating the money for a specific purpose. And that withdrawal is conditioned on whether the Treasury has reached a debt-sustainable primary surplus, meaning that enough non-petroleum revenue is flowing to the Treasury to cover interest payments on public debt and stop the national debt from increasing. (As of November 2017, the debt stood at almost $80 billion, $30 billion denominated in foreign currencies and nearly $49 billion in Lebanese lira, according to Ministry of Finance figures).

To create a debt-sustainable primary surplus, Lebanon needs to generate a primary surplus that equals about 5 percent of the national GDP, says the economist, who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to speak with press. Lebanon would have to generate an extra $2.5 billion in revenue to cover its debt-interest payments and keep the national debt from increasing—a nearly impossible task, the economist says, without introducing major reforms to public spending, like cutting back on the billion-dollar subsidy to the failing public utility, Electricité du Liban.

Tapping into the development account would only be allowed once a budget is in place and the debt-to-GDP ratio is stabilized. A portion of the money in the development account (up to 2 percent of GDP, according to the draft law) can be spent to reduce public debt denominated in foreign currencies in order to ease pressure on the national budget. Once foreign-currency debt is paid down to 20 percent of GDP, funds in the development (up to 3 percent of GDP) account can be used for capital investments in education, health, research, development, and renewable energy.

The experts Executive spoke with differed on the draft law’s requirement that the government first pay down its foreign currency-denominated public debt. The economist familiar with the law describes this as a necessary and good strategy. “It is very important to only pay foreign currency debt instead of spending money on local currency-denominated government debt, which is held by Lebanese banks. If the state were to pay down lira-denominated public debt, that would create more space for borrowing in the future. But the point is not to worry about paying down local currency debt, because the government could theoretically print as much Lebanese lira as they want,” the economist says.

Martin Skancke, a former director of Norway’s sovereign wealth fund and now an asset-management consultant advising other countries setting up SWFs, wrote in an email to Executive that Lebanon should deliberate the pros and cons of saving versus paying down debt. “The first question you need to ask is, ‘Would it make sense to spend some of this money to reduce the overall debt level rather than building up a fund?’ If you have high debt and you start saving in the fund, you have a relatively leveraged balance sheet and you can be hit on the balance sheet both by losses on your assets and of course by disruptions in external finances. This is about managing the risks of the overall sovereign wealth fund balance sheet in a good way,” Skancke wrote.

Bauer says the draft law’s rules for spending on public debt are not strong enough. “There is nothing preventing the government from using oil revenues to pay down the debt then borrow separately, essentially moving money into one pocket then out the other. What would be needed is a rule that limits government debt accumulation in general, such as an expenditure growth rule (as in Peru), a structural balanced-budget rule (as in Chile or Norway, though I’m unconvinced this would work in Lebanon), or a debt ceiling (as in Indonesia),” he wrote to Executive in an email.

Oversight of the sovereign wealth fund will be a crucial challenge. An economist formerly based in Beirut with an international public-finance institution tells Executive that the state would need to set up multiple layers of auditing to optimize fund performance and limit mismanagement. “The government or the Parliament should set performance targets. The minister of finance and Parliament, alongside external auditors, must do the due diligence and make sure there is no fraud,” says the economist, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak with reporters. “You want to have checks and balances and separation of powers so that everybody is not conflicted by interests.”

Skancke wrote to Executive that in other jurisdictions, it is the role of the finance ministry to oversee management of a SWF. He also wrote that the whole governance structure, including reporting requirements, must be enshrined in legislation as part of the SWF law.

The draft law calls for the appointment of a board of directors to oversee the operations of the SWF, and it implements spending and investment strategies. The strategies are prepared by a subunit of the board, a petroleum-assets management unit, which is overseen by the finance minister. The minister submits the strategies to the Council of Ministers for approval before sending orders back to the unit to implement. Control over investment strategy is vested in the finance minister.

Bauer wrote to Executive that the prescribed governance structure is weak, and that it was unusual to have the finance ministry circumventing the board of directors through the subunit. He wrote that the draft law does not clearly spell out several controls, and he criticized the law’s “lack of independent external audit to be made public; lack of independent board members; and [lack of] clear qualifications for board members.” He recommends adjusting the text of the draft law to clarify the required qualifications for board members and to allow Parliament to name at least two of the board members, with a focus on strong audit and financial-analysis skills. He also recommended implementing a requirement to publish the external auditors’ reports in full.

Though it may be years away, there is potentially a big chance for Lebanon to score some serious cash if oil and gas is discovered. To avoid botching this big opportunity, it is important to take the development of these wealth-management frameworks slowly and carefully. With drilling not scheduled until 2019 and hoped-for proceeds years ahead, there is still plenty of time to improve the draft law.

February 5, 2018 0 comments
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EditorialOpinion

A tale of two worlds

by Yasser Akkaoui February 3, 2018
written by Yasser Akkaoui

Lebanon’s election season has begun. With it comes hatred, spite, segregation, animosity, and the most vicious deception imaginable. Desperate to sway votes in their favor, our narrow-minded politicians have one strategy in their playbook: isolate and manipulate. Playing on ignorance and fear, they further divide our already fraught communities. Last month we witnessed just how low these politicians are willing to go.

Blind clientelism rules each political reshuffle in this country, while ordinary Lebanese are trapped in constant fear over their security and livelihood.

Their concerns are left unheard, and if heard, ignored. The only concern of our politicians is power and maintaining it at any cost.

Meanwhile, Lebanese citizens are increasingly removed from the reality of the street, living instead in a virtual world behind their tablets and smartphones. On the one hand, these serve as gateways to new ways of thinking and new technologies that are now embedded in how we are governed, live, and interact. On the other hand, we must be careful not to lose ourselves in a digital world while our self-serving politicians govern the real one.

This digital realm is packed with new technologies and we’ve taken the opportunity to investigate one: cryptocurrencies. We’re uncertain which cryptocurrency will prevail, and we have not fathomed the limitless boundaries of their utility nor how they will affect the way we trade. We don’t know how to regulate them, and we should. All we know is we need to embrace them, understand them, and learn how to integrate them in our ever-changing digital realm.

But we cannot let this new order of things distract us from the reality on the ground. Lebanon is on the brink of two future-shifting events: elections and the possibility of becoming an oil and gas producing nation. We need to be careful. We need decent, talented Lebanese on the boards and management of our state-owned enterprises that can preserve and grow our wealth. We deserve a well-governed sovereign wealth fund to protect, reinvest, and grow our potential wealth, to create a safety-net for future generations. We need it for a rainy day. God knows how many we’ve had. If our political class was able to squander $80 billion, how can we trust them with this?

These coming elections promise to be different. An increasing number of reformists are finally sticking their necks out for all of us. Let us reconnect to reality, vote differently, and do our utmost so that the 2018 elections do not turn into fool’s gold.

Let us save our country while we still have the opportunity to be a part of both worlds.

February 3, 2018 0 comments
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Human RightsQ&A

Hard and getting harder

by Jeremy Arbid January 18, 2018
written by Jeremy Arbid

Life for Syrian refugees in Lebanon is a daily struggle for survival. Their situation in 2017 has deteriorated, in terms of receiving enough aid or finding work to meet basic needs—and because humanitarian aid continues to decline as financial need rises, next year will not be better. Many Lebanese nationals have also seen their socioeconomic situation decline, and poverty rates for both Lebanese nationals and Syrian refugees have risen dramatically. Economic anxiety has increased, as well as tensions between the two populations. Returning to Syria in 2018 does not yet appear to be a viable option. The civil war in Syria continues, peace is not yet certain for much of the country, and stability is still too uncertain to allow refugees to return to their homes.

Mireille Girard, head of UNHCR in Lebanon, met with Executive in November 2017 to talk about aid and development efforts to help both struggling populations cope in 2018.

E   Are Lebanon’s refugees better off at the end of 2017 than they were two years ago?

In general, the situation has deteriorated socioeconomically for Syrian refugees. This is the largest group, but it’s really affecting all refugee populations. Because the socioeconomic environment in Lebanon is also grim, it’s also affecting the Lebanese communities, and particularly the Lebanese communities in the areas that are hosting the largest numbers of refugees. Refugees have been generously hosted in places that were already underserved before the crisis, such as Akkar and the northern Bekaa, where you already had scarcity of water and not enough electricity for the villages. So imagine, with an additional population, you have to share more of these scarce resources, so that creates a strain on both populations, and neither of them have enough to cover their needs. It is a big challenge for the international community and for the government of Lebanon, trying to cope with the situation and mobilize as much funding as possible.

E   On the UNHCR website, there is a $2 billion request for 2017, only 30 percent of which was met by mid-October. Is that still accurate?

We will see more clearly at the end of the year. More money was pledged to Lebanon at the Brussels conference [in April 2017] and not all of this is allocated yet, so we hope it will be allocated against these prioritized activities that have been jointly planned by the government of Lebanon and the aid community. In 2015, we had $2.1 billion as the appeal. Last year, it rose to $2.4 billion, and this year was $2.7 billion. Lebanon is in a protracted situation with the economic slowdown, which is not due to the refugee presence, but more because of the war in Syria, which has led to [a decline in exports and tourism]. This has a strained both populations. Some are going more into debt—that is very critical for the Syrian refugees, and we see that within the refugee population, 90 percent of households have debt, close to a range of $900 per family. It’s the same for a number of Lebanese. So the international community is trying to address dual aspects, response and resilience, while helping both the displaced population and the communities that are impacted by the presence of refugees, as well as the services that are serving this overall population. It’s a challenge, but in Lebanon, not going to a camp situation has enabled us, instead of creating an artificial aid support that funds schooling and hospitals in camps, to help the hospitals and schools in the area. This benefitted both populations and is also a way to build solidarity.

E   It does seem, however, that in Lebanon—but also abroad as well—local populations are becoming less generous, less welcoming, and hostile even.

Yes, absolutely. One is the institutional response and, where we are, the second one is really the level of vulnerabilities. Let me identify the vulnerabilities first. Between 2014 and 2015, 50 percent of Syrian refugees were below the poverty line—now it has become 70 percent. Twenty-five percent were below the extreme poverty line, or survival line, and that is now 50 percent. And it has continued to deteriorate, but thanks to everyone’s mobilization in London and Brussels, we managed to keep people’s heads above the water, so the dramatic deteriorations have been slowed down. But it’s still happening. Refugees are sliding more and more into poverty. We’re now at 58 percent of refugees below the extreme-poverty line; more than half are at the survival line, and 75 percent are at the poverty line. The level of vulnerability has increased dramatically. The level of Lebanese vulnerability has also increased in that there is very serious unemployment because the economy is not generating jobs, and skilled jobs are not really created. There is less construction and tourism; there [are fewer] jobs in many sectors. People are going more and more into unskilled labor, and this is creating  competition between the Syrian refugees and Lebanese, and this leads to tensions.

E   Does the UNHCR have data on labor?

We know that the government estimates that for youth, there is a much higher percentage of unemployment. It’s in excess of 30 percent sometimes; for the rest of the population, it’s lower. For the refugees, what [UNHCR] estimates is that within the adult population, 30 percent are working, and they work two weeks per month on average.

E   Thirty percent of the adult refugee population is working, but are they primarily underemployed or not fully employed?

On average it is two weeks a month. The number of [refugees] that have secured a full-time job is quite rare. [At the] start the month, [refugees] don’t know how many days they will be able to work, which is extremely destabilizing, because they don’t know if they will earn enough to pay for rent. We know refugees on average pay $200 for rent, $35 to $50 for electricity, and about $30 for water per month. These are running costs no matter what. For education, the costs are covered for Syrian and Lebanese in public schools, but there are transportation costs, clothes for children, and a number of other expenditures. If a refugee works two weeks a month and the daily labor rate is about $12 per day, that will be about $177 per month.

E   Is it safe for refugees to return to their homes in Syria?

We see that the situation in Syria, there are discussions on de-escalation, and this is very encouraging. The Geneva talks were interrupted for a while, but they have resumed, and this is a good sign. At the same time, we see that in Syria we’re still in a war situation. Not that we’re waiting for a full peace agreement, but we need some certainty that whatever is discussed is going to be sustainable. When you are a refugee, and you have been through tremendous difficulty to get your family to safety—and sometimes you were displaced several times in your own country before reaching safety—you want to make sure that you don’t bring your children back to war, or to a situation where you step on a landmine. So what you need is some political dialogue that will guarantee that what is discussed is agreed upon. That will give the signal that they have safeguards, they have guarantees. For example, while we see progress, the month of September [2017] was the deadliest month of the whole conflict. In the first six months of the year, 500,000 internally displaced in Syria were able to go back to their homes, but during that period we had 1 million newly displaced people. That tells you that the context is very fluid. There is progress, there is light at the end of the tunnel for sure, and [displaced] people are watching that, the refugees are watching that, and this is what they hang [on]to everyday, because they want to go back home. Close to 90 percent of the refugee population are telling us that there is no question, they want to go back to Syria, and this is not atypical, we see that in every situation. The large majority at the end are going back. This is the main solution for them, and it’s their preference. But they are saying not immediately. At the moment, they aren’t feeling secure enough to go back. So they’re watching to see when will be the time they’ll feel secure.

E   Can Lebanon be a laboratory for testing better humanitarian and development solutions?

I’m absolutely convinced about it. We’re in the context of a humanitarian response, in a country that has a lot of [entrepreneurial] history, a lot of knowledge, a lot of skills, and we can benefit much more than we are at the moment, so we need to mobilize the energies and the focus. We have been doing a number of exercises with startups in Lebanon, we have a lot of young motivated entrepreneurs who think outside the box and give new ideas. This is welcome and the future of humanitarian responses. We have to go more; more into cash, more into innovation, more [collaboration] with the private sector.

E   Do you see progress on the issue of legal residency for refugees in 2017?

A number of people are still not renewing their residency—some of them aren’t eligible for it, and some who haven’t yet received it. This still is an issue because this is preventing people from going through checkpoints and from bringing their kids to school. A number of people are still required to go through a Lebanese sponsor—and that requires money.

E  Does not having residency impede refugees from registering marriages and childbirths?

There has recently been some legal mobilization to facilitate registration of births even if parents don’t have a legal residence, which was a big issue before. Where we are still having big difficulties is that if you pass the first year [without registering a child’s birth], then you have to go through a judicial process that is long and expensive, so people give up. If they don’t do it the first year, they usually give up because the process is too difficult for them to go through. We’re working toward seeing if that can be facilitated exceptionally because of the situation of refugees. You don’t want to leave children stateless. When people go back home, they have to go back as a family. The children of Syrian parents are Syrian and should be recognized as such, so if you have a birth with the name of the father, the father being a Syrian national, automatically the child is Syrian. So when the child gets back to Syria, it’s on record that he’s a Syrian national, and cannot be left behind.

January 18, 2018 0 comments
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CommentHuman Rights

Expanding understanding of human rights in Lebanon

by Bassam Khawaja January 17, 2018
written by Bassam Khawaja

“It’s like there’s fog across the whole town,” said Othman, a resident of Kfar Zabad in the Bekaa Valley. “We’re coughing all the time, unable to breathe, sometimes we wake up and see ash in our spit.”

Othman was describing the effects of the open burning of garbage, which takes place regularly near his home. Open burning of waste across the country is a dangerous and unreported part of Lebanon’s waste management crisis.

In December 2017 Human Rights Watch released a report on the health risks of Lebanon’s waste management crisis. We found that the open burning of solid waste at more than 150 dumps across the country poses serious health risks to nearby residents and that the authorities’ inaction to end this open burning of waste was violating their right to health. Those living near dump sites which are burned reported an array of health problems consistent with frequent and sustained inhalation of smoke. Children and older people are at particular risk and these dumps are disproportionately located in lower-income areas.

Failure to inform

The government has failed to meet other basic obligations toward residents to inform them about the impact of the crisis on their health and environment. This lack of information has taken a heavy psychological toll. In particular, parents told us they worry about the potential impact burning has on their children. There is no excuse for the government’s failure to monitor the air quality and provide this basic information to the public. People have a right to know about the health risks in their environment. They should demand it.

But burning trash is not just a health or environmental issue. Just like torture, freedom of speech, or women’s rights, it is also a human rights issue—and therefore triggers Lebanon’s obligations under international law.

Although the Universal Declaration of Human Rights splits civil and political rights (such as the right to life or freedom from torture) and economic, social, and cultural rights (such as the right to health or education) into two separate international treaties, human rights are indivisible. Rights have an equal status—no group of rights is more important than another—and the denial of one right frequently impedes the enjoyment of others.

While state obligations around civil and political rights are often absolute and immediate, states are generally required to strive for realization of economic, social, and cultural rights. This distinction is rooted in the perception that greater resources are often required to achieve such rights. But that does not give Lebanon a free pass. Both sets of rights are binding and authorities are required to show that they are taking appropriate steps to fulfill economic, social, and cultural rights.

The Lebanese government has long found hollow excuses to not fulfill these obligations, pointing to a lack of money or political instability to justify its inaction.  Lebanon’s civil war ended almost 30 years ago, and the state today has the wealth, know-how, and international support to make progress on providing education, health, and basic services. But as time passes without improvement, residents have turn to private initiatives, allowing the government to shirk its obligations. The country has settled into a cycle of low expectations and meager results when it comes to basic rights.

Work to be done

To get back on track, Lebanon needs to do more to fulfill its binding commitment to respect, protect and fulfil rights such as the right to health and education. This would encourage citizens to demand action from their government, require the government to guarantee a minimum level of protection, and introduce accountability for government failures.

The human toll of inaction is easy to see. Last year, HRW found that more than 250,000 Syrian refugee children are not going to school. Despite the efforts of the Ministry of Education, families are facing serious barriers that violate Lebanon’s obligation to provide an education in a nondiscriminatory manner.

Discrimination within Lebanon’s education system is not limited to Syrian refugees. We have also found that schools in Lebanon systematically discriminate against children with disabilities, and do not adequately accommodate them in the classroom. Although Lebanon adopted a law in 2000 guaranteeing access to inclusive education for people with disabilities, the government has done little to implement the law. Few Lebanese public and private schools offer any form of inclusive education. This, too, is a human rights issue: the exclusion of children with disabilities discriminates against them and denies them their right to an education.

Lebanon of course deserves international support as it struggles to host the highest number of refugees per capita in the world. But this is not just a humanitarian or development issue—each of these children has a right to an education. Access to free and universal primary education is so fundamental that it is immediately binding—in other words, trying to address the problem over time is not acceptable. Every week without an education harms each child who is out of school. The denial of that right will have serious consequences for the children, their families, and the future of Lebanon and Syria.

After decades of sub-par basic services and governmental intransience, there is a widespread lack of faith in the government to make progress on these issues. But in failing to move forward to fix these problems, the government is not only failing the Lebanese people and their basic needs, it is also violating its obligations under international law.

January 17, 2018 0 comments
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Since its first edition emerged on the newsstands in 1999, Executive Magazine has been dedicated to providing its readers with the most up-to-date local and regional business news. Executive is a monthly business magazine that offers readers in-depth analyses on the Lebanese world of commerce, covering all the major sectors – from banking, finance, and insurance to technology, tourism, hospitality, media, and retail.

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